Conservative Political Ideology Research Articles

Right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance, system justification, and conservative political ideology as predictors of mental health stigma: The Hungarian case.

Insights from mental health stigma research indicate the importance of societal and political views on mental health perceptions. Most studies originate from typical Western neo-liberal settings and focus on generic mental health issues. Our research explores these associations in Hungary, an understudied post-communist context with significant stigma levels, examining a broad range of stigmas related to both general and three specific mental illnesses: schizophrenia, depression, and alcohol use disorder (AUD). The study aims to connect a wide array of political dispositions to stigma associated with both general and specific mental illnesses, exploring both attitudes and behavioral intentions. We surveyed 492 participants (147 males, 342 females) on their political dispositions, including Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), general and economic system justification, and conservative political ideology, and their attitudes toward general and specific mental illnesses. Regression analyses identified key political dispositions influencing stigma. RWA was significantly linked to most stigma outcomes, while conservative political ideology showed a selective impact. Other predictors had minimal influence on stigma outcomes. Our findings suggest that perceptions of danger, threat, and unconventionality, as indicated by RWA, are crucial for mental health stigmatization in Hungary. Intervention programs should target these factors, particularly in similar contexts.

Sociopolitical Trends and Attitudes Towards Transgender People: A Validation Study of the Transgender Knowledge, Attitudes, and Beliefs (T-KAB) Scale in a Portuguese Sample

Abstract Introduction Attitudes towards transgender and gender diverse (TGD) individuals are associated with discrimination against TGD people and underly TGD minority stress. Despite Portugal’s progressive legal framework, anti-trans interactions and discourse are reported. Nonetheless, studies on trans attitudes are still incipient in Portugal. The Transgender Knowledge, Attitudes, and Beliefs (T-KAB) scale is a psychometrically sound measure of transgender attitudes. However, its convergent validity with transphobia is yet to be tested, and its ability to study sociopolitical factors driving pro-trans attitudes is unexplored. Methods We explored the psychometric properties of the European Portuguese version of T-KAB in an online collected (February 2022 to May 2022) sample of Portuguese adults (N = 447), and tested differences (ANOVA; t-test) in T-KAB according to sociopolitical factors. Results Results from the Principal Axis Factoring and Parallel Analysis showed a two-factor measure of acceptance, comfort, and social tolerance towards trans people. Both factors presented an excellent internal consistency (α = .94 and α = .95) and were significantly associated with the Genderism and Transphobia Scale. Conclusions Results found that participants with a heterosexual orientation, less contact with TGD people, less educated, religious, and who endorsed a right-wing or conservative political ideology showed lower T-KAB scores. These results corroborate the psychometric validity of the T-KAB, as well as its ability to identify sociopolitical segments of the population according to their attitudes towards TGD people. Policy Implications This study informs future research on tailored interventions to increase transgender acceptance, comfort, and social tolerance in the general population.

Exploring factors influencing attitudes towards COVID-19 prevention measures and compliance with behavioral guidelines

This study provides a comprehensive analysis of how individual traits, political ideologies, and media perceptions influence attitudes and behaviors toward COVID-19 prevention measures. It highlights the significant positive impact of individual-level collectivism and uncertainty avoidance on adherence to these measures, emphasizing the effectiveness of public health communications that resonate with collectivist values and offer clear, structured guidance. The research also reveals a negative correlation between conservative political ideology and compliance with COVID-19 prevention, suggesting that political affiliations significantly shape public health responses. Additionally, the study examines the role of media, showing that favorable views towards traditional media correlate with better compliance. These findings underline the importance of tailored health communication strategies that consider psychological, social, and political factors. This study also points to the necessity for further research to explore these dynamics more deeply across different cultural contexts, enhancing the efficacy of global public health initiatives.

