Counter-hegemonic Globalization Research Articles

From Embedded Autonomy to Counter-Hegemonic Globalization: A 60-Year Adventure in Exploring Comparative Political Economy

I got hooked on sociology as a 20-year-old. Engaging with the world as a sociologist, together with colleagues, comrades, and students, has been immensely rewarding for six decades. My work has centered primarily on what were once called developing countries and now comprise the Global South. This article recounts my sociological adventures, from efforts to understand the world as I found it in the early 1960s to my responses to current reactionary trends. I start with my earlier work— Dependent Development (1979) and Embedded Autonomy (1995)—and then move to more recent efforts to construct paradigms of progressive twenty-first-century possibilities. I discuss, first, how a 21st century developmental state might incorporate deliberation and state-society synergies to expand human capabilities, and second, how an amalgam of global and national labor movements together with transnational advocacy networks might pursue a counter-hegemonic globalization capable of confronting global neoliberal capitalism.

“How to get from here to there?” – Alternative knowledge production, mobilization, and counter-hegemonic globalization

Carroll, William K. 2016. Expose, oppose, propose: alternative policy groups and the struggle for global justice. London: Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-78360-603-0. Paperback: 22.99 GBP. / Halifax: Fernwood. ISBN 978-1-55266-834-4. Paperback: 25.00 CAD. Pages: 224.
 The organic crisis of hegemonic neoliberal globalization, manifested in aggravated uneven development condensed with ecological unsustainability, requires systemic transformation towards justice globalism. William Carroll’s distinguished 4-year research project integrates network analysis with qualitative interviewing to depict a rich picture of the contribution of counter-hegemonic knowledge production and mobilisation by transnational alternative policy groups (TAPGs) to such an emancipatory alternative future. Grounded in thorough data analysis, dialogue between neo-Gramscian methodology, which recognizes the structure/agency dialectic, and the empirical, makes this book an indispensable resource for proponents of global justice as it overcomes the disempowering voluntaristic localism and anti-statism that underlies much of both mainstream and critical approaches to “progressive” social transformation.

Dis/locating Comfort Women Statues: Reflections on Colonialism and Implications for Global Art Education Critical Multicultural Art Education

In this paper, I discuss how comfort women statues can promote non-Western cultural mobilization and globalization as well as pedagogical implications. “Comfort women” is a euphemism for the girls and women who were forced into sexual servitude by the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) during WWII. By using Chandra Mohanty’s concept of the contextual understanding of cultures and Uma Narayan’s feminist methodology to dislocate cultures, I dis/locate comfort women statues in Atlanta, GA and San Francisco, CA as the grounds for a critical approach to global art education. I then suggest ways in which global art education can embody dis/located statues as renditions of counterhegemonic globalization.

La tradizione giuridica contro-egemonica in Ecuador e Bolivia

This paper aims to analyze the constitutions of Ecuador (2008) and Bolivia (2009) highlithing the legal meaning of Buen vivir, the native peoples’ cosmovision which permeates these texts. The Introduction provides an overview of the native cosmovision, which implies an armonic life of individuals, communities, and nature. Section II gives an explanation of the concept of subaltern cosmopolitan legality; in the counter-hegemonic globalization, the law is conceived in terms of revalutation of the chtonic tradition and of the extension of legal pluralism. In Section III, the meaning of traditions and the values of the counter-hegemonic legal tradition are illustrated. Section IV is devoted to the analysis of the positivization of the Andean cosmovision in the constitutions of Ecuador and Bolivia. Section V illustrates the characteristics of the new Plurinational States. An analysis is carried out with regard to the explanation of the rights conferred to the Mother Earth in Section VI. The final Section is dedicated to the illustration of the results of the comparative analysis and to the potential diffusion of the counter-hegemonic legal tradition from Ecuador and Bolivia to other legal systems.

Globalização contra-hegemônica e instituições participativas: características das cidades com orçamentos participativos no Rio Grande do Sul

The proposal of this article is to present the socioeconomic profile of cities that have accomplished participatory budgeting in Rio Grande do Sul (2009-2012). Contextualizing the analysis in the field of counter hegemonic globalization process, this research aims to discuss the characteristics of cities that implement participatory budgeting in Brazil and the development of this public policy in this country. Keywords: participatory budgeting, participatory democracy, counter hegemonic globalization, citizenship, local public policies.

