Conservative Political Beliefs Research Articles

Testing the Effect of Political Ideology on the Southern Vowel Shift among White Georgians

Against the backdrop of the fading Southern Vowel Shift, this paper explores the degree to which different young adults maintain or forego the SVS as a function of demographic traits and self-reported political ideology. Using data from 126 White young adults who grew up in Georgia and were recorded as university students, we find that the more canonically “Southern” pronunciations of the vowels in FACE, DRESS, TRAP, and PRIZE are positively correlated with a continuous measurement of political conservatism, even controlling for gender and hometown. These findings are consistent with speakers’ qualitative impression that the SVS is indexically linked to the conservative political beliefs attributed to a stereotyped White Southerner, constituting one factor that may motivate young adults in this changing landscape to maintain or forego the SVS.

Teachers’ Beliefs about Good Teaching

This article describes teachers’ beliefs about the pedagogical approaches of very good teachers. Our exploratory factor analysis and analysis of variance based on the data from an online survey of K-12 public school teachers (N = 179) revealed two main findings. First, the teachers distinguished between relationship-emphasized and content-emphasized pedagogical approaches, and they believed that a very good teacher – defined as a teacher from whom you learned a lot – was more likely to practice a relationship-emphasized pedagogical approach, which embraced predominantly caring and supportive pedagogical approaches and had strong subject matter knowledge. Second, regardless of their political orientation or other demographic characteristics, the teachers in our sample valued a relationship-emphasized pedagogical approach over a content-emphasized one. Further, we found that teachers’ political beliefs did not significantly influence their pedagogical approach to teaching, and teachers who held more conservative political beliefs valued a relationship-emphasized pedagogical over a content-emphasized pedagogical approach, similar to teachers with more progressive political beliefs.

Shifting the protest paradigm? Legitimizing and humanizing protest coverage lead to more positive attitudes toward protest, mixed results on news credibility

A US experiment ( n = 1506) demonstrated how a new approach to writing protest stories challenges press patterns in the United States of underrepresented groups. News stories that explain the goals and background of a protest—a concept called legitimizing—and that humanize—rather than criminalize—a person whose death sparked a protest led news audiences to better understand the protest and those involved in the social movement. We also found that those with conservative political beliefs perceived these stories as less credible than those written following journalistic norms typical in the United States that tend to cast protesters and their causes in a negative light, although the opposite was true for those with liberal views. Results are discussed in relation to the protest paradigm.

A Psychosocial Model of COVID-19 Vaccination: Antecedent and Concurrent Effects of Demographics, Traits, Political Beliefs, Vaccine Intention, Information Sources, Mandates, and Flu Vaccine History.

To date, research investigating psychosocial correlates of COVID-19 vaccination has been cross-sectional, parochial, and/or reliant upon non-stratified international samples, resulting in difficulty in clarifying the contributions of various vaccination-related influences. The present study tested a novel integration of prospective and concurrent associations of demographic and dispositional tendencies, intervening illness and preventive beliefs, vaccine intention, illness experiences, and concurrent contextual vaccine-related influences with subsequent COVID-19 vaccination. The preregistered study used a stratified online U.S. sample (N = 500), with assessments aligned to (a) "15 days to slow the spread" in March 2020, (b) vaccine authorization and major case/mortality surge during December 2020 and January 2021, and (c) the period following full vaccine approval in August 2021 during the third major/case mortality surge during September and October 2021. Path modeling showed the absence of children in the household and greater education were prospective predictors of vaccination. Trait openness and less conservative political beliefs showed indirect prospective associations with vaccination via stronger intermediating vaccine intention. Contextual vaccine-related influences of vaccine-related information sources, employer mandates, and flu vaccine history also showed direct associations with vaccination. In contrast to expectations, lower conscientiousness showed a direct prospective association with vaccination. Controlling for interrelations among study variables, the results of the integrative psychosocial model clarified the unique contributions and pathways from antecedent characteristics to vaccination while accounting for vaccine-related contextual influences, providing further direction for refining the timing and content of public health messaging for vaccination.

