Consonantal Context Research Articles

Greek-Cypriot learners’ perception and production of L2 English vowels

Acquiring L2 segments is particularly challenging for L2 learners, especially when the L1 and L2 inventories involve different contrasts and acoustic cues. The present research investigated the perception and production of L2 English vowels by adult Greek-Cypriot learners and examined the effects of orthographic cues and consonantal context in their performance. Perceptual performance was assessed through a forced-choice identification task and production performance through a wordlist-reading and an elicitation task, both analyzed acoustically and through intelligibility ratings. The findings showed the influence of the L1 on both the perception and production of L2 segments, supporting the assumptions of current models of speech perception and production. Learners faced challenges in perceiving the members of L2 contrasts and mostly used their L1 articulatory routines in their productions of L2 vowels. Orthographic cues or consonantal context did not significantly affect learners’ productions or overall perception, although strong contextual effects were observed in individual target vowels. This study is the first to provide an in-depth comparison of CYG and English vowels as well as an examination of the acquisition of L2 English vowels by this population, which can guide EFL teachers and course developers in developing appropriate EFL curricula that incorporate pronunciation instruction.

Articulatory and acoustic dynamics of fronted back vowels in American English.

Fronting of the vowels /u, ʊ, o/ is observed throughout most North American English varieties, but has been analyzed mainly in terms of acoustics rather than articulation. Because an increase in F2, the acoustic correlate of vowel fronting, can be the result of any gesture that shortens the front cavity of the vocal tract, acoustic data alone do not reveal the combination of tongue fronting and/or lip unrounding that speakers use to produce fronted vowels. It is furthermore unresolved to what extent the articulation of fronted back vowels varies according to consonantal context and how the tongue and lips contribute to the F2 trajectory throughout the vowel. This paper presents articulatory and acoustic data on fronted back vowels from two varieties of American English: coastal Southern California and South Carolina. Through analysis of dynamic acoustic, ultrasound, and lip video data, it is shown that speakers of both varieties produce fronted /u, ʊ, o/ with rounded lips, and that high F2 observed for these vowels is associated with a front-central tongue position rather than unrounded lips. Examination of time-varying formant trajectories and articulatory configurations shows that the degree of vowel-internal F2 change is predominantly determined by coarticulatory influence of the coda.

Modeling vowel-inherent spectral change in varying consonant context

A wide variety of experimental evidence has shown that vowel inherent spectral change (VISC) is important in vowel identification. This evidence is drawn from production data, statistical pattern recognition, and perceptual experiments with both synthetic or manipulated naturally produced speech. Experimental studies often consider vowels in a constant consonant context which makes it difficult to factor out context effects from the VISC itself. In order to examine the magnitude of these consonant effects, we developed a statistical procedure inspired by Broad and Clermont [(2014). J. Phon. 47, 47–80] in which vowel formant frequencies are approximated by a linear combination of vowel and consonant influences which vary as a function of time. Vowels extracted from a database of both spontaneous and read speech were analyzed to produce context-normalized vowel-formant tracks. Results show that vowel formant frequencies vary systematically across their duration in both spontaneous and read speech and that all consonants in both onset and coda position show significant effects on vowel production across their entire duration. Although these formant patterns are seemingly complex, perceptual evidence suggests that listeners may only attend to onsets and offsets and that deviations from a straight-line interpolation between onset and offset must be relatively large for listeners to discriminate them.

Dynamic specification of vowels in Hijazi Arabic.

Research on various languages shows that dynamic approaches to vowel acoustics- in particular Vowel-Inherent Spectral Change (VISC)- can play a vital role in characterising and classifying monophthongal vowels compared with a static model. This study's aim was to investigate whether dynamic cues also allow for better description and classification of the Hijazi Arabic (HA) vowel system, a phonological system based on both temporal and spectral distinctions. Along with static and dynamic F1 and F2 patterns, we evaluated the extent to which vowel duration, F0, and F3 contribute to increased/decreased discriminability among vowels. Data were collected from 20 native HA speakers (10 females and 10 males) producing eight HA monophthongal vowels in a word list with varied consonantal contexts. Results showed that dynamic cues provide further insights regarding HA vowels that are not normally gleaned from static measures alone. Using discriminant analysis, the dynamic cues (particularly the seven-point model) had relatively higher classification rates, and vowel duration was found to play a significant role as an additional cue. Our results are in line with dynamic approaches and highlight the importance of looking beyond static cues and beyond the first twoformants for further insights into the description and classification of vowel systems.