Public support for reinvesting resources from enforcing drug possession to health-promoting alternatives: A nationally representative poll of adults in the United States

BackgroundThe legal enforcement of drug possession is associated with a host of negative consequences for people who use drugs (PWUD), has demonstrated little effectiveness at curbing drug use, and has contributed to lasting financial, social, and health-related racial disparities in Black and Brown communities in the United States (U.S.). One policy alternative is reinvesting resources typically used for enforcing drug possession into health-promoting services such as drug treatment or harm reduction that can better serve the needs of PWUD than the criminal legal system. We sought to characterize the prevalence and correlates of national public support for this reinvestment in the U.S. MethodsA nationally representative sample of U.S. adults (N = 1,212) completed the Johns Hopkins COVID-19 Civic Life and Public Health Survey (wave three, fielded November 11–30, 2020). The outcome is support for reinvestment of resources spent on enforcing drug possession into health-promoting alternatives (i.e., drug treatment, harm reduction, housing support, or community-based resources). We measured potential correlates including socio-demographics and social/political attitudes, including political ideology (conservative, moderate, liberal) and racial resentment toward the Black community. Analyses accounted for complex survey weights. ResultsWeighted prevalence of support for reinvestment of resources was 80 %. Multivariable logistic regression (controlling for confounders) showed that white respondents were more likely than Black (OR = 2.51, 95% CI = 1.08, 5.87) to favor reinvestment. Respondents with moderate (OR = 0.34, 95 % CI = 0.15–0.79) or conservative (OR = 0.21, 95 % CI = 0.09–0.50) political ideology (compared to liberal) and medium (OR = 0.26, 95 % CI = 0.09–0.74) or high (OR = 0.12, 95 % CI = 0.04–0.35) levels of racial resentment (compared to low) were less likely to support reinvestment. ConclusionThere is substantial national support for reinvesting resources into health-promoting alternatives, though political ideology and racial resentment temper support. Results can inform targeted messaging to increase support for moving drug policy from the criminal legal sphere toward public health.

CEO political ideology and credit risk assessment

PurposeThe authors examine the role of CEO political ideology in the credit rating process.Design/methodology/approachThis study adopts a quantitative method with panel data regressions using a sample of 5,211 observations from S&P 500 firms from 2001 to 2012.FindingsThe authors find that firms run by Republican-leaning CEOs, who tend to have conservative political ideologies, enjoy more favorable credit ratings than firms run by Democratic-leaning CEOs. In addition, the association between CEO political ideology and credit ratings is more pronounced for firms with high operating uncertainty, low capital intensity, high growth potential, weak corporate governance and low financial reporting quality. Finally, the authors find that CEO political ideology affects a firm's cost of debt incremental to credit ratings, consistent with debt investors incorporating CEO political ideology in their pricing decisions.Research limitations/implicationsLeveraging CEO political ideology, the authors document that credit rating agencies incorporate managerial conservatism in their credit rating decisions. This finding suggests that CEO political ideology serves as a meaningful signal for managerial conservatism.Practical implicationsThe study suggests that credit rating agencies incorporate CEO political ideology in their credit rating process. Other capital market participants such as auditors and retail investors can also use CEO political ideology as a proxy for managerial conservatism when evaluating firms.Social implicationsThe paper carries practical implications for practitioners, firm executives and regulators. The results on the association between CEO political ideology and credit ratings suggest that other financial institutions could also incorporate CEO political ideology in their evaluation in their evaluation of firms. For example, when evaluating audit risk and determining audit pricing, auditors may add CEO political ideology as a risk factor. For firms, especially those that have Democratic-leaning CEOs, the authors suggest that they could reduce the unfavorable effect of CEO political ideology on credit ratings by improving their corporate governance and financial reporting quality, as demonstrated in the cross-sectional analyses. Finally, this study shows that CEO political ideology, as measured by CEOs' political contributions, is closely related to a firm's credit ratings. This finding may inform regulators that greater transparency for CEOs' political contributions is needed as information on contributions could help capital market participants perform risk analyses for firms.Originality/valueCredit rating agencies release their research methodologies for determining corporate credit ratings and identify managerial conservatism as an important factor that affects their risk assessments. The extant literature, however, has not empirically investigated the relation between credit ratings and managerial conservatism, which, according to behavioral consistency theory, can be proxied by CEO political ideology. This study provides novel empirical evidence that identifies CEO political ideology as an important input factor in the credit rating process.