Globalization, Nation-States and Imperiality: Limits and Scope of Resistance

The colossal transformation of societies and economies across the world in last few decades have brought us to a point where the globe looks many splendored. This complex interdependent world drives one to pick a frame to understand the notion of globalization. This paper shall attempt to engage with the contested phenomenon of globalization and how it has been a key factor behind capitalist, economic, and cultural interests. It is important to look at the relationship between globalization and imperialism from the standpoint of nation-states. The argument that states have become an anachronism has been enormously challenged in post 9/11 scenario. The aftermath marked by America’s military unilateralism has thrown new light on the concept of imperialism or ‘Imperiality’. At last, the paper explores the limits and scope of the resistance which calls for counter-hegemonic globalization and concludes that in the absence of precise categories and exhaustion of utopias, resistance seems short and wanting.

Potencial social y político de la planeación local y el presupuesto participativo en Medellín (Colombia) para fortalecer la democracia latinoamericana

The Medellin Local Planning and Participatory Budgeting Program (PPLPP) is presented and commended on as an innovative experience for both Colombia and the rest of Latin America, considering its integration of development planning and participatory budget (PP) through the use of regulatory, political, institutional and social means. This peculiarity distinguishes Medellin PP from other Latin American programs in similar lines, which usually tend to be interpreted from two opposing approaches: as a strategy of counter-hegemonic globalization (Santos, 2007) or as a liberal governance strategy (Goldfrank, 2006; Montecinos, 2009). To demonstrate the above, the discussion between the two perspectives of PP in Latin America is reviewed and the characteristics that make the pplpp experience novel are shown. Lkewise, the article exhibits their social and political potential to strengthen democratic stakes by enabling citizen participation in decision-making on the city budget investment, combined with the dynamism of the exercise of participatory planning to guide local development.

A Contribuição das noções de entre-lugar e de fronteira para a análise da relação entre religião e democracia

A pesquisa indica bases conceituais para análise dos espaços fronteiriços entre a presença pública das experiências inter-religiosas no Brasil e o aprofundamento da democracia. Entre os resultados da pesquisa, apresentamos bases teóricas que mostram a necessidade de uma atenção especial nas análises sociais à articulação entre a capacidade de diálogo dos grupos religiosos e os desafios em torno da democracia. Entres tais bases se destacam a noção de entre-lugar e de espaços fronteiriços, a lógica de alteridade e a dimensão ecumênica, e a relação entre religião e globalização contra-hegemônica. Os resultados da pesquisa tratam da primeira dimensão: as noções de entre-lugar e de fronteira como referenciais de análise das diferenças culturais e religiosas. Metodologicamente, a pesquisa utilizou o recurso da interação entre elementos da realidade sociorreligiosa e conceitos dos estudos culturais pós-coloniais advindos da produção teórica de Homi Bhabha e Boaventura de Souza Santos.

Pluralismo religioso, direitos humanos e democracia

<p>Apresenta os resultados de pesquisa realizada em torno de questões que emergem do quadro de pluralismo religioso e se relacionam com a temática da defesa dos direitos humanos e com aspectos em torno dos processos de aprofundamento da democracia. Metodologicamente, foi priorizado em um primeiro momento um balanço de questões que demarcam o caminho para uma teologia ecumênica das religiões, pois elas geram novas perspectivas teológicas para os temas tratados. Em seguida, destacamos (i) aspectos da tendência atual dos processos de privatização das experiências religiosas, com a premissa que tais aspectos não favorecem a relação religião e direitos humanos, e (ii) as relações entre teologia ecumênica e direitos humanos, privilegiando o diálogo com a noção de globalização contra-hegemônica, de Boaventura de Souza Santos Entre os resultados da pesquisa, destacamos bases teóricas que mostram que faz-se necessária para a teologia das religiões uma atenção especial à articulação entre a capacidade de diálogo dos grupos religiosos e os desafios em torno da defesa dos direitos humanos. Também indicamos que uma espiritualidade ecumênica que emerge do pluralismo religioso terá como valor a dimensão de alteridade e isso incidirá nos processos religiosos e sociais, favorecendo perspectivas utópicas, democráticas e doadoras de sentido.</p>