Is secondary stress phonetically real for second-language learners? Evidence from Japanese-accented English

Speakers of a non-stress language such as Japanese often have difficulty producing lexical stress distinctions in languages such as English. Distinguishing primary-stressed versus unstressed syllables may be difficult, but distinctions involving secondary stress may be even more challenging. Some studies report that Japanese learners of English (JE) do not distinguish secondary-stressed and unstressed syllables in terms of vowel duration and quality whereas native American English speakers (AE) do. However, the data are limited and inconclusive. To resolve this issue, the present study asked AE and two groups of JE differing in English proficiency to produce 83 English words that exhibit stress shift, e.g., phótogràph-phòtográphic-photógraphy and conducted acoustic analysis of vowels in corresponding positions, which have the same consonantal context but differ in stress level. Preliminary results indicate that JE frequently produce devoiced vowels in unstressed syllables, particularly in phonetic environments similar to where devoicing occurs in Japanese. Devoicing, however, does not seem to occur in secondary-stressed syllables, suggesting that JE might distinguish secondary-stressed and unstressed syllables with respect to devoicing. Results from duration and formant analysis will also be reported and discussed in relation to theories of native-language influences on second-language speech learning. [Work supported by JSPS.]

Gestural timing in naïve listener imitation of Cantonese vowels

Studies of nonnative vowel production have analyzed sounds predominantly in terms of acoustics, while the underlying articulatory gestures, as well as their timing, remain understudied. This study examines nonnative production of backness and rounding contrasts in the Cantonese vowel sets /i y u/ and /ɛ œ ɔ/. 15 native Cantonese speakers and 15 native English speakers participated. Native English speakers read a list of English words containing the vowels [i u ɪ ʊ e o ɛ ɔ], and then imitated Cantonese words containing [i y u ɪ ʊ ɛœ ɵ ɔ], presented auditorily. L1 Cantonese speakers produced the same set of Cantonese words, presented orthographically. Dynamic acoustic, ultrasound, and lip video data were collected and analyzed using GAMMs. In L1 Cantonese, target tongue and lip positions are achieved at vowel onset and maintained throughout the vowel duration, yielding acoustically monophthongal vowels. In contrast, L1 English [u, o] exhibit peak rounding during the vowel offglide, while magnitude of tongue and F2 displacement vary according to consonantal context. Lip gestures show similar late timing in non-native imitations of Cantonese [y, u], yielding English-like F2 trajectories, although the two vowels differed in tongue position. These results suggest that acoustically non-native-like vowel productions may result in part from transfer of L1 gestural timing. [Work supported by Hong Kong RGC, No. 27614421.]

Same vowels but different contrasts: Mandarin listeners’ perception of English /ei/-/iː/ in unfamiliar phonotactic contexts

The study presented here examines how adult L2 listeners’ L1 phonotactics interferes with L2 vowel perception in different consonantal contexts. We examined Mandarin listeners’ perception of the English /ei/-/iː/ vowel contrast in three onset consonantal contexts, /p f w/, which represent different phonotactic scenarios with respect to the permissibility of Mandarin phonology. L1 Mandarin listeners (N = 42) completed a series of three tasks: a categorisation task, a vowel identification task, and an AXB discrimination task. The results show that English /ei/-/iː/ are perceived as highly contrastive in the /p/ context because both /pei/ and /piː/ constitute a licit sequence in Mandarin phonology. However, participants experience substantial /ei/-/iː/ category confusion in the /f/ and /w/ contexts, where Mandarin listeners repair perceptually by modifying the vowel quality in illicit (unattested) consonant–vowel sequences, i.e., */fiː/ → /fei/ and */wiː/ → /wei/. Further exploratory analyses indicate that L2 listeners’ vowel perception in unfamiliar phonotactic contexts is associated with their target language experience, typically indicated by their L2 vocabulary size. The findings thus suggest that the acquisition of novel phonotactic regularities is tied to increased experience with the L2 lexicon.