University students’ willingness to receive a COVID-19 vaccine in the United States

The disproportionate number of COVID-19 cases and deaths in the United States (US) requires understanding of health behaviors that contributed to low acceptance of public health guidelines. University students were at low risk for complications from COVID-19 infections but at high-risk for infecting others. It is important to understand which characteristics influenced willingness to receive the COVID-19 vaccine. The purpose of this cross-sectional study was to explore the social factors and identities that predicted university students’ willingness to receive COVID-19 vaccines before one was available. This study used a stratified random sample from a Midwestern public university in 2020 (N = 614). Results suggest hesitancy toward childhood vaccinations, noncompliance with mask-wearing and large-group-avoidance guidelines, and conservative political ideology increased the odds of being unwilling to receive a COVID-19 vaccination. However, higher subjective social status and male gender increased the odds of being willing to be vaccinated.

Law Enforcement Officer Knowledge of, Attitudes Toward, and Willingness to Use Extreme Risk Protection Orders

Understanding knowledge of, attitudes toward, and willingness to use extreme risk protection order (ERPO) laws among law enforcement officers (LEOs) can inform efforts to improve implementation of this underused firearm violence prevention strategy. To characterize LEOs' knowledge of, attitudes toward, and willingness to use ERPOs across a range of scenarios. A cross-sectional online survey, fielded from April 5 to August 30, 2021, was conducted in all 19 states and the District of Columbia with an ERPO law in 2021. A nonprobability sample of active-duty LEOs was used. Being a LEO in a state with an ERPO law. Survey participants answered questions about their familiarity with and opinions on ERPO laws, as well as whether they would agree with using an ERPO in a variety of specific case scenarios. The analysis included an exploration of whether within-scenario differences, such as ERPO respondent race or gender, affected agreement by randomly assigning survey participants to 1 of 2 versions of each scenario. A total of 600 eligible individuals started the survey, and 283 survey participants were included in the analysis. The analytic sample consisted mostly of cisgender men (85.2%) and non-Hispanic White (71.4%) LEOs. Participants represented 14 states and the District of Columbia, with 53.7% living in California. Most participants (81.3%) were very or somewhat familiar with ERPO laws and 56.2% had received ERPO training. Opinions about ERPO laws were generally favorable but varied by self-identified political ideology. Across all scenarios, most participants supported using an ERPO; however, support was highest in cases involving intimate partner violence (71.4%-78.6%) and lowest in cases involving suicidality (54.2%-73.3%). Across all scenarios, LEOs with ERPO training or experience were substantially more likely to agree with using ERPOs than those without. None of the randomly assigned within-scenario differences were associated with differences in ERPO support. In this survey study of LEOs in states with ERPO laws, many officers had not received training on their use. Additionally, while conservative political ideology was associated with less favorable views of ERPOs, training and experience with ERPOs was associated with greater support for their use across a range of scenarios. These findings suggest that LEO training on ERPOs may promote their uptake and improve implementation.

A Meta-Analysis of the Impact of Entrepreneurs’ Gender on their Access to Bank Finance

This meta-analysis of 31 studies over 20 years advances our understanding of the gender gap in entrepreneurial bank finance. Findings from previous research on the relationship between entrepreneurs’ gender and bank financing are mixed, which suggests the need to pay particular attention to entrepreneurs’ social context. In this study, we develop a model of how social gender norms explain variation in women entrepreneurs’ (vis-à-vis men entrepreneurs’) access to bank finance. Specifically, we theorize how women’s formal (their nations’ political ideologies) and informal (women’s empowerment) social standing within their societies influence gender discrimination in entrepreneurial bank financing. Consistent with most previous studies, our baseline results show that women entrepreneurs’ business loan applications are rejected to a greater extent than men entrepreneurs’ loan applications. Women entrepreneurs also pay higher interest rates on loans than men entrepreneurs. Further, in societies dominated by a conservative (rather than a liberal) political ideology, the positive relationship between women entrepreneurs and loan interest rates is more positive. Interestingly, gender discrimination in loan rejection and interest rates is magnified in societies with greater women’s empowerment. Taking a social gender-norm perspective, our analysis establishes a gender gap in entrepreneurial bank finance, and we outline an agenda for further research.