Association between community-level political affiliation and peripartum vaccination

Political affiliation has been associated with vaccine uptake, but whether this association holds in pregnancy, when individuals are recommended to receive multiple vaccinations, remains to be studied. This study aimed to examine the association between community-level political affiliation and vaccinations for tetanus, diphtheria, and pertussis; influenza; and COVID-19 in pregnant and postpartum individuals. A survey was conducted about tetanus, diphtheria, and pertussis and influenza vaccinations in early 2021, with a follow-up survey of COVID-19 vaccination among the same individuals at a tertiary care academic medical center in the Midwest. Geocoded residential addresses were linked at the census tract to the Environmental Systems Research Institute 2021 Market Potential Index, which ranks a community in comparison to the US national average. The exposure for this analysis was community-level political affiliation, defined by the Market Potential Index as very conservative, somewhat conservative, centrist, somewhat liberal, and very liberal (reference). The outcomes were self-reported vaccinations for tetanus, diphtheria, and pertussis; influenza; and COVID-19 in the peripartum period. Modified Poisson regression was used and adjusted for age, employment, trimester at assessment, and medical comorbidities. Of 438 assessed individuals, 37% lived in a community characterized by very liberal political affiliation, 11% as somewhat liberal, 18% as centrist, 12% as somewhat conservative, and 21% as very conservative. Overall, 72% and 58% of individuals reported receiving tetanus, diphtheria, and pertussis and influenza vaccinations, respectively. Of the 279 individuals who responded to the follow-up survey, 53% reported receiving COVID-19 vaccination. Individuals living in a community characterized by very conservative political affiliation were less likely to report vaccinations for tetanus, diphtheria, and pertussis (64% vs 72%; adjusted risk ratio, 0.83; 95% confidence interval, 0.69-0.99); influenza (49% vs 58%; adjusted risk ratio, 0.79; 95% confidence interval, 0.62-1.00); and COVID-19 (35% vs 53%; adjusted risk ratio, 0.65; 95% confidence interval, 0.44-0.96) than those in a community characterized by very liberal political affiliation. Individuals living in a community characterized by centrist political affiliation were less likely to report vaccinations for tetanus, diphtheria, and pertussis (63% vs 72%; adjusted risk ratio, 0.82; 95% confidence interval, 0.68-0.99) and influenza (44% vs 58%; adjusted risk ratio, 0.70; 95% confidence interval, 0.54-0.92) than those in a community characterized by very liberal political affiliation. Compared with pregnant and postpartum individuals living in communities characterized by very liberal political beliefs, those living in communities characterized by very conservative political beliefs were less likely to report vaccinations for tetanus, diphtheria, and pertussis; influenza; and COVID-19, and those in communities characterized by centrist political beliefs were less likely to report vaccinations for tetanus, diphtheria, and pertussis and influenza. Increasing vaccine uptake in the peripartum period may need to consider engaging an individual's broader sociopolitical milieu.

Defensive Behaviors During COVID-19 and the 2020–2021 Firearm Purchasing Surge: A Latent Class Analysis

Objective: This study examined the extent to which political beliefs and public health behaviors cluster together and define distinct groups of individuals and whether those groups differ on firearm purchasing behaviors. Methods: 6,404 US residents (Minnesota, n = 1,789; Mississippi, n = 1,418; New Jersey, n = 3,197) were recruited via Qualtrics panels. Participants were matched to 2010 census data. Results: Fit statistics determined a four-class solution fit the data best. The Liberal-Many Health Behaviors class had high probabilities of voting for President Biden, reporting more liberal political beliefs than other classes, and engaging in multiple health behaviors (e.g., mask wearing, vaccination). The Moderate-Few Health Behaviors class had high probabilities of voting for President Biden, reporting moderate political beliefs, and engaging in few health behaviors. The Conservative-Few Health Behaviors class had high probabilities of voting for former President Trump, reporting conservative political beliefs, and engaging in few health behaviors. The Conservative-Many Health Behaviors class had high probabilities of voting for former President Trump, having conservative political beliefs, and engaging in many health behaviors. Of the participants in the study who reported owning firearms, those in the Few Health Behavior classes were more likely to have purchased firearms during the purchasing surge, whereas those in the Many Health Behavior classes were likely to have become first-time firearm owners in 2020-2021. Lastly, the Few Health Behavior classes exhibited significantly less trust in the intentions of scientists. Conclusion: Different subgroups of firearm owners may evaluate and respond to risk differently, resulting in a pattern of adopting or avoiding a range of public health recommendations. Those who avoided mask wearing and COVID-19 vaccinations and who purchased firearms during the firearm purchasing surge appear to have less trust in science, highlighting the need for trusted messengers to increase the reach of behavioral interventions.

Association of compassion and empathy with prosocial health behaviors and attitudes in a pandemic.

