Court Brown Research Articles

Analysis of primary interlocking nailing for open fractures of tibial shaft

Background: The results of closed intramedullary nailing technique are excellent for treating fractures of the tibial shaft. Court Brown reported that the time to union and infection rates were similar when open tibial fractures were treated by reamed locked intramedullary nail or an external fixator. But references regarding the results, incidence of infection, nonunion related to the specific type of open injuryare limited. Hence we decided to analyse primary interlocking nailing for open tibial fractures. Materials & Methods: All patients with open tibial fractures treated with primary interlocking nail were evaluated. Wound debridement and nailing were performed with image intensifier guidance. Static or dynamic locking was done depending upon the fracture stability. Results: 44 patients with 44 fractures were included in the study. 15 (34%) type I, 19 (43%) type II, 9 (20%) type IIIA, 1 type IIIB open fractures were treated. Reaming was done in 41 (93%) patients. Nine (20%) of the nails were dynamically locked. 95% united uneventfully except two (5%). The average time to union was 26 weeks for type I fractures, 29 weeks for type II, 34 weeks for type IIIA, 38 weeks for the type IIIB. There were three deep infections (7%). Conclusions: Primary Interlocking nailing for tibial open fractures is an excellent mode of therapy. Interlocking nailing reduces the incidence of complications like infection (7%), nonunion (5%). It is more acceptable to patients than external fixators.

Race, Genomics, and Philosophy of Science

Race, Genomics, and Philosophy of Science

Race, Genomics, and Philosophy of Science

Race, Genomics, and Philosophy of Science

The Role of Racial Socialization in Promoting the Academic Expectations of African American Adolescents: Realities in a Post-<em>Brown</em> Era

In 1954, the landmark ruling of Brown v. the Board of Education fulfilled the educational wishes of generations of African American parents, the right to an education for their children (Spencer, 2005, 2008). The legal right to equal educational opportunities for their child was the minimum expectation of parents celebrated by parents. The seminal findings from research that served an important role in the decision process of the Supreme Court were the famous 'doll study' by African American psychologists Kenneth and Mamie Phipps Clark (see Clark & Clark, 1950). Their research findings were used as evidence to the Court of the negative psychological impact of segregated school systems.Throughout history on this continent, African American parents consistently held high expectations for the education of their children. As documented in a classic work by Carter G. Woodson (1919), he demonstrated that throughout the period of enslavement, where an enslaved African was legally forbidden to read and being caught reading the basis for vicious physical punishments-African Americans found a way to 'get an education.' The famous former slave Frederick Douglass also wrote in his autobiography that although separated from his mother at a young age, he found creative ways to fulfill his mother's dream-to read (Douglass, 2004).The families and community of freed slaves continued to find ways to achieve an education despite Jim segregation and centuries of terrorism of the Ku Klux Klan. In fact, more recent scholarship emphasizes how the legacies associated with Jim segregation still exist under different mechanisms. For example, Alexander (2012) argued that the last two decades have influenced a New Jim Crow in which legalized segregation has been replaced with a penal system associated with unjust incarceration outcomes, especially for African American males. Heilig and Holme (2013) highlighted how current school segregation in Texas is reminiscent of former Jim laws in that Latino/a and African American students are exposed to the most challenging school contexts and they have the least amount of institutional supports.During the Jim era, African American parents used specific socialization strategies to prepare their children to deal with the realities of discrimination and racism (Spencer, 1982). Moving forward Black parents recognized that despite the legal gains, Black children still required additional protective childrearing techniques that are called, 'racial socialization' (Spencer, 1982, 2006). These racial socialization mechanisms acknowledged that race was and still is a social construct associated with a hierarchy of institutional racism. However, as Spencer highlighted by focusing on normal human development processes (1982, 2006, 2008), socialization is connected to normal child development (i.e., understanding children's cognitive capacities to understand social phenomena) as well as ecological contexts. For example, parents must use protective factors to socialize children until children get old enough to understand concepts such as institutional racism and discriminatory practices.Sixty years post Brown; modem African American parents continue to socialize their children to fight new forms of modem racism and discrimination within the school system and the larger community. The educational achievement gap for African American and Hispanic students, as manifested by their lower high school graduation rates is at alarmingly high rates relative to White students (National Center for Education Statistics, 2009). Additionally, African Americans and Hispanics continue to be less likely to enroll in college immediately after high school than both White and Asian Americans (Hayes, Cunningham, & Coursealt, 2006; Trusty, 2002). Spencer (2005) highlighted:The Supreme Court's Brown ruling, in striking down segregation, was supposed to create educational opportunities for African Americans that might then access given normal human developmental processes, effective competence, motivation (see deCharms, 1968, White, 1959), and achievement orientation. …

