Confucian Scholars Research Articles

Seokju Lee Sang-ryong’s life and poetic literature

본고는 석주 이상룡의 삶과 시문학에 대한 연구이다. 석주의 삶을 망명 이전과 망명 이후로 나누어서 망명이전에는 보수 유학자로서의 삶에 포커스를 맞추었고, 망명 이후는 독립투사로서의 삶에 의미를 두었다. 石洲의 시문학에 대해서는 지행합일의 실천과 繼述의 정신, 교육을 통한 지식인의 면모, 憂國丹衷의 항일민족운동, 歸去來로의 向念 등 네 가지로 구분하여 고찰하였다. 구한말 애국계몽기에 있어서 석주 이상룡을 언급하지 않을 수 없다. 3남 중 장남으로 태어난 그는 어려서는 族祖인 平潭 李銓에게서 가르침을 받았고, 19세인 1876년에 조부인 忘湖 李鍾泰의 명으로 퇴계 학맥의 계보를 이은 西山 金興洛에게서 학문을 익혔다. 그는 노블리스 오블리제를 실천한 민족사의 커다란 발자취를 남긴 인물이다. 석주의 경륜은 지략가로 알려진 관중, 제갈량, 장량에 비유되었고, 절의적인 행동은 수양에서 고사리를 캐 먹다가 죽은 백이와 송나라의 의리를 지킨 文天祥의 삶에 비유되기도 하였다. 그의 활동은 역사적 평가에 있어서 空前絶後한 영웅적 업적이고, 그의 大節은 공자가 말한 强哉矯이고 맹자가 말한 浩然之氣인 것이다.This is a study on Seokju Lee Sang-ryong’s life and poetic literature. Seokju’s life was divided into before his exile and after the exile. Regarding his life before the exile, his life as a conservative Confucian scholar was focused on, and with regard to his life after the exile, the meanings of his life as a fighter for national independence were investigated. Seokju’s poetic literature was categorized into and examined in four parts, that is, the practice of Jihaenghapil(the agreement between knowledge and behavior) and spirit of succession, the aspects as an intellectual person through educational activities, the patriotic anti-Japan national movement, and the focus on homecoming. It’s hard not to mention Seokju Lee Sang-ryong regarding the period of patriotic enlightenment in late days of Joseon. He was born as the eldest son with two brothers, and was taught by Pyeongdam(平潭) Lee Jeon(李銓), his ancestor(族祖), in his childhood. He studied under Seosan(西山) Kim Heung-nak(金興洛), who had continued the tradition of Toegye’s academic genealogy, following the order of his grandfather, Mangho(忘湖) Lee Jong-tae(李鍾泰), at the age of 19 in 1876. He was a great hero who practiced noblesse oblige and has left a deep footprint in the national history. Seokju’s experience and knowledge have been compared to those of Gwanjung, Jegalryang, and Jangryang known as great strategic planners, and his faithful behaviors to those of Baekee who had died while digging up and eating bracken in Suyang and the life of Mun Cheon-sang(文天祥) who had been loyal to Song dynasty. His activities were heroic achievements unprecedented in historical assessment, and his great fidelity was Gangjaegyo(强哉矯) mentioned by Confucius and Hoyeonjigi(浩然之氣) mentioned by Mencius.

Integrating the Thought of Mencius and Xunzi and the Problem of Modernizing Chinese Society

Abstract How should people today deal with the teachings of Mencius 孟子 and Xunzi 荀子? This is a question of utmost importance in reviving Confucianism. The thought of Mencius and Xunzi has many inherent complexities and contradictions. After all, they have been revised, reconstituted, and reused alongside shifts in lifestyles and social structures; their respective influence also waxed and waned accordingly. Xunzi’s teachings flourished during China’s transition from monarchical feudalism to imperial autocracy, an indication that Xunzi’s thinking has Legalist elements. The rulers in the imperial period adopted “sole veneration of Confucian learning” [du zun rushu 獨尊儒術], so the suspiciously Legalist teachings of Xunzi went into decline while the orthodox Confucian teachings of Mencius were on the rise. At the same time, Xunzi’s thought continued to play an important, perhaps even fundamental, role in hidden ways. This is the political path of being “openly Confucian, covertly Legalist” [yang ru yin fa 陽儒陰法] practiced under autocratic authority. As Chinese society began to modernize, Xunzi’s teachings enjoyed a revival, revealing that some of its strains were compatible with modern Enlightenment ideas. Further, this modern revival of Xunzi occurred on the heels of a Confucian revival. The fact that the two then more or less continued to coexist indicates the need to rethink the two schools of thought in an integrated way. To do this, I take a page from modern value systems and consider the existing distinctions between Mencius’s and Xunzi’s thinking via a “profit and loss analysis.”