This investigation examined how dispositional compassion and empathy were associated with prosocial behaviors and attitudes in the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic. Every two weeks from March 22 to June 15, 2020, we fielded a survey to a new cohort of adults in the U.S. Compassion related to whether one stayed home to protect others, more hours spent staying home and distancing from others, and more frequent mask wearing in public, in the past two weeks. Compassion also related to greater perceived ability to help others who were negatively affected. Empathy related to more endorsement of understanding others’ fear of COVID-19, and less endorsement of the view that others were overreacting to COVID-19. There was an interaction between empathy and political ideology, suggesting that empathy may matter for understanding others’ fear among those with more conservative-leaning beliefs. Empathy also related to greater understanding that sheltering-in-place helps prevent the spread of COVID-19. Findings suggest that messaging and interventions to increase compassion and empathy may promote public health behaviors during a pandemic regardless of political orientation. Targeting empathy may be one way to reach individuals with more conservative political beliefs, and it is important to use an evidence-based approach accounting for political party differences in motivated reasoning.

Managing Demand-Side Water Conservation in the United States: An Audience Segmentation Approach

The availability of fresh water affects public health and living standards around the globe, yet water resources are being rapidly depleted by unsustainable human activities. Strained freshwater resources will perpetuate unless the public is made aware of the severity of water scarcity issues. Audience segmentation, used frequently by environmental communicators to target unreached groups, is a social marketing strategy that segments audiences with shared characteristics to inform the development of effective communication messages. The purpose of this study was to determine characteristics of audience segments based on their level of water conservation behaviors. An online survey of the United States general public captured levels of water conservation behaviors based on how consumers prepare to vote on policy and intent to engage in water conservation behaviors. Cluster analysis resulted in two audience segments: lower water conservation and higher water conservation. Further analysis indicated significant demographic differences between the segments. The lower water segment presented less education, more moderate or conservative political beliefs, and lower family income levels than the higher water segment. Communication messages for the lower water segment should align with these characteristics, including using less scientific verbiage, linking moderate and conservative perspectives with water conservation, and emphasizing economic gain/loss.

Asymmetry of Partisan Media Effects?: Examining the Reinforcing Process of Conservative and Liberal Media with Political Beliefs

ABSTRACT There is growing evidence that partisan media could be contributing to the increasing polarization among the public in the United States. Scholars have recently debated whether both liberal and conservative media are contributing to polarization symmetrically or if conservative media is the primary source of polarization. We offer tests of reinforcing spiral models from a national sample of US citizens’ use of liberal and conservative media sources and political beliefs about three issues (immigration, law enforcement, and gun control) during the 2016 Presidential Election. Our results find evidence of similar effects for use of liberal and conservative media on political beliefs. By contrast, holding conservative political beliefs does more to contribute to a conservative media echo chamber compared to liberal beliefs contributing to a liberal media echo chamber.

Individual differences in receptivity to scientific bullshit

AbstractPseudo-profound bullshit receptivity is the tendency to perceive meaning in important-sounding, nonsense statements. To understand how bullshit receptivity differs across domains, we develop a scale to measure scientific bullshit receptivity — the tendency to perceive truthfulness in nonsensical scientific statements. Across three studies (total N = 1,948), scientific bullshit receptivity was positively correlated with pseudo-profound bullshit receptivity. Both types of bullshit receptivity were positively correlated with belief in science, conservative political beliefs, and faith in intuition. However, compared to pseudo-profound bullshit receptivity, scientific bullshit receptivity was more strongly correlated with belief in science, and less strongly correlated with conservative political beliefs and faith in intuition. Finally, scientific literacy moderated the relationship the two types of bullshit receptivity; the correlation between the two types of receptivity was weaker for individuals scoring high in scientific literacy.

Public Perception of Emergency Medical Services in the United States.