Markets in Merger Analysis

Antitrust merger policy suffers from a disconnect between its articulated concerns and the methodologies it employs. The Supreme Court has largely abandoned the field of horizontal merger analysis, leaving us with ancient decisions that have never been overruled but whose fundamental approach has been ignored or discredited. Only within the last generation has econometrics developed useful techniques for estimating the price impact of specific mergers in differentiated markets. Although the Supreme Court's Brown Shoe decision required a market definition, the Court was not thinking of a relevant market as a grouping of sales capable of being monopolized or cartelized. The perceived injury in Brown Shoe was not collusion, but rather that the postmerger firm would acquire a competitive advantage over its competitors. Indeed, Brown Shoe was a “unilateral effects” case in the sense that its concern was with the likelihood that the postmerger firm would be able to undersell other firms within the same market.

Value Neutrality andSPSSI: The Quest for Policy, Purity, and Legitimacy

I describe how the problem of “value neutrality” remained a central issue for SPSSI from the founding of the organization to the 1960s, as SPSSI leaders worked to maintain legitimacy in both scientific and public spheres. In 1930s psychology, notions of objectivity and political neutrality were intertwined in ways that produced substantial debate over SPSSI's aims. Under pressures from anticommunism and changes in public and private funding for research, the problem of neutrality intensified by the 1950s. In this new climate, the need to demonstrate value neutrality was a powerful constraint on the ability of SPSSI to respond to resurgent scientized racism after the Supreme Court Brown decision.

“I WANT TO BECOME A PART OF HISTORY”: FREEDOM SUMMER, FREEDOM SCHOOLS, AND THEFREEDOM NEWS

If we are concerned about breaking down power structure, then we have to be concerned about building our own institutions to replace old, unjust, decadent ones which make up existing power structure. --Charles Cobb, Schools Coordinator, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, 1964 (1) For many young African Americans in Mississippi, Civil Rights Movement did not enter their lives until famous Freedom campaign in 1964, a decade after U.S. Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision. (2) The most publicized aspect of Summer was voter registration drives, and people throughout nation watched on television campaign's crescendo in Atlantic City, New Jersey, in late August during Democratic National Convention. Fannie Lou Hamer, Aaron Henry, and black and white Mississippians testified before Democratic National Committee's credentials committee and protested seating of all-white delegation representing Mississippi's Democratic Party. (3) But Summer's ambitious campaign was not just about right to vote and political participation. Summer volunteers and local people sought in many ways, such as through opening of free and independent of state control. These autonomous institutions employed unique strategies and programs to educate young black Mississippians about their past and present to prepare them for a more promising future. school students took advantage of these radical sites of learning to conduct an intellectual coup against the state, which was depriving them of information and training for individual and collective liberation. (4) schools were designed not just to educate students, but to motivate and activate them. The schools provided unique opportunities for young Mississippians to participate in civil rights organizing activities. While some African American youths were involved in civil rights campaigns before Summer, they were often subject to direct reprisals for their actions in form of school suspensions and expulsions, as was case with school children participating in demonstrations in Albany, Georgia, in 1961 and 1962 and Birmingham, Alabama, in 1963. Youth activism was limited to local civil rights campaigns where students played supporting roles to adult leadership. But youths who attended freedom schools took lead in creation of school and participated in organizing activities led by civil rights workers in Mississippi. (5) school students were offered opportunity, many for first time, to enjoy literature and pursue intellectual freedom. They used newspapers to join in ongoing dialogue about meaning of freedom, full citizenship rights, and increased access to educational opportunities. Most black Mississippians were victimized by discriminatory and impoverished system of black public schooling that failed to provide sufficient resources for acquisition of basic literacy skills. Education was always important to black Mississippians, but it had been severely restricted and significantly underfunded following black political disenfranchisement in Mississippi beginning in 1875. Historian Christopher Span discussed schools opened by African Americans prior to emancipation. The freed-people in Mississippi created schools in church basements or abandoned buildings that provided important opportunities for literacy training for African American children and adults. These privately funded normally funded by church groups or philanthropic foundations, were prominent in Mississippi before end of Reconstruction, and offered employment opportunities for black teachers and a more religiously based curriculum. (6) Some schools, funded by industrial capitalists, placed restrictions on courses of study and programs offered, especially after expansion of Hampton-Tuskegee model of normal and industrial education in late 19th century. …

THE NAACP CAMPAIGN FOR TEACHERS' SALARY EQUALIZATION: AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN EDUCATORS AND THE EARLY CIVIL RIGHTS STRUGGLE