Korea’s and Vietnam’s Encounter and Reaction towards Western Ideas in the Flux of Western Intervention: Focusing on Selective Factors from the Seventeenth to mid- Nineteenth Century

This paper is a comparative research on how Vietnam and Korea struggled to accommodate and interact with Western ideas in the advent of Western intervention in the East Asian region, based on the closely related cultural and historical background between the two East Asian countries. The author specifically focuses on the rise of Western ideas, i.e. Catholicism in the two countries within the dominant impacts of Confucian Sino-centric perception adopted by Confucian scholars and rulers for centuries. The research indicated significant resemblance in the pattern of Korea and Vietnam's reception and reaction toward the influences and challenges inflicted by the West, which was predominantly driven by the Sino-centric world view. In this light, both countries struggled through consistent social and political unrest and finally commenced to close the gates to the outside world in an attempt to protect the ruling powers. Vietnamese rulers, however, were by far less conservative and aggressive against the presence of the West in their domains due to their dependence upon Western advanced military technology, particularly during the internal conflicts between the Trinh and Nguyen factions. However, after the unification under the reign of Nguyen family, despite previous contacts with the West, Vietnam gradually become a fervent Confucian state. Meanwhile, in the same period of the Western provocation in East Asia, Korea was a full-fledged and unified kingdom under the rule of Yi family, Choson was more alerted about the rise of new ideas brought in by the West; thus, their reaction toward Western ideas were more brutal and merciless in order to protect the kingdom's correct ideology. Conclusively, no matter how Vietnamese and Korean scholars and rulers were fascinated by Western advancement in technology, owing to their commitment to the Sino-centric worldview they were reluctant to regard Western ideas in positive ways; thus, gradually failed to adapt themselves to the road to modernization which historically contributed to the decline of the nations in the following periods.

Mencius, Xunzi, and the Third Stage of Confucianism

Abstract According to Karl Jaspers’s theory of the Axial age, many important cultures in the world experienced a “transcendental breakthrough” between 800 and 200 BCE; no more transformations occurred until Martin Luther’s Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century, which eventually ushered in the modern era. The implication of this theory is that only the West had a second cultural breakthrough, thus rendering moot the discussion of a third Confucian epoch. But, in reality, Confucianism had a second breakthrough during the Song—Ming period (tenth to seventeenth centuries) and spread from China to East Asia; this new form of Confucianism is called “neo-Confucianism” by Western scholars. The third Confucian epoch is a forward-looking concept that uses the lexicon of Western science and democracy to trace Confucianism’s philosophical transformation from a Chinese tradition into a part of world culture, and the integration of Mencian and Xunzian thought has to be treated in this light. Faced with Western cultural challenges, modern Confucianism has broken new ground in many ways. Mou Zongsan 牟宗三 is Mencian (as represented by Lu Xiangshan 陸象山, Wang Yangming 王陽明, and Liu Jishan 劉蕺山) in spirit and Xunzian (as represented by Zhu Xi 朱熹) in practice. Li Zehou 李澤厚, by contrast, exhorts us to talk the Mencian talk but walk the Xunzian walk; this contradictory stratagem, which he thinks will lead to a brighter and healthier future, only accentuates the power of Mencius 孟子 as a philosopher of the mind. Mencius and Xunzi 荀子 are very important in a modern deconstruction of Confucianism and the integration of their thought may very well become the impetus for another transcendental breakthrough. Is integration possible? How should they be integrated? We await the results of Confucian scholars’ open-minded explorations.

A Surrogate Hero: Generic Innovation and Reinventions of Masculinity in Naihe Tian

Despite being one of the most popular forms of entertainment in the seventeenth century, Li Yu's (1611–1680) contributions to chuanqi drama reflect a genre in decline. Onstage, it had largely dissolved into the performance of extracts, due to its sprawling plots composed around suites of arias. Consequently, chuanqi composition grew out-of-touch with performance. By contrast, Li Yu's own playwriting, directing, and drama criticism were mainly focused on performability. Naihe tian disrupts the stale conventions of the performance of masculinity both onstage and off. Offstage, elite masculinity was hemmed-in by the narrow pathway to officialdom through rote Confucian learning and exam success. Conversely, roles for elite women had expanded with growing acceptance and recognition of their literary and artistic talents.