The objective of this study was to assess the public's experience, expectations, and perceptions related to Emergency Medical Services (EMS). A population-based telephone interview of adults in the United States was conducted. The survey instrument consisted of 112 items. Demographic variables including age, race, political beliefs, and household income were collected. Data collection was performed by trained interviewers from Kent State University's (Kent, Ohio USA)Social Research Laboratory. Descriptive statistics were calculated. Comparative analyses were conducted between those who used EMS at least once in the past five years and those who did not use EMS using χ2 and t tests. A total of 2,443 phone calls were made and 1,348 individuals agreed to complete the survey (55.2%). There were 297 individuals who requested to drop out of the survey during the phone interview, leaving a total of 1,051 (43.0%) full responses. Participants ranged in age from 18 to 94 years with an average age of 57.5 years. Most were Caucasian or white (83.0%), married (62.8%), and held conservative political beliefs (54.8%). Three-fourths of all respondents believed that at least 40% of patients survive cardiac arrest when EMS services are received. Over half (56.7%) believed that Emergency Medical Technician (EMT)-Basics and EMT-Paramedics provide the same level of care. The estimated median hours of training required for EMT-Basics was 100 hours (IQR: 40-200 hours), while the vast majority of respondents estimated that EMT-Paramedics are required to take fewer than 1,000 clock hours of training (99.3%). The majority believed EMS professionals should be screened for illegal drug use (97.0%), criminal background (95.9%), mental health (95.2%), and physical fitness (91.3%). Over one-third (37.6%) had used EMS within the past five years. Of these individuals, over two-thirds (69.6%) rated their most recent experience as "excellent." More of those who used EMS at least once in the past five years reported a willingness to consent to participate in EMS research compared with those who had not used EMS (69.9% vs. 61.4%, P=.005). Most respondents who had used EMS services rated their experience as excellent. Nevertheless, expectations related to survival after cardiac arrest in the out-of-hospital setting were not realistic. Furthermore, much of the public was unaware of the differences in training hour requirements and level of care provided by EMT-Basics and EMT-Paramedics. Crowe RP , Levine R , Rodriguez S , Larrimore AD , Pirrallo RG . Public perception of Emergency Medical Services in the United States. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2016;31(Suppl. 1):s112-s117.

Heterosexual Dating Double Standards in Undergraduate Women and Men

Traditional heterosexual dating and courtship scripts (e.g., men pay for date, women take partner’s last name in marriage) reflect different standards of desirable behavior for women and men. Analogous to sexual double standards, dating double standards reflect the greater agency and power traditionally accorded to men in society. In the present study, we investigated factors related to young heterosexual adults’ endorsement of dating double standards. Participants were 330 female and male U.S. undergraduates at a California public university (57 % female, ages 18–25 years-old) from diverse ethnic backgrounds. In the Heterosexual Dating Double-Standards Scale, respondents rate the desirability of five dating and courtship behaviors (initiate date, hold door open, pay for date, propose marriage, take spouse’s last name) separately for women and men. Preliminary analyses revealed participants generally expressed double standards by rating the desirability of behaviors differently for female and male characters in the traditional direction (e.g., paying for a date rated more desirable for a man than for a woman). We predicted dating double standards would be positively related to factors previously found to predict traditional gender roles (viewing popular media, religious attendance) as well as attitudes that reflect traditional views (conservative political beliefs, benevolent and hostile sexism, disavowing a feminist identity). These hypotheses were generally supported. Among these correlations, dating double standards were strongly associated with benevolent sexism (among women and men) and with hostile sexism (among men). Implications for future research are discussed.

Validation of the Greek Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression (AMMSA) Scale: Examining Its Relationships with Sexist and Conservative Political Beliefs

The Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression scale measures contemporary beliefs about sexual aggression that tend to blame victims and exonerate perpetrators. A Greek version of the thirty-item AMMSA scale was administered to two diverse convenience samples, one in Greece and one in Cyprus. Convergent and discriminant construct validity were assessed via correlations with other constructs that were hypothesized to be strongly related to AMMSA (Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance; hostile sexism) or moderately related (benevolent sexism; social dominance orientation; right-wing authoritarianism). It was found that the Greek AMMSA was unidimensional, highly internally consistent, normally distributed, and showed good construct validity. When sociodemographic data were analyzed, age, gender, and nationality turned out to be significant predictors of AMMSA, with a U-shaped trend for age, higher scores for men than women, and higher scores for Cypriots than Greeks. In sum, the Greek AMMSA scale provides a highly useful instrument for further research on sexual aggression myths, their correlates, and effects on judgment and behavior.

Confounding valence and arousal: What really underlies political orientation?

The negative valence model of political orientation proposed by Hibbing et al. is comprehensive and thought-provoking. We agree that there is compelling research linking threat to conservative political beliefs. However, we propose that further research is needed before it can be concluded that negative valence, rather than arousal more generally, underlies the psychological motivations to endorse conservative political belief.

In Defense of Mainstream Conservatism: A Response to Crouse and Stalker

This article provides a response to Crouse and Stalker's reply to my commentary (Thomas, 2013) on their article titled “Do Right‐Wing Authoritarian Beliefs Originate from Psychological Conflict?” (Psychoanalytic Psychology, 24, 25–44). The authors' critical remarks regarding my commentary are addressed, and recommendations are offered for a more cautious use of psychoanalytic theory and results derived from The Right‐Wing Authoritarianism Scale (Altemeyer, 1998) for labeling persons with mainstream conservative political beliefs as being “psychopathological” or “right‐wing authoritarians.” Such assertions regarding the personality characteristics of political conservatives are particularly troubling, since the authors' conclusions were purely speculative, and they collected neither clinical nor empirical data on patients or research subjects with so‐called right‐wing authoritarian personalities to support their speculations.