Factors Associated with Vaccine Hesitancy in the State of Alaska.

Vaccine hesitancy (VH) is a major public health problem which includes not only concerns about vaccine, but often includes beliefs not aligned with evidence. The etiology of VH is complicate, including genuine concerns about vaccine safety to beliefs in disproven or unsubstantiated theories. Understanding VH includes determining the factors associated with people most likely to be susceptible. To identify characteristics of persons more likely to have VH based on perceived vaccine safety. We conducted a cross sectional, targeted online survey of 1,024 respondents. The survey collected data on demographics and vaccine beliefs. A seven-question VH scale was created based on an extensive literature review. When measured, this scale had high internal validity based on Cronbach's Alpha (α = 0.80, 95% CI, 0.79, 0.82) and provided a continuous measurement to understand the VH degree. Persons reporting a conservative political ideology had the highest VH score ([Formula: see text] = 15.0), followed by other ([Formula: see text] =12.7), moderate ([Formula: see text] =9.29), and liberal ([Formula: see text] =6.72). Education level was another strong indicator of VH, decreasing from the highest score of high school graduates ( [Formula: see text] = 13.2) to graduate degree holders ([Formula: see text] = 9.22). The more conservative a person's political ideology, the higher the VHS. We asked for ideology, rather than political party, although they are related, they are not the same. Ideology influences more domains than voting patterns. Higher educational attainment shows a protective effect against VH. These findings have direct implication for public health interventions, new interventions should be designed to be more accessible for persons with less formal education and more amenable to persons who hold a more conservative ideology.

Examining the Complexity of Pre-Service Social Studies Teacher Dispositions: Ideology, Experience, and Privilege

In this piece, the author examined the impact of ideology, experience, and privilege on pre-service Social Studies teacher disposition. Findings suggest that participants conceptually understood injustice and began to critique social antagonisms like whiteness and class. However, they continued reinforcing raced and classed ideologies in their interactions with those outside their group. When faced with the cognitive dissonance between stated ideology and their privileged position, the more liberal participants re-narrativize their political stances to adopt more critical ideological worldviews while maintaining their privileged identities. More conservative participants disassociated themselves from more extreme aspects of U.S. conservative political ideology. Both groups maintained the ideologies that provided justification for social hierarchy. Upbringing/identity, understandings of power/hierarchy, emic cultural understandings, and a desire to live one’s ideology, or not, beyond the classroom, informed participant decition making.

Firearm Ownership Among a Nationally Representative Sample of U.S. Veterans

This study aimed to identify the prevalence and correlates of firearm ownership in a large, contemporary, nationally representative sample of U.S. military veterans. Data were analyzed from the 2022 National Health and Resilience in Veterans Study (N=2,326; mean age=60.2 years). Weighted independent-sample t-tests and chi-square analyses were conducted to compare veterans who did with those who did not report firearm ownership on sociodemographic, military, and psychiatric variables. A multivariable logistic regression analysis using backward elimination was conducted to identify the characteristics independently associated with firearm ownership, and a relative importance analysis was conducted to quantify the relative variance in firearm ownership that was explained by each of the statistically significant main effects. Of the total 2,326 veterans, 1,217 (weighted 50.9%, 95% CI=48.0%, 53.9%) reported owning any firearms. Male sex, conservative political ideology, living in rural area, home ownership, cumulative trauma burden, and lifetime history of alcohol use disorder were most strongly associated with firearm ownership. This study provides an updated characterization of the prevalence and correlates of firearm ownership among the U.S. veterans. Results of this nationally representative study suggest that firearm ownership in this group may be higher than previously reported and underscore the importance of targeted suicide prevention efforts promoting firearm safety among vulnerable segments of this population.