16세기 개성 유자(儒者) 한순계(韓舜繼)의 상업 활동

Although Kaesŏng was weakened and dwindled after the establishment of Chosŏn Dynasty, the city was still a typical metropolis with the population of approximately 35 thousand. Later its markets, carrying on the tradition of Koryŏ, were restored and were led to a different form of development. On the other hand, its yangban(兩班) society faced turmoil and deterioration, due to the region’s general atmosphere against the new dynasty and the state’s prohibition on National Civil and Military Examination(科擧). <BR> Han Sunkye(1530～1588) was a confucian scholar who engaged in producing and selling of brassware for his living. He was referred to as ‘Mentor Shi-eun(市隱)’ among the confucian figures of his time, as he remained a noble confucian scholar with his occupation at the state-licensed market(市廛). A collection of his literary works Shi-eun Jip(市隱集) was published after his death. He was also commended and was awarded an honorary position by the government, with the efforts of his descendents and other regional scholars.<BR> Han Sunkye lived his life with (1) diligence and sincerity, (2) honesty and integrity, (3) emphasis on coexistence with others, and (4) a strong sense of responsibility towards the State and society. His descendents also continued to succeed the family occupation of producing and selling brassware after six generations. In conclusion, the family of Han Sunkye was typical Kaesŏng merchants who devoted themselves to their occupation while remaining confucian scholars, later on to be recognised as one of the origins of Chosŏn confucian merchants(朝鮮儒商).

An Examination of Santiago’ Loneliness in The Old Man and the Sea in the Viewpoint of Confucianism

In Hemingway’s The Old Man and the Sea, the greatness of Santiago is remarkable, but it is also evident that he deserves our pity for he is lonely. This paper attributes the loneliness in Santiago to the following factors: his lack of balance between his knowledge and his societal recognition, his lack of family caring, lack of material pleasure for an old man, failure in his effort to catch a fish, less communication with the time, aging and the profession involving in killing the fish. And the deeper reason behind it lies in his lack of aim and sincerity. Rooted in Confucianism, the Confucian scholar and officer Wang Yangming put foreword the concept of “sincerity” and “working hard on things one engages in” in order to make a break-though in one’s ideological progress. By comparison we find Santiago lacks faith and greater life aim in his life, while Chinese Confucian scholars from their childhood have a definite life purpose, that is to be a sage or virtuous person. During their life, they work for this aim, which can be summarized by three buildings “building up one’s moral, building up one’s feat, and building up one’s works.”

1901년 유학자의 위기의식과 기독교 비판-간재 전우의 「自西徂東辨」을 중심으로-

1901년 유학자의 위기의식과 기독교 비판-간재 전우의 「自西徂東辨」을 중심으로-

무인집권기 임춘의 은거관념 －불교를 중심으로－

This article examines the seclusion concept of the intellectuals during the military regime, centering on Im Chun’s 『Seohajip』. This is because, Im Chun’s thoughts about the concept of seclusion are richly described in the 『Seohajip』. Im Chun’s concept of seclusion was briefly addressed in relation to Confucianism. However, he was interested in not only Confucianism, but also in the seclusion concept of Buddhism. Therefore, Im Chun’s concept of seclusion needs to be dealt with newly in relation to Buddhism. Im Chun tried to grasp the history of seclusion related to Buddhism throughout the Korean history. This is why he had a profound interest in the seclusion of the Silla period, and continued to summarize the aspects of seclusion that took place during the middle period of Goryeo. All of this was to suggest how seclusion should be in his time. Based on this, Im Chun emphasized to monks and inhabitants that the temple is a place of seclusion. At this time, he paid great attention to what spirit Buddhists should pursue when they seclude at the temple. As a criterion for evaluating the seclusion, he focused on whether the believers are properly practicing the truth of Buddhism, that is, Tao. For this reason, he criticized very harshly when the believers’ seclusion was in wrong direction. Moreover, he claimed that even if the believers seclude, it must be a truthful seclusion, not a false one. Meanwhile, Im Chun also had interest in the monks’ participation in reality. To him, participation in reality and the seclusion were not separate from each other. However, he thought that even if the monks participate in reality, they should return to their original place after the participation and seclude. He believed that there are still many things that the monks can do for the world, even in the temple. Thus, he revealed how the concept of seclusion is different between the Buddhism and the Confucianism. For the monks, essential path is to seclude. Whereas participation in reality is the proper path for the Confucian scholars. Only then could Buddhism be able to give the right help to society of Goryeo at that time. Through this, he believed that the social problems of Goryeo, that occurred due to the military regime, can be correctly solved.