Nasal Assimilation in Standard Arabic With Reference To English/ A Phonological Analysis

The present study deals with nasal consonants in modern standard Arabic . Modern standard Arabic ; that is used by broadcasters, newspapers and also used in Arabic movies. The study concentrates on nasal consonant manner in connected speech . The study hypothesizes that : (1) Arabic nasals are highly-sensitive i.e. they are liable to be assimilated in place to the following non nasal consonants . (2) Nasal assimilation in nasal consonants (NC )sequences is always regressive. (3) Variants of nasals are highly expected in Arabic.
 The conclusions show that Arabic nasals consonant especially /n/ is very much influenced by the feature of place of the consonant that follows. Consequently , different variants of /n/ occur as a result of regressive assimilation in nasal consonant ( NC) contexts. Thus, variants such as ]ɱ[ ,] ɲ[ ,] ṉ[ and ]ɴ[are frequent in the connected speech of Modern Standard Arabic speakers. In addition, the study confirms the universality of the linear phonological rules of assimilation.

한국어 화자의 영어모음 인지동화에 영향을 미치는 요인에 대한 연구

The purpose of this study was to explore the assimilation of English and Korean vowels depending on the degree of word familiarity and adjacent consonantal context. 30 Korean-speaking adults participated in the assimilation experiment of English vowels in bVt and bVb context into Korean and the evaluation of the word familiarity. The R statistics was used for data analysis. Statistical analysis showed that the assimilation pattern of /e/, /ɛ/, /ʌ/, /ɑ/ and /ɔ/ into Korean had meaningful significance. The findings of data analysis showed that 1) the assimilation patterns of English high vowel /e/ revealed the influence of place of articulation of the following consonants, 2) /ɛ/, /ʌ/, /ɑ/ and /ɔ/ presented in more familiar words had a tendency of being assimilated into one specific Korean vowel, and 3) /ɑ/ and /ɔ/ were considered to be influenced not only by the word familiarity but also by the merger of /ɑ/ and /ɔ/ in American English. Lastly, instructional implications for the classroom and suggestions for further study were also discussed.

Partial compensation for coarticulatory vowel nasalization across concatenative and neural text-to-speech.

This study investigates the perception of coarticulatory vowel nasality generated using different text-to-speech (TTS) methods in American English. Experiment 1 compared concatenative and neural TTS using a 4IAX task, where listeners discriminated between a word pair containing either both oral or nasalized vowels and a word pair containing one oral and one nasalized vowel. Vowels occurred either in identical or alternating consonant contexts across pairs to reveal perceptual sensitivity and compensatory behavior, respectively. For identical contexts, listeners were better at discriminating between oral and nasalized vowels in neural than in concatenative TTS for nasalized same-vowel trials, but better discrimination for concatenative TTS was observed for oral same-vowel trials. Meanwhile, listeners displayed less compensation for coarticulation in neural than in concatenative TTS. To determine whether apparent roboticity of the TTS voice shapes vowel discrimination and compensation patterns, a "roboticized" version of neural TTS was generated (monotonized f0 and addition of an echo), holding phonetic nasality constant; a ratings study (experiment 2) confirmed that the manipulation resulted in different apparent roboticity. Experiment 3 compared the discrimination of unmodified neural TTS and roboticized neural TTS: listeners displayed lower accuracy in identical contexts for roboticized relative to unmodified neural TTS, yet the performances in alternating contexts were similar.