The Lorax Effect


 
 
 As the globe continues to experience the effects of climate change, researchers must continue to investigate factors that contribute to individuals' attitudes concerning climate change. This study utilizes survey data from 1,539 Canadians gathered in 2019. The data was analyzed using ordinary least square linear regression to analyze how political ideology, gender, and level of education correlate with individuals’ level of environmental concern. Approximately 83.2% of Canadians rated themselves as having a moderate level of environmental concern or higher in the collected survey data, suggesting that most Canadians express some amount of environmental concern. Canadians with a conservative political ideology have a lower level of environmental concern than their liberal counterparts. Within the Canadian context, there is no statistically significant relationship between level of education and concern for the environment. Females are more concerned, on average, about the environment, compared to males. Canadians’ gender identity seems to influence their level of environmental concern. However, more representation of non-binary individuals is needed in future data-gathering to analyze non-binary individuals' level of environmental concern. The paper further discusses these variables' effects on the level of environmental concern.
 
 

Does social rigidity predict cognitive rigidity? Profiles of socio-cognitive polarization.

Recent research has proposed a relationship between rigid political ideologies and underlying 'cognitive styles'. However, there remain discrepancies in how both social and cognitive rigidity are defined and measured. Problem-solving, or the ability to generate novel ideas by exploring unusual reasoning paths and challenging rigid perspectives around us, is often used to operationalize cognitive flexibility. Thus, we hypothesized a relation between forms of social rigidity, including Socio-cognitive polarization (i.e., a factor capturing conservative political ideology, absolutism/intolerance of ambiguity, and xenophobia), bullshit receptivity (i.e., overestimating pseudo-profound statements), overclaiming (tendency to self-enhance), and cognitive rigidity (i.e., problem-solving). Our results showed differences in performance on problem-solving tasks between four latent profiles of social rigidity identified in our sample. Specifically, those low in socio-cognitive polarization, bullshit, and overclaiming (i.e., less rigid) performed the best on problem-solving. Thus, we conclude that social and cognitive rigidity may share an underlying socio-cognitive construct, wherein those who are more socially rigid are also more likely to be also cognitively rigid when processing non-social information.

An American Political Ideological Conflict and Its Revelations About Accounting and the Accounting Profession

ABSTRACT This study analyses how accounting and the accounting profession were portrayed in a political ideological conflict surrounding the 2008 Global Financial Crisis (GFC) by analysing a report that was issued by a congressionally appointed commission in the United States. The Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission issued a majority report and two dissenting reports; political ideologies which are generally representative of the dominant ones currently in the United States were found to be the source of the divergent interpretations. While both the liberal and conservative ideologies are present, a third category of the conflicted conservatives is explored (Ellis and Stimson [2012]. Ideology in America. Cambridge University Press). Accounting and the profession were portrayed and deployed differently in each of the reports as a means to support the motivating ideology. While accounting as a set of standards or a tool perceived according to the traditional divide of the conservative and liberal political ideologies might be limited in its reach to generate change, focusing on the conflicted conservatives provides some opportunities to explore for future interventions. The accounting profession is also in a unique position to maintain trust with a divided public which provides some space to navigate in a competing world.

Conservative Ideologies in Canada and the United States Predict Poorer Pandemic Outcomes

Purpose: We conducted studies in two Western, individualistic countries, Canada and the United States, to assess the impact of political ideology on governmental policies (e.g., implementation of mask mandates) and individual conduct (e.g., getting vaccinated) in response to the COVID19 pandemic, as well as infection and death rates. We argue that conservative political ideology is associated with poorer handling of COVID-19. Methods (Study 1): The relationship between whether or not a conservative majority held power in Canadian provinces and territories and COVID-19 infection and death rates in nursing homes and the general population, business insolvencies, implementation of mask mandates or travel bans, allowed religious gathering sizes, anti-mask and anti-lockdown protests, and vaccination rates was examined. Results (Study 1): Infection and death rates in conservative provinces were higher and rose faster. Conservative provinces had higher infection and death rates in nursing homes, had more business insolvencies, took longer to introduce mask mandates and dropped them sooner, allowed larger religious gatherings, and took longer to introduce interprovincial travel bans (or had none). Residents of conservative provinces were more likely to engage in anti-mask and anti-lockdown protests, and less likely to have been vaccinated. Methods (Study 2): Study 2 examined similar variables in the United States as a function of the percentage of states’ votes for Donald Trump (the more conservative candidate) in the 2020 U.S. Presidential election. Results (Study 2): Infection and death rates were higher in conservative states (those with a higher percentage of Trump voters) than more liberal states (those with a lower percentage of Trump voters). Conservative states also were less likely to mandate masks or did so later, were less likely to close businesses or issue stay at home orders, reopened schools for in-person learning sooner, and had lower vaccination rates; all of these differences were related to infection and death rates. Conclusion: Our data suggest that conservative governments have had poorer responses to the pandemic than more liberal governments, and conservative individuals have lower vaccination rates than their more liberal counterparts, resulting in higher infection and death rates. Public health measures such as vaccinations and masking are essential for controlling infectious diseases, but their success depends fundamentally on the social behavior of governments and individuals.