Political meritocracy and its betrayal

Some Confucian scholars have recently claimed that Confucian political meritocracy is superior to Western democracy. I have great reservations about such a view. In this article, I argue that so long as political meritocracy – be it Confucian or non-Confucian – does not commit itself to the ideal of democracy, it has the dangerous tendency to become politically oppressive in the hands of authoritarian rulers. To illustrate the problem, I first revisit Isiah Berlin’s classical discussion of the idea of positive liberty; he is deeply concerned about the abuse of this idea in the hands of dictators. Next, I examine Daniel Bell’s model of meritocracy in relation to China’s present form of governance. While Bell’s model and China’s present form of governance may not show political meritocracy at its best, they help to show that any version of political meritocracy that lacks a strong commitment to democracy tends to be political oppressive and, ultimately, may betray the ideal of political meritocracy.

What Master Hwadam Loved to Learn: The Hwadam jip and Seo Gyeongdeok' s Place in the Intellectual History of Joseon

Based on the analysis of the Hwadam jip 花潭集 _and its peritexts (prefaces, postfaces, chronological biography, etc.) in particular, this study focuses on the contrasting assessments of Seo Gyeongdeok 徐敬德 _(1489-1546) during the Joseon period. It analyzes why and how the followers of Seo Gyeongdeok laid out multiple strategies in the compilation of his munjip to counteract the criticisms expressed by high-profile Neo-Confucian scholar-officials, such as Yi Hwang and Yi I under Seonjo’s reign. These criticisms toward Seo Gyeongdeok’s eremitism, his approach to the Changes, and his specific way of practising Confucian learning, which had been regarded as potentially unorthodox, were all addressed in different ways by the successive compilers of the munjip between the 16th and 18th centuries. This article argues that the Hwadam jip, especially the last edition in 1787, is what may have played a major role in turning Seo Gyeongdeok into Master Hwadam, one of the most respected Confucian scholars nowadays. By mixing carefully chosen biographical elements with philosophical arguments, this most complete edition printed at the Hwagok Academy by the scholars of Gaeseong can be seen as an attempt to provide a holistic understanding of “Hwadam Learning” and trace their own lineage within the orthodox “Transmission of the Way” in the process. Seo Gyeongdeok is presented as a direct disciple of Confucius, in the manner of Yan Hui and, hence, worthy of the utmost respect and recognition. Ironically, although Seo Gyeongdeok has been duly acknowledged as a forerunner of the Neo-Confucian tradition of Joseon in modern histories of Korean Confucianism, the definition of “Hwadam Learning” as a “Learning of Mind-and-Heart” in line with the “Learning of Nature and Principle” as proposed in the final edition of the Hwadam jip is not the one that prevails today.

Against the ban on women’s remarriage: Gendering ui 義 in Song Siyeol’s philosophy

ABSTRACT This article investigates the views of Song Siyeol 宋時烈 (1607–1689), a Confucian scholar-official in Joseon Korea, on marriage ritual, with a special focus on the issue of women’s remarriage. Song opposed the legal ban on women’s remarriage that was enforced in his age, despite the danger this invited of being accused of promoting licentious deeds as well as generating suspicion about his loyalty as a subject. He clearly understood women’s remarriage as an ethical and not a legal issue. The ethical principle of his conception of spousal loyalty, or ui 義, however, reveals its gendered aspect through his discussion with a fellow Confucian scholar. Moreover, his private behavior exemplifies the gendered aspects of his view on spousal fidelity. In addition, the unequal application of ui was supported by beliefs about the asymmetrical relation between Heaven and Earth, that were widely held and deployed by Confucians of Joseon Korea.