The Politics of Space in the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America–Peoples' Trade Agreement (ALBA–TCP): Transnationalism, the Organized Society, and Counter-Hegemonic Governance

This article shows that counter to the common representation of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America–Peoples' Trade Agreement (ALBA–TCP) as simply a bloc of nation-states, the initiative in fact constitutes a counter-hegemonic globalization project that operates through inter- and transnational processes across a range of (spatial) scales, from the local to the global. I draw on John Agnew's notion of the ‘territorial trap’ and theories of regionalism and globalization to analyse the transnational and pluri-scalar construction of the ALBA–TCP in Nicaragua (2004–2007) and El Salvador (2004–2010), to argue that the mobilization and empowerment gains associated with these processes are an important element in the construction of what is referred to as the ‘organized society’. As a politics of place, space and scale, the ALBA–TCP governance regime is sketched out, in which an emergent transnationally organized society integrates via the ALBA–TCP Council of Social Movements in the quest for progressive regional and global transformation. Este artículo muestra que contrario a la representación común de la Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América—Tratado de Comercio de los Pueblos (ALBA—TCP, por sus siglas en inglés) como un simple bloque de estados nación, de hecho, la iniciativa constituye un proyecto contra la globalización hegemónica que opera a través de procesos inter y trasnacionales, a través de un rango de escalas (espaciales) desde lo local hasta lo global. Partí de la noción de John Agnew sobre la ‘trampa territorial’ y la las teorías sobre el regionalismo y la globalización para analizar la construcción trasnacional y pluriescalar del ALBA—TCP en Nicaragua (2004—2007) y en el Salvador (2004—2010) para argüir que las ganancias en movilización y empoderamiento asociadas con estos procesos, son un elemento importante en la construcción de lo se refiere como ‘la sociedad organizada’. Como política de espacio y escala, se esboza el régimen de gobernanza ALBA—TCP, en el cual una sociedad organizada trasnacionalmente emergente, se integra a través del Consejo de Movimientos Sociales de la ALBA—TCP, en la búsqueda de una transformación global y regional progresiva. 美洲人民玻利瓦尔联盟-美洲国家贸易协定（ALBA- TCP）通常被视为一个简单的国家集团，本文认为，与此相反，该倡议实际上变成了一个反对霸权的全球化项目，它的运作空间贯穿于国家间到跨国、从地方到全球。本文借鉴了约翰·阿格纽的“领土陷阱”概念及地区主义和全球化理论，分析了ALBA-TCP在尼加拉瓜（2004-2007）和萨尔瓦多（2004 2010）的跨国和多变量建构，论证了与这些进程相关的动员和赋权收益是建构所谓“有组织社会”的重要因素之一。ALBA- TCP是一种有自身空间和尺度的政治活动，本文对这一治理机制进行了概述。在追求进步的地区和全球变化的过程中，通过ALBA-TCP社会运动理事会，一种新兴的跨国有组织社会整合产生了。 이 글은 단순히 국가 블록으로서 ‘우리 아메리카 민중의 무역 협정을 위한 볼리비아 동맹’(ALBA-TCP)의 공통적인 대표성에 대한 반대가 실제로 지역에서 세계로 국가 내 그리고 국가 간 지역 범위를 가로 지르는 반 헤게모니적인 세계화를 구성한다는 것을 보여준다. 존 애그뉴(John Agnew)의 ‘경계적 함정(territorial trap)’ 개념과 지역주의와 세계화 이론을 끌어 들여, 니카라과(2004-2007)와 엘살바도르(2004-2010)에서 ALBA-TCP을 만들기 위한 초국가적 여러 스칼라(scalar)의 구축 작업을 분석한다. 이 분석을 통해서 이 과정과 결합된 동원과 권능화의 성과가 동원과 ‘조직된 사회(organized society)’라고 일컬어지는 사회의 구축에 중요한 요소라는 것이라는 점을 주장한다. 공간과 스칼라의 정치로서 ALBA-TCP 거버넌스 레짐이 다루어진다. ALBA-TCP 레짐 속에서 진보적인 지역적, 지구적 전환을 전환을 추구하는 ALBA-TCP 사회운동위원회를 통해서 새롭게 발현되는 초국가적으로 조직된 사회가 통합된다.