“When people see me, they know me; they trust what I say”: characterizing the role of trusted sources for smoke risk communication in the Okanogan River Airshed Emphasis Area

IntroductionAs wildfire smoke events increase in intensity and frequency in the Pacific Northwest, there is a growing need for effective communication on the health risks of smoke exposure. Delivery through a trusted source or intermediary has been shown to improve reception of risk communication messages. This is especially salient in rural and tribal communities who may be hesitant to trust information from state and federal agency sources. This study aims to identify and characterize trusted sources for smoke risk information in the Okanogan River Airshed Emphasis Area (ORAEA), a rural region of North Central Washington state that is heavily impacted by smoke from wildfires and prescribed fire.MethodsThe research team conducted a qualitative study using data collected through key informant interviews and focus groups to assess the role of various sources and intermediaries in disseminating smoke risk information. We used a consensual coding approach in NVivo Qualitative Analysis Software to sort data into preliminary categories, which were grouped into themes using a thematic analysis approach. We used member checking and iterative feedback processes with local project partners throughout the project to ensure credibility of results.ResultsThrough the analysis, we identified three themes characterizing trusted sources for smoke risk communication in the ORAEA. These themes were: (1) local and tribal sources of information are perceived as more trustworthy than state and federal government sources, (2) trustworthiness is determined by an evaluation of multiple factors, in particular, perceived credibility, quality of information, and relationship with the source, and (3) conservative political ideology and perceived parallels with COVID-19 communication influence perception of trust. Within each theme, we identified several sub-themes, which contributed additional nuance to our analysis.ConclusionThis study provides insights into which sources of information are trusted by rural and tribal community members in the ORAEA and why. Results from our study emphasize the importance of relationships and collaboration with local and tribal partners in smoke risk communication. In this paper, we discuss implications for state and federal agency practitioners and present recommendations for how to work with local and tribal partners on smoke risk communication.

Beyond the reactionary sea change: Antimodern thought, American politics and political science

This article examines the migration of reactionary antimodern thought from Europe to the United States of America. It assesses the impact that the work of two antimodern thinkers, Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin, had on two distinct domains of American thought, namely, conservative political ideology and academic political science. The paper argues that the antimodern perspective, eagerly absorbed by many intellectuals, has pushed American conservatism not only in an anti-liberal, but also in an antidemocratic direction. On the other hand, in academic political science, Strauss's and Voegelin's critiques of modernity, though certainly audible and noted, were neither taken seriously nor confronted in depth by the mainstream of the discipline. This neglect should be corrected, I contend, for contemporary political science is in need of a mature and nuanced theory of modernity that is capable of rising up to the radical challenge of the antimoderns.

“We Keep It All Here”: A Dialogic Approach to Constructing Rural Historically Black Colleges and Universities Among Black Students

Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) are both often assumed to offer students of color a safer environment for learning than their primarily white institutional counterparts while also facing harsh suspicion in terms of their educational quality and cultural value. Interrogating these readings, this study uses the critical interpersonal and family communication (CIFC) framework and relational dialectics theory (RDT) 2.0 to identify competing discourses emergent within meaning-making processes of Black students attending rural iterations of such institutions. By interviewing twenty Black students currently enrolled in a rural HBCU, this work spotlights unique, power-laden interconnections across the competing discourses of rural whiteness, as marked by rugged individualism, conservative political ideology, and perceived hostility towards Black epistemologies, and the urban Blackness of students now occupying such spaces. This project identifies the dominant discourse that HBCUs are inferior, as well as two competing discourses students draw upon as they construct meaning of the rural HBCU: the discourse that these institutions celebrate Blackness, and the discourse that they problematically draw race into relief. This work uncloaks the themes constituting each of the two discourses, and highlights various forms of discursive interplay participants use to negotiate the meaning of these institutions, including entertaining, countering, negating, naturalization, and pacification.