원대(元代) 풍수문화 초탐

The Mongol dynasty of China embraced and actively protected the traditional culture of the Han people. A typical cases are the administrative system, ancestor worship, ritual culture and yin yang study. From the early days of the Mongol Dynasty, emperors always employed a talent in Yinyang study. After the founding of the Yuan Dynasty, yin yang study became an official school. Based on the trust of the Yuan emperors and the ruling classes, feng shui culture became popular throughout society. But by blind faith in the yinyang study and feng shui, there have been bad results throughout society. In the Yuan Dynasty, laws were enacted to address the abuses caused by the blind faith in the yin yang study and feng shui. The Yin Yang School System of the Yuan Dynasty was overseen by a high-ranking government agency. The main subject of the yin yang study test was feng shui, and feng shui theory was very diverse. In accordance with the trend of feng shui culture, the Yuan Dynasty used feng shui theory to decide the capital city. The capital was determined to be Dadu, present-day Beijing, and the capital was judged to be a great place based on the theory of feng shui. Liu Bing zhong, a servant of the first emperor of the Yuan Dynasty, contributed to the formation of the Yuan Dynasty and the establishment of the Dadu. Liu Bing zhong was a Han people, a confucian scholar, a yinyang scholar and a feng shui scholar. In the feng shui Book of Liu Bing zhong, Yu chi jing, is a feng shui literature that emphasizes both the main theories of feng shui. In Yu Chi Jing, the author placed great importance on the influence of nature's patterns on people. Yu Chi Jing's contents and system were based on the writings of the important feng shui literature of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. The feng shui culture of the Mongol and Yuan Dynasty is a phenomenon that emerged in the process of understanding and utilizing the feng shui culture of the Han people. The feng shui culture of the Yuan Dynasty has set the stage for the establishment of official feng shui culture in the Goryeo, the Ming, the Qing and the Joseon Dynasty. The Yuan Dynasty's feng shui culture is the reproduction and development of typical convergence of Hu and han culture. In the era of the Northern and Southern Dynasties, Hu and Han people“s cultures were fused around Xian. On the other hand, the Hu and Han people“s cultures of the Yuan Dynasty were fused around Dadu. The current Beijing is reflecting the history of Feng Shui which developed traditional culture into creative urban planning and spread it to world heritage sites.

조선시대 유자(儒者)의 공간의 의미화 양상과 그 의미 - 금강산 유산기(金剛山遊山記)를 중심으로 -

조선시대 유자(儒者)의 공간의 의미화 양상과 그 의미 - 금강산 유산기(金剛山遊山記)를 중심으로 -

“Neo-Confucianism of East Asia” and Yi T’oegye in Modern Japan: Debates on Yi T’oegye by Kimon and Kumamoto Practical Learning Schools and “Morality”

이 글은 일본의 대표적인 이퇴계연구자였던 아베 요시오(阿部吉雄)가 게이죠(京城)제국대학 조교수 시절의 1944년에 저술한 &#985172;이퇴계&#985173;(‘일본교육선철총서’ 최종권인 제23권)에 이르기까지의, 근대 일본의 이퇴계연구의 발자취를 담론 분석의 시선에서 고찰한 것이다. 이를 위한 분석 대상은 메이지(明治)시대 이후의 ‘기몬(崎門, 야마자키 안사이［山崎闇齋］학파)’과 ‘구마모토(熊本)실학파’의 이퇴계를 둘러싼 논의들이다. &#985172;이퇴계&#985173;에는 학문적 계통이 서로 다른 ‘기몬’의 이퇴계론과 ‘구마모토실학파’의 그것이 전체적으로 결합된 서사가 보인다. 이와 같은 양 학파가 통합된 형태의 이퇴계론은, 히젠(肥前) 히라도(平&#25144;)번의 유학자 구스모토 세키스이(楠本碩水)의 문인이었던 오카 나오카이(岡直養)가 1940년에 정정 보완해 간행한 &#985172;기몬학맥 계보(崎門&#23398;脈系譜)&#985173;의 오카 나오카이 편록(編&#37682;) &#65378;기몬학맥 계보 부록일(崎門&#23398;脈系譜付&#37682;一)에 이미 보이고 있다. 여기에서 야마자키 안사이 및 모토다 나가자네(元田永孚)가 함께 이퇴계의 영향을 받았다고 하는 이퇴계연구의 단서가 보이는 것이다. 본 논문은 이와 같은 1940년대의 이퇴계담론을, 주로 “황국의 도(道)”로서의 ‘도의(道義)’라는 키워드로 분석하고자 하였다. 그러나 20세기 초를 전후한 메이지 시기의 이퇴계담론은 그 같은 ‘도의’ 관점으로 고찰하기 곤란하다는 것, 또 그것이 1940년대를 전후한 이퇴계담론과 연속되지 않는 측면이 보인다. “황국의 도”로서의 ‘도의’ 시점에서 명확히 이퇴계사상을 논하는 아베의 &#985172;이퇴계&#985173; 등장은 이퇴계담론에만 국한되지 않는, 전후(前後)의 제국 일본 및 식민지 조선에서의 다양한 담론 공간의 변화와 연계되어 있다. 아베는 &#985172;이퇴계&#985173;에서 이퇴계를 “반도에서의 도학의 교조”라고 규정하면서 야마자키 안사이 및 모토다 나가자네의 ‘도의사상’을 이퇴계의 그것과의 관계 속에서 논하고 있는 바, 특히 야마자키 안사이의 사상을 ‘도의’의 관점에서 조명하려는 입장은 이미 1939년의 글에서도 나타난다. 본고에서는 이처럼 메이지시대 이후의 ‘기몬’의 이퇴계론과 더불어, 주로 ‘교육칙어’의 문맥에서 발화되기 시작한 ‘구마모토실학파’ 및 이퇴계와의 관계를 둘러싼 논의에 관해 고찰하고자 한다.This article explores the pathway of research on Yi T’oegye’s philosophy in modern Japan with a focus on Abe Yoshio (a representative scholar of Yi T’oegye) who published a book entitled YiT’oegye in 1944 when he was an assistant professor at Keij&#333; Imperial University. By examining what both the scholars of the Kimon (Yamazaki Ansai) School and those of the Kumamoto Practical Learning School discussed about Yi T’oegye’s philosophy, I find that Abe actually combined the interpretations of both schools, which maintained different academic orientations, into a coherent whole. Before Abe amalgamated the interpretations of both schools, Oka Naokai (a disciple of Kusumoto Sekisui who was a Confucian scholar in the Hirado domain of Hizen) had already suggested such amalgamation in his edited volume Kimongaku myakukeifufuroku(崎門&#23398;脈系譜付&#37682;) in 1940. Oka’s volume clearly showed that both Yamazaki Ansai (Kimon School) and Motoda Nagazane (Kumamoto School) had already been influenced by Yi T’oegye. When seen through the key concept “morality,” the debates on Yi T’oegye in the 1940s had little to do with discussions of Yi T’oegye that had unfolded in the Meiji period. Instead, Abe’s interpretations of Yi T’oegye’s philosophy from the perspective of “morality” were rather grounded in a variety of discourses that gained currency in Imperial Japan and Colonial Korea. Abe characterized Yi T’oegye as “the founder of morality studies in the peninsula and the pioneer of moral philosophy” and he related Yi’s philosophy to the theories of morality proposed by Yamazaki Ansai and Motoda Nagazane, respectively. In particular, Abe tried to shed light on Yamazaki Ansai’s thought from the perspective of “morality.” In this article, I contextualize how the interpretations of Yi T’oegye’s moral philosophy, which the Kimon scholars and Kumamoto Practical Learning scholars (who are often discussed in the context of “Imperial Rescript on Education”) proposed, were closely interconnected.