Preliminary Support for a Generalized Arousal Model of Political Conservatism

It is widely held that negative emotions such as threat, anxiety, and disgust represent the core psychological factors that enhance conservative political beliefs. We put forward an alternative hypothesis: that conservatism is fundamentally motivated by arousal, and that, in this context, the effect of negative emotion is due to engaging intensely arousing states. Here we show that study participants agreed more with right but not left-wing political speeches after being exposed to positive as well as negative emotion-inducing film-clips. No such effect emerged for neutral-content videos. A follow-up study replicated and extended this effect. These results are consistent with the idea that emotional arousal, in general, and not negative valence, specifically, may underlie political conservatism.

Wild Analysis in Politics

This commentary provides a critical discussion of Crouse and Stalker's (2007) attempt to psychoanalyze right-wing authoritarian beliefs. The psychological inventory used by Crouse and Stalker for this purpose, The Right-Wing Authoritarian Scale (Altemeyer, 1998), has dubious validity characteristics, and the conclusions reached by Crouse and Stalker regarding the origins and characteristics of right-wing political beliefs and attitudes may be more reflective of the authors' political prejudices than of a serious psychoanalytic study of different personality structures. In the present article, the author demonstrates not only the flaws associated with the measuring instrument used, but also the left-wing biases in the Crouse and Stalker analysis. Unfortunately, these prejudices against individuals with conservative political beliefs may be extensively present in the psychology and psychoanalytic communities and serve neither an appropriate clinical nor scientific purpose.

Need for Cognitive Closure and Conservative Political Beliefs: Differential Mediation by Personal Worldviews

The paper investigates the relationships between motivated social cognition (need for cognitive closure), personal worldviews (traditional, modern, or postmodern), and conservative political beliefs. The relationships were analyzed in a sample of 189 Polish adults. High need for closure was associated with support for both traditional and modern worldviews. Although different in content (i.e., endorsing different values and assumptions about the methods and limits of cognition), the worldviews share similar formal characteristics: Both assume the absolute nature of values and the existence of definite truths. However, acceptance of the traditional worldview was related to political conservatism (i.e., support for nationalist and isolationist opinions and a stronger role for traditional, religious values in public life), whereas acceptance of the modern worldview was associated with a rejection of conservative political beliefs. Moreover, personal worldviews mediated the relationship between need for closure and political beliefs: Support for social conservatism was mediated by acceptance of the traditional worldview, whereas acceptance of the modern worldview predicted rejection of conservative values.

The Religion Gap

As the 2004 presidential election approached, journalists discovered an apparently new political phenomenon: the “religion gap,” or the tendency of the most religious Americans to espouse conservative political beliefs and prefer Republican candidates. As a typical news story put it, “Want to know how Americans will vote next Election Day? Watch what they do the weekend before. If they attend religious services regularly, they probably will vote Republican by a 2-1 margin. If they never go, they likely will vote Democratic by a 2-1 margin” (Thomma 2003). The religion gap was illustrated frequently and clearly by public opinion polls. A Pew Research Center (2003) study, for example, found the American public sharply divided between the Republicans and Democrats on the eve of the 2004 campaign, with frequency of worship attendance emerging as a powerful predictor of party preference. In fact, most evidence of the religion gap was linked to differences in worship attendance.

Attitudes toward Cohabitation, Family, and Gender Roles: Relationships to Values and Political Ideology

This study investigates four hypotheses concerning relationships between values or beliefs and attitudes toward cohabitation, family and gender roles. These are the Social Concerns Hypothesis, the Political Ideology Hypothesis, the Higher Order Needs Hypothesis, and the Consumerism Hypothesis. Each hypothesis has been tested, using data from several nationally representative subsamples of white high school seniors. As predicted by the Social Concerns Hypothesis, students with more social concerns had more favorable attitudes toward gender equality and nontraditional gender roles, particularly among males. This finding suggests that, for males, concern for fairness and the well-being of others may be an important motive for support for gender equality and acceptance of nontraditional gender roles. As predicted by the Political Ideology Hypothesis, conservative political beliefs were associated with traditional attitudes toward cohabitation, family, and gender roles. In contrast, our findings provide only weak support for the Higher Order Needs Hypothesis, and our findings suggest that the Consumerism Hypothesis should be reformulated.