Sending of Unwanted Dick Pics as a Modality of Sexual Cyber-Violence: An Exploratory Study of Its Emotional Impact and Reactions in Women.

The sending of sexually explicit images by men to women without prior request, a practice commonly referred to as sending or receiving a "dick pic," is a fairly common manifestation of sexual cyber-violence that has grown in recent times. As research on this type of sexual cyber-violence is limited, the current study analyzed the prevalence of this phenomenon in a sample of 347 Spanish women between 18 and 30 years of age, studying the factors that influence the emotional impact reported by women if they received an unsolicited dick pic (using a hypothetical scenario) and exploring the various coping strategies that women would use in that situation. Results showed a significant prevalence of this type of cyber-violence in the sample, as 48.1% of the participants had received an unsolicited dick pic from an unknown man at some point. Women with lower levels of hostile sexism-but not of benevolent sexism-reported a higher depressed and angry/annoyed emotional impact of the sexual cyber-violence scenario. This was also the case for women with a less conservative political ideology, with less religious beliefs, as well as those women who perceived that their female friends receive this type of images frequently (descriptive norm) and who perceived that their female friends are less accepting of these situations (injunctive norm). In addition, from the strategies presented to the participants to cope with this situation of sexual cyber-violence, it was observed that a significant percentage of women would choose strategies, such as talking about the incident with other people and blocking the sender's access. Yet, fewer women would employ effective strategies, such as reporting the perpetrator's profile to the managers or administrators of the social network or reporting the incident to the police. This study is one of the first studies in Spain that addresses this new form of sexual cyber-violence against women by unknown men and suggests that, in online social networks, women experience the same situations of abuse, harassment, and sexual objectification that they have faced offline in everyday life. Therefore, more work needs to be done to raise awareness and try to prevent these situations, while also providing more support to these women so that they can adopt effective coping strategies.

A longitudinal study of COVID-19 disclosure stigma and COVID-19 testing hesitancy in the United States

ObjectivesThis study examines the relationship between COVID-19 disclosure stigma and COVID-19 testing hesitancy and assesses their changes between November 2020 and 2021. Study designThis was a longitudinal cohort. MethodsA total of 355 participants completed four study waves between November 2020 and November 2021. Factor analyses and Cronbach's alpha assessed the factor structure and internal consistency of the COVID-19 Disclosure Stigma scale. Paired t-tests and McNemar's Chi-squared test assessed change between the study waves. Multivariable logistic regression models examined the relationship between COVID-19 disclosure stigma and testing hesitancy at four study waves. ResultsCOVID-19 disclosure stigma declined significantly between the last study waves (P = 0.030). The greatest disclosure concern was reporting a positive test to close contacts (range: 19%–21%) followed by disclosure to friends (range: 10%–15%) and family (range: 4%–10%). Over the course of the four study waves, COVID-19 testing hesitancy when symptomatic ranged from 23% to 30%. Older age, female gender, and having received a COVID-19 vaccine were associated with decreased odds of testing hesitancy. Greater COVID-19 disclosure stigma and more conservative political ideology showed a consistent relationship with increased odds of COVID-19 testing hesitancy. ConclusionsStudy findings suggest that many people anticipate feeling stigmatized when disclosing positive test results, especially to close contacts. A substantial percentage of study participants reported hesitancy to be tested when symptomatic. This study identifies a need for interventions that normalize COVID-19 testing (e.g. engaging leaders with conservative followings), provide strategies for disclosing positive results, and allow anonymous notification of potential COVID-19 exposure.