The Life of Kim Sung-woon and the Trends of the Confucian scholars in Gyeongsangwu-do in the early 18 th century

이 글은 주담 김성운의 가계와 생애를 통해, 그의 학문적&#65381;당파적 정체성과 아울러 18세기 초 경상우도 유림의 동향을 살펴보기 위해 작성되었다. 김성운은 ‘남명학파 남인’으로 부를 수 있을 정도로 남명학파적인 성향을 진하게 지니고 있었던 동시에, 숙종조 집권 서인에 대응하여 뚜렷한 남인의 특징을 지니고 있었다. 그는 고조부 김대명으로부터 이어진 학파의 전통을 계승하여 당대 덕천서원을 이끄는 인물 중 하나였는데, 이는 정인홍 계열의 남명학파가 배제된 학파 내 지형 속에서 이루어진 것이었다. 그는 침체된 남명학파를 부흥시키기 위해 이만부와 같이 저명한 외부 인사를 초빙하는 등 지역 내외의 인물들과 적극적으로 교유하였다. 남인으로서 그의 뚜렷한 행적은 『주담집』 속 그의 여행 기록에서 드러나는데, 이를 통해 당시 경상우도 유림의 동향도 살펴 볼 수 있다. 특히 과거시험장에서 벌어진 사건 기록이나 관련한 자신의 논평을 통해, 숙종 조에 발생한 첨예한 사안을 받아들이는 유림의 태도와 김성운의 인물 성격을 엿볼 수 있다. 또한 경종 즉위 이후의 정국 동향도 여정 중에 관심을 기울여 기록하였다.