Is an Alternative Globalization Possible?

Building on Polanyi's concept of the “double-movement” through which society defends itself against domination by the self-regulating market, this article sets out some key organizational and ideological hurdles that the contemporary “movement of movements” must surmount to challenge the hegemony of neo-liberal globalization. After outlining neo-liberalism's failures, it makes an argument for the possibility of “counter-hegemonic globalization,” defined as a globally organized project of transformation aimed at replacing the dominant (hegemonic) global regime with one that maximizes democratic political control and makes the equitable development of human capabilities and environmental stewardship its priorities.

Pressões da globalização e a resposta criadora

Este artigo aborda a globalização como um complexo processo de institucionalização e examina o potencial da teoria institucional na elucidação das características do fenômeno, em especial, na forma específica como se manifesta nas regiões periféricas. Distingue-se uma globalização hegemônica, que se realiza como difusão institucional a partir dos países cêntricos, de uma globalização contra-hegemônica, constituída de respostas estratégicas de baixo para cima. Com uma síntese entre o "velho" e o "novo" institucionalismos na vertente organizacional, a teoria institucional parece habilitar-se a contextualizar o processo em sua dualidade local/global. Argumenta-se, no entanto, que por excessivo apego à idéia da tendência normal ao equilíbrio, essa teoria encontra dificuldades para lidar com os aspectos dinâmicos do fenômeno, particularmente, os que envolvem conflito e mudança de valores. Embora as alternativas de resposta consideradas por Oliver (1991) incluam variadas formas de resistência contra a conformidade às pressões exógenas, este estudo defende, a exemplo de Zimmerman e Zeitz (2002), uma tipologia ampliada de respostas estratégicas. Com a inclusão da resposta da criação, essa tipologia parece espelhar melhor os contrastantes processos da globalização, inclusive, os que implicam mudanças fundamentais no próprio ambiente.

The Role of Law in Counter-hegemonic Globalization and Global Legal Pluralism: Lessons from the Narmada Valley Struggle in India

The multiplication of legal orders is characteristic of what one could call an age of globalization and counter-hegemonic globalization. In this age, the relationship between international law and other normative orders is increasingly important. The dominant disciplinary frameworks that provide explanations of such a relationship are focused on compliance with and/or the effectiveness of international norms in domestic legal orders and are derived from international relations. In this article, I examine the limits and possibilities of such approaches through a case study of the use of law (at multiple levels) by one of India's most prominent social movements, the Narmada Bachao Andolan (Save the Narmada). The article argues that the use of law by a social movement is a concrete instance of counter-hegemonic globalization in which international law is one of many different legal orders, a situation of global legal pluralism, in which it is impossible to tell in advance which normative order will best advance cosmopolitan goals such as human rights.

Nuestra America

According to Hegel, universal history goes from the East to the West. This idea underlies the dominant conception of the 20th century as the European American Century. In this article, I submit that there has been another, subaltern 20th century, the Nuestra AmericaAmerican Century. The European American Century carries into the new millennium its empirical arrogance in the form of neoliberal globalization; the Nuestra AmericaAmerican Century, to be reinvented, bears the seeds of counter-hegemonic globalization. Counter-hegemonic globalization is understood as a set of transnational alliances and struggles focused on the dynamic equilibrium between the principle of equality and the principle of difference. The article identifies five main themes in which the clash between the two alternative globalizations will occur in the next decades.

Fighting Marginalization with Transnational Networks: Counter-Hegemonic Globalization

The dominant features of contemporary globalization the reorganization of production at the global level and the disproportionate growth of trade and finance that crosses national borders-continues a nineteenth-century trajectory temporarily derailed by two world wars and a depression. But it was not only the global aspirations of the Rothschilds that smashed up against World War I. Progressive dreams that the oppressed and exploited might create alliances across national boundaries went even more thoroughly awry. Why shouldn't the burgeoning growth of communication and movement across national boundaries create new global strategies aimed at well-being and equity at the same time that it stimulates transnational finance and trade? The global rules and networks currently being constructed around the interests of transnational corporations (particularly financial ones) are hegemonic in two ways: First, they are dominant in their ability to provide material rewards and impose sanctions (including coercion). Second, and equally important, they are ideologically dominant. They are surprisingly successful in portraying specific defini-