The one-hundredth anniversary of the founding of the NAACP shines a spot light on the oldest civil rights organization in the United States. Capturing the his tory of that organization has been notoriously difficult due to its multifaceted interests, campaigns, and programs, and sometimes complex levels of bureaucra cy.1 One of the most important phases of the NAACP's history came in the late 1930s and 1940s when a number of factors helped to shape its future. Led by NAACP special counsel Charles Hamilton Houston and then by his protege and successor Thurgood Marshall, the NAACP developed a legal strategy centered on attacking racial inequalities in education that culminated in its most celebrated victory, the U.S. Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education school desegrega tion decision in 1954. Yet the foundation of that legal strategy in a campaign to equalize African American teachers' salaries remains one of the most neglected aspects of the NAACP's history. Examining that campaign reveals much about the development of the NAACP's early legal strategy and especially the all too often marginalized role of African American women educators in the early civil rights movement.

DYRK1A-mediated Hyperphosphorylation of Tau

Most individuals with Down syndrome show early onset of Alzheimer disease (AD), resulting from the extra copy of chromosome 21. Located on this chromosome is a gene that encodes the dual specificity tyrosine phosphorylation-regulated kinase 1A (DYRK1A). One of the pathological hallmarks in AD is the presence of neurofibrillary tangles (NFTs), which are insoluble deposits that consist of abnormally hyperphosphorylated Tau. Previously it was reported that Tau at the Thr-212 residue was phosphorylated by Dyrk1A in vitro. To determine the physiological significance of this phosphorylation, an analysis was made of the amount of phospho-Thr-212-Tau (pT212) in the brains of transgenic mice that overexpress the human DYRK1A protein (DYRK1A TG mice) that we recently generated. A significant increase in the amount of pT212 was found in the brains of DYRK1A transgenic mice when compared with age-matched littermate controls. We further examined whether Dyrk1A phosphorylates other Tau residues that are implicated in NFTs. We found that Dyrk1A also phosphorylates Tau at Ser-202 and Ser-404 in vitro. Phosphorylation by Dyrk1A strongly inhibited the ability of Tau to promote microtubule assembly. Following this, using mammalian cells and DYRK1A TG mouse brains, it was demonstrated that the amounts of phospho-Ser-202-Tau and phospho-Ser-404-Tau are enhanced when DYRK1A amounts are high. These results provide the first in vivo evidence for a physiological role of DYRK1A in the hyperphosphorylation of Tau and suggest that the extra copy of the DYRK1A gene contributes to the early onset of AD.

Introduction: Cultural Capital and African American Education

This Special Issue of The Journal of African American History examines the role of African Americans in providing financial and other material resources for the support of public and private schools established in black communities in the United States from the antebellum era to the 1960s. Over the last three decades there have been regular reports in books, magazines, and newspaper articles describing the precarious financial conditions for urban public school systems with a majority of African American and other nonwhite student populations. Urban public school systems are dependent upon state legislators and local politicians for their funding, and as these school systems became majority black, there has been a greater unwillingness to make sure that the educational expenditures are equalized for students in urban and suburban, rich and poor school districts. The failure of state and local judges and other officials to mandate the equalization of funding for urban and suburban public school districts has m eant that public school administrators in financially strapped urban school systems, many of whom are African Americans, have eliminated many academic programs, such as art, music, science, and math programs, and most extracurricular activities; have been unable to introduce the latest forms of educational technology into the classrooms, and have been forced to hire large numbers of uncertified and underqualified teachers. This has resulted in extremely high levels of academic failure, as measured by newly mandated standardized tests, and consistently high dropout rates, particularly among African Americans and other children of color in financially depressed urban public school systems. (1) The failure of state and local officials to provide equal or even adequate funding for all-black or predominantly black public schools is not a new development in the history of African American education in the United States. In the period from the end of the Civil War to the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954 outlawing legal segregation in public education, white legislators in most of the southern states (and many northern states) also refused to utilize public expenditures to insure the equalization of funding for black and white public schooling. In fact, scholar and educator W. E. B. Du Bois, in the famous Atlanta University Studies devoted to The Negro Common School (1901) and The Common School and the Negro American (1911), pointed out that African Americans in most southern states were paying more in public taxation than they were receiving in state and local funding for separate black public schools. As a result of this situation, in the period from 1890 to 1910, southern b lack taxpayers were in effect providing the funds for the public schooling of white children. Southern white school officials consistently refused to supply adequate funding for black public education until they felt threatened by the possibility of court-mandated public school desegregation in the late 1940s and 1950s. (2) As a result of the discriminatory funding practices of white state officials, African American children throughout the country attended inadequately funded public schools from the Reconstruction era to the 1960s. Many times the resources needed for basic instruction, including blackboards, pencils, books, chairs, desks, even land and buildings, had to be supplied by members of the local black communities. In many instances, southern white public school officials were only willing to provide funds for the salary of the black elementary school teachers, who were paid much less than similarly qualified white teachers. Everything else needed for the instruction of black children had to be supplied by African Americans in the local black communities. In 1988 historian James D. Anderson in The Education of Blacks in the South, 1861-1935 pointed out that since the end of the Reconstruction era, black southerners had adapted to a structure of oppressive education by practicing double taxation. …