A New Examination On "Abridgment Of Song Dynasty History"

이 논문은 편자와 편간연대 미상의 고서 『宋朝史詳節』에 대한 고증을 시도하였다. 북송 태조부터 남송 말제까지 宋朝의 주요 史事와 사론을 수록한 편년체 형식의 이 사서는 국내 다수의 대학 도서관과 해외 기관에 소장된 활자본 및 필사본으로 현전하고 있다. 필자는 일제강점기 조선총독부통역관 겸 서지학자였던 마에마 교사쿠(前間恭作, 1868~1942)의 『古鮮冊譜』 (1944)로부터 중요한 단서를 발견할 수 있었다. 즉, 『宋朝史詳節』은 “正祖 가 동궁에 있을 때 편찬한 『송사촬요』의 저본이 된 초고본”이라는 해제 내용이다. 정조는 즉위 이전 동궁에 있을 때부터 『宋史』를 탐독하며, 이를 조선의 입장에서 재차 개찬하려는 뜻을 여러 차례 밝힌 바 있다. 그는 기전체사서인 『宋史』의 오류를 수정하고 압축하고자 『宋史筌』을 편찬했는데, 그과정에서 ‘詳節’과 ‘撮要’의 작업을 차례로 진행했다. 정조가 “나는 일찍이宋朝의 風氣와 人物이 우리 왕조와 서로 유사하여 ‘감계’로 삼기에 다른역사보다 宋史가 더욱 절실하다고 말하였다. 이 때문에 正史를 刪定하여『宋史筌』이 나왔고, 편년체 사서를 節略하여 『宋史撮要』가 나온 것이다” 라고 밝힌 것은 그 편찬의 취지와 과정을 단적으로 보여준다. 본고는 위와 같은 논거를 중심으로 『宋朝史詳節』에 대한 새로운 고증과해제를 시도하였다. 이를 위해 먼저, 현전하는 판본의 현황과 특징을 살펴보고, 규장각의 장서목록과 대조하였다. 그리고 『日省錄』에서 발견된 새로운 기록을 통해 『宋朝史詳節』의 정확한 편찬 시점을 고증하고, 『宋史撮要』 와의 비교를 통해 이 사서가 갖고 있는 체재와 구성의 특징을 논술하였다. 끝으로 이 사서의 편찬 취지와 목적을 밝힘으로써 종전 解題의 결함을 보완해 보도록 하겠다.“Abridgment of Song Dynasty History”(宋朝史詳節), whose author and publishing time is unknown, is kept in a number of domestic university libraries, including Seoul National University s Kyujanggak and the National Library of Korea. and it s metal prints are also on display at the National Library of China, the East Asia Library of Columbia University in the U.S. and the National Institute of Language and Culture in France. According to “Bibliography on books of ancient Joseon”(古鮮冊譜) written by a Japanese interpreter of Korean and bibliographer, Maema Kyosaku(1868~1942) under the colonial administration of imperial Japan, it was a draft version of “Summary Of Song Dynasty History”(宋史撮要) which was compiled by King Jeongjo when he was in the palace. This book chronicles the main facts from the founding to the end of the Song Dynasty(960~1276), and adds to some facts from Yao Dynasty, Jin Dynasty, Yuan Dynasty and the early Ming Dynasty. Also, one of the characteristics of the book s contents is that it contains a large number of historical reviews written by renowned Confucian scholars in the Song Dynasty and thereafter. Before his ascension to the throne, King Jeong-jo devoted himself to studying the history of the Song Dynasty in China. The Song Dynasty was founded based on Confucian ideas, and the ideology of Confucianism dominated almost all areas, including politics, society, culture and education. Jeong-jo considered the factors of success and failure shown by Confucian politics in the Song Dynasty in the course of history, and thought that Joseon, a Confucian country, could provide an important direction and indicator of reality. This history book is not just a blind follower of the Republic of China, but rather a review of the history of Confucian politics from an independent point of view, and compiled to set important lessons and indicators of reality.