Investigating Gender Differences in Iranian EFL Learners' Rounded Vowels

The present study investigated the gender differences in producing all English rounded vowels /u:/, /ɔ:/, /ʊ/ and /o/ in Iranian EFL learners' speech in comparison with native ones. Sixty Iranian EFL learners including 30 males and 30 females were selected as the participants of this study. Oxford proficiency test (OPT, 2001) was conducted in order to ensure the learners were truly homogenous with regard to their English proficiency level. All learners were right-handed, Persian monolingual native speakers with no brain injuries, hearing or visual problems that interfered with their performance in the test. Four words containing English round vowels with CVC syllable structure were selected and put inside the carrier sentence ''Say......please''. In fact, each learner uttered the carrier sentences separately. Via PRAAT software (win 64), the voices of the participants were recorded and analyzed for obtaining the first and the second formants (F1 and F2) of each vowel. The obtained data from male and female speeches were compared to each other to find their differences. The results showed in F2 values, there were gender differences considering the consonantal context. This study demonstrated that for males, the degree of backness of vowel /u:/ was less than that of vowel /ɔ:/, but for females it was vice versa. For both vowels, male's mean F1 was lower than female's mean F1 and male's mean F2 was higher than female's mean F2. The present study showed gender differences in producing English rounded vowels. So, the results can be used in classes which contain only one gender. The findings of this study can bring about some pedagogical implications for teaching English diphthongs, triphthongs and English rounded vowels.

Variation in the articulation of Russian stressed vowels and the mechanics of palatalization in consonants

A 3D/4D ultrasound study of Russian stressed vowels in the context of ‘soft’ (phonetically palatalized or palatal) versus ‘hard’ consonants reveals that vowels in these two contexts differ systematically in terms of the position of the tongue root while the tongue dorsum is less consistently modified depending on the speaker, vowel or consonant context. This paper proposes that the observed vowel allophony, as well as the softness contrast in Russian consonants, and the contrast between front and central high vowels, are all defined in terms of the feature [ATR].

Musical Hearing and Musical Experience in Second Language English Vowel Acquisition.

Purpose Former studies suggested that music perception can help produce certain accentual features in the first and second language (L2), such as intonational contours. What was missing in many of these studies was the identification of the exact relationship between specific music perception skills and the production of different accentual features in a foreign language. Our aim was to verify whether empirically tested musical hearing skills can be related to the acquisition of English vowels by learners of English as an L2 before and after a formal accent training course. Method Fifty adult Polish speakers of L2 English were tested before and after a two-semester accent training in order to observe the effect of musical hearing on the acquisition of English vowels. Their L2 English vowel formant contours produced in consonant-vowel-consonant context were compared with the target General British vowels produced by their pronunciation teachers. We juxtaposed these results with their musical hearing test scores and self-reported musical experience to observe a possible relationship between successful L2 vowel acquisition and musical aptitude. Results Preexisting rhythmic memory was reported as a significant predictor before training, while musical experience was reported as a significant factor in the production of more native-like L2 vowels after training. We also observed that not all vowels were equally acquired or affected by musical hearing or musical experience. The strongest estimate we observed was the closeness to model before training, suggesting that learners who already managed to acquire some features of a native-like accent were also more successful after training. Conclusions Our results are revealing in two aspects. First, the learners' former proficiency in L2 pronunciation is the most robust predictor in acquiring a native-like accent. Second, there is a potential relationship between rhythmic memory and L2 vowel acquisition before training, as well as years of musical experience after training, suggesting that specific musical skills and music practice can be an asset in learning a foreign language accent.

Respect the surroundings: Effects of phonetic context variability on infants' learning of minimal pairs.

Fourteen-month-olds' ability to distinguish a just learned word, /buːk/, from its minimally different word, /duːk/, was assessed under two pre-exposure conditions: one where /b, d/-initial forms occurred in a varying vowel context and another where the vowel was fixed but the final consonant varied. Infants in the experiments benefited from the variable vowel but not from the variable final consonant context, suggesting that vowel variability but not all kinds of variability are beneficial. These results are discussed in the context of time-honored observations on the vowel-dependent nature of place of articulation cues for consonants.

The Influence of Vowel Identity, Vowel Production Variability, and Consonant Environment on Envelope Following Responses.