Letter: Chromosome constitution 47,XYY in relation to stature.

There is a well-documented connection between the number of ¥ chromosomes and the stature in males (Jacobs et al., 1965; Court Brown, 1968; Zeuthen and Nielsen, 1973; Nielsen and Christensen, 1974). From studies of consecutive series of 18 254 newborn boys in different countries as recently surveyed by Friedrieh and Nielsen (1973) the mean prevalence of boys with double ¥ was 0.12% for males with karyotype 47,XY¥. In a population s tudy of 3840 Danish conscripts (Zeuthen and Nielsen, 1973) we found 5 X Y Y males, which correlates well with the expected prevalence of 0.12% found in studies of newborn boys. The prevalence was 0.49% among those with stature 181 cm ~and 2.99% among those with stature 190 cm ~-. At the Cytogenetic Laboratory, Risskov, we have examined approximately 4000 adult males; 3 of them had stature above 200 cm (208, 205 and 208) ; 2 of those 3 had the karyotype 47,XY¥. From the statistics of stature of Danish conscripts from 1920--1966 we have calculated tha t the expected number of males aged 20~with stature above 200 cm in Denmark should be 17 ± 4. Our findings indicate tha t the prevalence of X ¥ ¥ males increases rapidly with increasing stature. We found tha t the prevalence increased from 0.12% in the general population to 0.49% for those with stature of 181 cm -~ to 2.99% for those with stature of 190 cm ~and most probably above 10% for those with stature above 200 cm.

Studies of behavior modification and juvenile delinquency: A review, methodological critique, and social perspective.

Studies of the use of behavior modification techniques with delinquent youth are reviewed according to the type of behavior to be modified: educational, program, and delinquent behavior per se. While these investigations indicate an overall pattern of positive results, the definitiveness of the conclusions is restricted by methodologica l weaknesses. Issues regarding the relevance of this literature to the area of social policy decisions, and its impact on the various social systems that affect the lives of the youth who become labeled as delinquent, are discussed. An increasing concern of contemporary society is the prevention, treatment, and control of juvenile delinquency. This concern is found in the mass media, heard in political rhetoric, and demonstrated by increased federal funding for law enforcement agencies. At the same time, social scientists have been asked to provide explanations and solutions > for the problems posed by juvenile delinquency. Their work has been concerned, among other things, with the identification of demographic, physical, and personality correlates of delinquency (Glueck & Glueck, 1970); examination of social structure as it affects the availability of legitimate goals (Merton, 1957); suggestion- of genetic predeterminants of delinquent behavior (Court Brown, 1968); exploration of the crucial role of criminal associations (Sutherland & Cressey, 1960); explanation of criminality as a result of intrapsychic conflict (Freud, 1960, originally published 1923; Munroe, 19SS); and consideration of retarded cognitive development as an important variable in the prediction of delinquent activity (Kidder, 1971). 1 Preparation of this manuscript was aided by

Chromosomal abnormalities and mental disorders.

THE almost constant concomitance of severe intellectual impairment with autosomal chromosome imbalance is well known. Mental defect is a more variable manifestation in the presence of sex chromosome anomalies. In both categories, however, the impairment of cognitive function has been the centre ofmuch attention. The initial reason for this was, no doubt, the discovery of mongolism as the first condition in man to be associated with a chromosomal disorder (Lejeune, Gautier & Turpin, 1959). Subsequently, many cytogenetic investigations have been based on populations ofthe mentally subnormal with the possible effect that attention has been focused so sharply on cognitive capacity that other aspects of mental function have been relatively neglected, in the early years at least. It is, however, not true to say that psychiatric changes, especially in the field of personality, had not been observed until recently. Psychological observations on patients with Klinefelter's syndrome were made as early as 1953 by Zublin. New interest was aroused when Court Brown (1962) drew attention to the possibility of a relationship between sex chromosome aberrations and antisocial behaviour. From a study of the histories of males with an abnormal sex chromosome complement in institutions for the mentally subnormal, he found that a high proportion were admitted to such institutions following antisocial acts such as larceny, arson and indecent exposure. Interest in this concept was greatly enhanced by the later findings of Jacobs et al. (1965) of men with a XYY sex chromosome complement who had criminal records and were detained at a State mental hospital under conditions of maximum security. This paper will be confined to psychiatric effects other than cognitive defect found in association with chromosomal disorders. Such effects if present in individuals with autosomal chromosome defects are overshadowed by gross mental subnormality. Therefore, the discussion will be confined to psychiatric effects seen in the most well-defined syndromes associated with abnormalities of the sex chromosomes.