19세기 류후조의 중앙정계진출과 정치활동

Nakpa Ryu Ho-jo(洛坡 柳厚祚) was the first member of Namin in Yeongnam(嶺南南人) that held office as a minister in 170 years since Gapsulhwanguk(甲戌換局1694). He had his practical abilities recognized through his activities as a local government official, attracting attention from power politicians. He passed the state exam in the Mungwa in 1858(ninth year of King Cheoljong''s reign) when he served as a Busa in Gangreung(江陵府使) and immediately entered the central political arena. After King Gojong ascended to the throne, he was selected by Daewongun(大院君) and then appointed to Right Uijeong and Left Uijeong by the king. The academic circles have tended to examine his political activities and the backgrounds behind his selection as a minister within the framework of “Daewongun’s policy of engaging Namin members.” This tendency has failed to highlight Ryu’ individual capabilities as a government official. That is, it has become a general understanding that Ryu was selected passively by Heungseon Daewongun as part of his talent engagement policy to secure the Namin of Yeongnam as his supporters. This study examined closely Ryu’s activities as a local government official before Daewongun seized power as there had been little attention to his activities during the period. The study analyzed the process of Ryu entering the central political arena based on various historical materials and reviewed again the reasons why Daewongun paid attention to Ryu by connecting them to the fierce political situations during the period of power politics. Furthermore, the study highlighted Ryu’s diverse capabilities by describing how he worked hard to obtain international information in Qing, focusing on the abilities of Ryu from an objective perspective. It is not possible to explain Ryu’s entry into the central political arena and appointment as a minister only with his family backgrounds behind the Ryu family of Pungsan(豊山柳氏) and his political backgrounds behind the Namin of Yeongnam. The ruling forces needed Ryu''s family and political backgrounds to achieve their political goal of mustering the power of Confucian scholars in the Yeongnam region. His backgrounds would not, however, have been highlighted without his practical abilities and realistic judgment as a government official. More complete historical meanings can be attached to him only after total consideration into his practical abilities as a local government official, the attention he got from the forces of power politics and Daewongun in the political dynamics, and a series of activities that he engaged in during the ruling of Daewongun. Ryu was one of the politicians to represent the 19th century, meeting the needs of the times as a member of Namin in Yeongnam.

師門•學脈•道統：韓元震與李柬“湖洛論爭”之義理背景

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.&#x0D; 朝鮮儒學從四端七情之辨，進而及於人心道心問題，層層而進，逐漸明朗，性之所向，理氣問題，正是其中關鍵所在，韓元震與李柬所爭是師門宗旨，也是數代積累的儒學問題，“湖洛論爭”如同漣漪逐漸擴散，造成巨大影響，成爲朝鮮儒學史中最可注意的學術論辯。李柬以未發之時難言氣質之性，聖人與凡人同禀明德本體，提出“聖凡心同”，主張“人物性同論”；韓元震認爲未發仍有氣質之性，認爲聖人與凡人不同，提出“聖凡心不同”，主張“人物性異論”。兩人針鋒相對，最後以老師權尚夏表態支持韓元震而告一段落，確立性於氣質得見，爲師門心法所在，韓元震於後標舉學脈宗旨，建構朝鮮學術主體地位，藏道統於東國，貢獻卓著，湖洛論爭正是觸發其儒學事業的關鍵。&#x0D; Korean Confucian scholars researched the differentiation between “four beginnings” (siduan) and “seven emotions” (qiqing), and gradually progressed to the issues concerning the human mind and the Way. Their findings disclosed that “principle” (li) and “material-force” (qi) are key concepts central to Confucianism. These issues were subjects of dispute between scholars Han Yuanzhen (1682-1751) and Li Jian (1677-1727), who represented their own schools of thought. They also remained unsolved issues in Confucianism for many generations. In fact, this so-called “Huluo Debate” made such an enormous impact that it became the most important academic polemic in the history of Korean Confucianism. Li Jian advocated “Sameness of Human Nature” and held that it was impossible to define one’s temperament before one’s expression, and hence saints and commoners had the same original mind. Han Yuanzhen, on the other hand, advocated “Diversity of Human Nature” and argued that people had distinct temperaments by nature and therefore saints and commoners’ minds were different. Their views were diametrically opposed and resulted in frantic debates. Finally, their tutor, Quan Shangxia (1641-1712), settled the debates by supporting Han’s opinion, confirming that one’s inner nature could be found in one’s temperament. Thereafter, Han not only promoted the creeds of his school but also constructed the Succession to the Way (daotong) in Korea. All in all, the “Huluo Debate” is the basis of Han Yuanzhen’s remarkable achievement of Confucianism.

From Confucianism to Nationalism

This paper examines how political discourses have changed as scholars seek answers regarding the origins of the Vietnamese people. The origin(s) of the Vietnamese people has long been a subject of debate. Confucian scholars from the fifteenth to the nineteenth centuries claimed themself to be descendants of Han people, the successors of the Han civilization. The colonial scholars (from 1860 to 1945), when using the theory of race, anthropology, and social evolution theory, thought that the Annam people were a hybrid breed, still in the process of evolution, and needed to be enlightened civilized. Indigenous scholars combined the Han ideology of Confucianism and the ideology of the French to claim that the Vietnamese were the descendants of the Hùng Vương. This ideological transformation was aimed at calling for patriotism, fighting against the French, and defending the nation from colonial domination. The results reveal that the process of changing paradigms in Confucian thought through colonialism led to the formation of fictive kinship and the spread of nationalism in Vietnam.