The vowel-evoked envelope following response (EFR) is a useful tool for studying brainstem processing of speech in natural consonant-vowel productions. Previous work, however, demonstrates that the amplitude of EFRs is highly variable across vowels. To clarify factors contributing to the variability observed, the objectives of the present study were to evaluate: (1) the influence of vowel identity and the consonant context surrounding each vowel on EFR amplitude and (2) the effect of variations in repeated productions of a vowel on EFR amplitude while controlling for the consonant context. In Experiment 1, EFRs were recorded in response to seven English vowels (/ij/, /Ι/, /ej/, /ε/, /æ/, /u/, and /JOURNAL/earher/04.03/00003446-202105000-00017/inline-graphic1/v/2021-04-30T105427Z/r/image-tiff/) embedded in each of four consonant contexts (/hVd/, /sVt/, /zVf/, and /JOURNAL/earher/04.03/00003446-202105000-00017/inline-graphic2/v/2021-04-30T105427Z/r/image-tiffVv/). In Experiment 2, EFRs were recorded in response to four different variants of one of the four possible vowels (/ij/, /ε/, /æ/, or /JOURNAL/earher/04.03/00003446-202105000-00017/inline-graphic3/v/2021-04-30T105427Z/r/image-tiff/), embedded in the same consonant-vowel-consonant environments used in Experiment 1. All vowels were edited to minimize formant transitions before embedding in a consonant context. Different talkers were used for the two experiments. Data from a total of 30 and 64 (16 listeners/vowel) young adults with normal hearing were included in Experiments 1 and 2, respectively. EFRs were recorded using a single-channel electrode montage between the vertex and nape of the neck while stimuli were presented monaurally. In Experiment 1, vowel identity had a significant effect on EFR amplitude with the vowel /æ/ eliciting the highest amplitude EFRs (170 nV, on average), and the vowel /ej/ eliciting the lowest amplitude EFRs (106 nV, on average). The consonant context surrounding each vowel stimulus had no statistically significant effect on EFR amplitude. Similarly in Experiment 2, consonant context did not influence the amplitude of EFRs elicited by the vowel variants. Vowel identity significantly altered EFR amplitude with /ε/ eliciting the highest amplitude EFRs (104 nV, on average). Significant, albeit small, differences (<21 nV, on average) in EFR amplitude were evident between some variants of /ε/ and /u/. Based on a comprehensive set of naturally produced vowel samples in carefully controlled consonant contexts, the present study provides additional evidence for the sensitivity of EFRs to vowel identity and variations in vowel production. The surrounding consonant context (after removal of formant transitions) has no measurable effect on EFRs, irrespective of vowel identity and variant. The sensitivity of EFRs to nuances in vowel acoustics emphasizes the need for adequate control and evaluation of stimuli proposed for clinical and research purposes.

Perceptuomotor compatibility effects in vowels: Effects of consonantal context and acoustic proximity of response and distractor.

In a cue-distractor task, speakers' response times (RTs) were found to speed up when they perceived a distractor syllable whose vowel was identical to the vowel in the syllable they were preparing to utter. At a more fine-grained level, subphonemic congruency between response and distractor-defined by higher number of shared phonological features or higher acoustic proximity-was also found to be predictive of RT modulations. Furthermore, the findings indicate that perception of vowel stimuli embedded in syllables gives rise to robust and more consistent perceptuomotor compatibility effects (compared to isolated vowels) across different response-distractor vowel pairs.

A descriptive account of the Quebec French diphthong fête

Diphthongization has a long history in Quebec French. In this variety, lengthened vowels have the potential to be diphthongized. However, one vowel stands out, as it is always long and seems particularly inclined to be diphthongal: the fête vowel. While it has been much studied over the years, some uncertainties remain in the literature, especially whether length or quality primarily distinguishes it and which phonetic transcription appropriately reflects the way Quebec French speakers pronounce it today. This study addresses these issues by drawing a parallel between acoustic properties of the fête vowel and those of other vowels produced in similar consonantal contexts by 52 native speakers of Quebec French. After analyzing 8866 tokens, we present a descriptive account of their relative duration, location in F1/F2 planes and spectral changes. The results show that fête is, in fact, acoustically distinct, but more in terms of the spectral changes that occur than its duration. Its first two formants extensively shift between 25% and 75% of its duration, with a substantial F2 increase and F1 decrease. In F1/F2 planes, fête has onset values similar to /a/ and offset values similar to /ɛ/. Therefore, we argue that the two most commonly used phonological transcriptions for this singular vowel, /ɜ/ and /ɛː/, present some problems and do not capture its characterizing features. Drawing on our results and the IPA vowel chart, we suggest a more accurate symbol.