Childhood leukaemia in Scotland, 1939-68.

Data from death certificates of 978 children who died from leukaemia in Scotland before their fifteenth birthday during 1939–68 were analysed. The main findings were the same as those reported for childhood leukaemia in England and Wales and the United States and were as follows: (1) Leukaemia mortality {principally lymphatic leukaemia) increased during the 1940's and 1950's with a slight decline during the 1960's; and (2) Mortality from lymphatic leukaemia rose to a peak at 3 to 4 years of age while mortality from myeloid and monocytic leukaemia was evenly distributed throughout the first 14 years of life. Leukaemia mortality in Scotland was lower than for the majority of countries. During the 1950's the rate was the fifth lowest for males (35 per million) and seventh lowest for females (26 per million) of 25 countries. There was no evidence of an urban-rural gradient or of seasonal variation of onset or mortality or of clustering of cases of leukaemia. Regional variations in leukaemia mortality in Scotland were not significant in contrast to a significant regional variation in leukaemia mortality for adults in Scotland observed by Court Brown et al. (1960).

A case of XX male syndrome.

At least 10 instances of XX males have been published (de la Chapelle et al., 1964, 1965; Court Brown et al., 1964; Therkelsen, 1964; Strauch et al., 1965; Lindsten et al., 1966; von Mulert, Schroter, and Wolf, 1966; Zuppinger et al., 1967; Grouchy et al., 1967). They are characterized by having a fairly normal male phenotype with a female sex chromosome constitution and are an important exception to the general belief that, in man, the presence of the Y chromosome is necessary for testicular development. Their clinical, hormonal, and histological characteristics are uniform enough, so that it is possible to speak of the XX male syndrome as a clinical entity. The present report deals with a patient showing most of the abnormalities of the above syndrome but who, contrary to other cases, has led an apparently normal life.

Correlation between stature, character disorder and criminality.

The present study of a correlation between stature of male psychiatric patients and character disorder as well as criminality has been made on the background of the findings of such a correlation in persons with the XYY syndrome by Jacobs et al. (1965), Casey et al (1966), Price et al. (1966 and 1967), Welch et al. (1967), Bardett et al. (1968), Court Brown et al (1968), Hunter (1968), Nielsen (1968) and Wiener et al. (1968), and to a certain extent also in persons with a large Y chromosome (Nielsen, 1968). These findings indicate that males with two Y chromosomes, and probably also males with a large Y chromosome, have a higher disposition to tall stature, character disorder and criminality than is found in the general male population. There might be a Y-linked inheritance of tall stature, character disorder and criminality irrespective of the size of the Y chromosome. If these hypotheses are true, one would expect to find a higher frequency of patients with character disorder and criminality among males with a stature above 181 cm. compared with males below 181 cm., and the present study has been made in order to compare the frequency of character disorder and criminality in psychiatric patients in these two stature groups.

Chromosomes and mental changes in octogenarians. Preliminary findings.

In conjunction with a longitudinal study of ageing twins (Jarvik, 1967) the opportunity arose to examine the postulated relationship between increasing aneuploidy and age (Jacobs et al., 1961, Hamerton et al. 1965, Court Brown et al., 1966). Chromosome analyses have been completed for 59 subjects, ranging in age from 77 to 93 years with a mean age of 84.5 years for the 23 men and 84.6 years for the 36 women.

Professor W. M. Court Brown, O.B.E., M.B., B.Sc., F.R.C.P.E., F.F.R.

Medical science in general, and radiation biology in particular, suffered a sad and grievous loss when Professor W. M. Court Brown died in December last at the age of 50. He was Director of the Medical Research Council Clinical and Population Cytogenetics Research Unit at the Western General Hospital, Edinburgh, a Unit which, under his direction, had developed into a leading laboratory in the comparatively new field of human cytogenetics.

W.M. Court Brown.

W.M. Court Brown.

Professor W. M. Court Brown

Professor W. M. Court Brown