Acquisition and Acoustic Patterns of Southern American English /l/ in Young Children.

Purpose The aim of the current study was to examine /l/ developmental patterns in young learners of Southern American English, especially in relation to the effect of word position and phonetic contexts. Method Eighteen children with typically developing speech, aged between 2 and 5 years, produced monosyllabic single words containing singleton /l/ in different word positions (pre- vs. postvocalic /l/) across different vowel contexts (high front vs. low back) and cluster /l/ in different consonant contexts (/pl, bl/ vs. /kl, gl/). Each production was analyzed for its accuracy and acoustic patterns as measured by the first two formant frequencies and their difference (F1, F2, and F2-F1). Results There was great individual variability in /l/ acquisition patterns, with some 2- and 3-year-olds reaching 100% accuracy for prevocalic /l/, while others were below 70%. Overall, accuracy of prevocalic /l/ was higher than that of postvocalic /l/. Acoustic patterns of pre- and postvocalic /l/ showed greater differences in younger children and less apparent differences in 5-year-olds. There were no statistically significant differences between the acoustic patterns of /l/ coded as perceptually acceptable and those coded as misarticulated. There was also no apparent effect of vowel and consonant contexts on /l/ patterns. Conclusion The accuracy patterns of this study suggest an earlier development of /l/, especially prevocalic /l/, than has been reported in previous studies. The differences in acoustic patterns between pre- and postvocalic /l/, which become less apparent with age, may suggest that children alter the way they articulate /l/ with age. No significant acoustic differences between acceptable and misarticulated /l/, especially postvocalic /l/, suggest a gradient nature of /l/ that is dialect specific. This suggests the need for careful consideration of a child's dialect/language background when studying /l/.

Vocalic activation width decreases across childhood: Evidence from carryover coarticulation

This study is the first to use kinematic data to assess lingual carryover coarticulation in children. We investigated whether the developmental decrease previously attested in anticipatory coarticulation, as well as the relation between coarticulatory degree and the consonantal context, also characterize carryover coarticulation. Sixty-two children and 13 adults, all native speakers of German, were recruited according to five age cohorts: three-year-olds, four-year-olds, five-year-olds, seven-year-olds, and adults. Tongue movements during the production of ə.CV.Cə utterances (C = /b, d, g/, V = /i, y, e, a, o, u/) were recorded with ultrasound. We measured vowel-induced horizontal displacement of the tongue dorsum within the last syllable and compared the resulting coarticulatory patterns between age cohorts and consonantal contexts. Results indicate that the degree of vocalic carryover coarticulation decreases with age. Vocalic prominence within an utterance as well as its change across childhood depended on the postvocalic consonant’s articulatory demands for the tongue dorsum (i.e., its coarticulatory resistance): Low resistant /b/ and /g/ allowed for more vocalic perseveration and a continuous decrease, while the highly resistant /d/ displayed lower coarticulation degrees and discontinuous effects. These findings parallel those in anticipation suggesting a similar organization of anticipatory and carryover coarticulation. Implications for theories of speech production are discussed.

Partial perceptual compensation for nasal coarticulation is robust to fundamental frequency variation.

Listeners show better-than-chance discrimination of nasalized and oral vowels occurring in appropriate consonantal contexts. Yet, the methods for investigating partial perceptual compensation for nasal coarticulation often include nasal and oral vowels containing naturally different pitch contours. Listeners may therefore be discriminating between these vowels based on pitch differences and not nasalization. The current study investigates the effect of pitch variation on the discrimination of nasalized and oral vowels in C_N and C_C items. The f0 contour of vowels within paired discrimination trials was varied. The results indicate that pitch variation does not influence patterns of partial perceptual compensation for coarticulation.