Conflict In France Research Articles

Employees as judges in European labour courts: A conflict of interests?

Labour courts in many European countries have a tripartite structure, with a professional judge sitting with employer and employee lay judges. This article focuses on employee judges, who face a potential conflict between their partisan role defending workers and their role as an impartial judge. Using cognitive dissonance as our theoretical framework and drawing on over a 100 interviews in three European countries, we found that many British and German interviewees said that they had not experienced any conflict of interests. Others, however, reported such conflict, especially initially, and demonstrated adaptation strategies that appeared consistent with cognitive dissonance theory. Moreover, there were national variations: conflict in France appeared more pervasive and enduring than in Britain or Germany.

TheAffaire des placards, Polemical Humour, and The Sardonic Laugh

Working with Erasmus’s exploration of the sardonic laugh, this article begins with the placard of the notorious Affaire des placards of 17–18 October 1534. The aim is to uncover uses of polemical humour in pamphlets produced during the early years of religious conflict in France. Starting with Antoine Marcourt, the likely author of the placard, the article investigates Marcourt’s first known satirical pamphlet, the Livre des marchans. This is followed by a study of Jerome Hangest’s response to the affaire. Hangest was not only the person designated by the Sorbonne to produce a response to the placards, but also one of the first Catholics to attempt to counteract the effects of Protestant propaganda in France. Finally, this article examines Marcourt’s enigmatic co-religionist, Marie Dentiere, whose work also contains illuminating examples of the sardonic laugh. In all of this, the goal is to uncover connections between humour and violence, as well as growing suspicions about the uses and dangers of laughter. As new, more vicious forms of satire are developed, suspicions about these also intensify, and, in an increasingly polarized society, there is little room left for laughter other than the sardonic laugh.

‘Maravalgate’ and its effects: a year of debate over the funding of French cinema

The French system of film funding allows French cinema to resist the hegemony of Hollywood better than any other European cinema. It is a reflection of France’s protective stance regarding its cultural products, a position that has long been expressed in its strong defence of the principle of ‘cultural exception’ in free trade agreements between the European Union and the United States. It might be thought that an arrangement that is so favourable to film production would receive unanimous support. On the contrary, it fuels controversy and is regularly criticised and even attacked. An example of this is producer Vincent Maraval’s claim at the end of 2012 that French actors are ‘overpaid’. This opinion piece had considerable repercussions because it called the funding system of French cinema into question. Its effects are still being felt today. This article will follow the thread of the discussion throughout 2013, a year that is a perfect case study because it presents an exceptional sequence of incidents and reactions around the question of film funding. Through their denunciation of the excesses linked to government assistance, criticism of the avance sur recettes (advance against earnings), rejection of the collective agreement, the fantasy of a cinema of ‘public servants’, and finger-pointing at films with low audiences, these reactions blurred the lines between supporters and opponents of the system. The author analyses the tensions and misunderstandings expressed in these debates, highlighting their often contradictory nature. She points out that these tensions have their origins in debates that significantly predate the very existence of cinema, because they follow in the footsteps of a traditional conflict in France between art and money. She above all stresses the fact that they have inherited a very old suspicion of any art form considered to be dependent on government support.

'Paldokangsan 3': a Walking Game for the Elderly Towards Good Memorization

Old people are prone to get weak in their physical bodies as well as their memorizations. We have developed a serious game for the elderly named ‘Paldokangsan 3’ which is a walking game strengthening the ability of memorization with the interface of motion capture using Kinect. The experiments were done with 25 old people of more than 65 years old in ‘Cheonan’ city in Korea. Its effect analysis has showed possibilities of the improvement of memorization as well as improvement of concentration and vitality through this game. Also the French version of ‘Paldokangsan 3’ has been tested for 20 old people of more than 65 years old in France. There was no cultural conflict in France even though the street and characters were Korean with sounds in Korean.

Fragmenting citizenship: dynamics of cooperation and conflict in France's immigrant rights movement

This paper examines the contradictory relational dynamics of immigrant rights movement through a close examination of the French case during the 1990s. Through this movement, we find a network made up of different groups of immigrants and well-established rights organizations. As the movement intensified over the months, powerful cleavages developed between groups of undocumented immigrants (e.g. families, single men, etc.) and between certain immigrants and rights organizations. The same discursive and political structures that precipitated the cooperation of these diverse actors were also responsible for planting seeds of conflict by presenting different groups of migrants with unequal opportunities and placing resource-rich associations in a powerful position in the network. The paper concludes by discussing how the theory developed here can be ‘extended’ to analyse the relational dynamics found in similar social movements in other countries (e.g. USA).

Representations of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict in France by Cognitive Mapping

In geography, representations allow an analysis of the way people represent the world, or a part of it, from experienced spaces to those apprehended only through their ideational dimensions. This article analyses the representations of a non-experienced territory scene of a conflict since the middle of the twentieth century: spatial representations of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict viewed from France. This study aims to determinate the collective representation of the conflict by using cognitive maps. This paper proposes an empirical work with cognitive maps thanks to a survey conducted in France, on undergraduates studying geography/history, as they constitute, in theory, introduced people.En géographie les représentations graphiques permettent d’analyser la façon dont les gens se représentent tout ou partie du monde, en allant de l’espace vécu à un espace uniquement appréhendé au travers de dimensions idéologique. Cet article analyse les représentations d’un territoire non vécu sur une scène de conflits depuis le milieu du 20ième siècle. Il s’agit des représentations spatiales du conflit Israélo-palestinien vu de France. Cette étude a pour but de déterminer la représentation collective d’un conflit à l’aide de cartes cognitives. Ce papier présente un travail empirique à l’aide de cartes cognitives réalisé à partir de relevés faits en France par des étudiants en histoire-géographie, groupe qui constitue, en principe, des personnes initiées.

Fossil Fish: Preserving Samuel Johnson within Hester Lynch Piozzi's British Synonymy

Fossil Fish: Preserving SamuelJohnson within Hester Lynch Piozzi's British Synonymy Il Lisa Berglund Buffalo State College "t is Hester Lynch Piozzi's fortune and misfortune ever to be .linked in the public mind with her most famous friend. Their intimacy assured the tremendous success of her first book, Anecdotes of the Late SamuelJohnson (1786), and that triumph paved the way for the positive reception of her edition ofJohnson's correspondence (1788) and for her travel book, Observations and Reflections Made during a Tour ofFrance, Italy and Germany (1789). When she decided to compose "a two-Volume Book of Synonymes in English, like what the Abbé Girard has done in French, for the use of Foreigners, and other Children of six feet high," however, Piozzi formally rejected "help from Dr. Johnson ," as she says in a 1793 letter to her daughter Hester Maria "Queeney" Thrale (Thraliana 1951, 2, 837; Piozzi Letters 22 August 1793, 2, 140). For a writer who had hitched her literary wagon to the star of Johnson's fame, refusing to followJohnson's model seems peculiar; for a lexicographer, perverse. Published in two octavo volumes in 1794, British Synonymy discriminates 1 180 words in 315 entries, which range in length from a single paragraph to a half-dozen pages. This format, "brief essays in which synonyms [are] discriminated," is, as Sidney I. Landau explains, typical ofsynonymies that predate Roget's Thesaurus ofEnglish Words and Phrases (1852) (Landau 2001, 135). Some entries concentrate on discriminating shades of meaning; into others Piozzi incorporates personal anecdotes or reflections on the political scene, particularly the revolutionary conflict in France. To help her intended audience of non-native speakDictionaries :Journal ofthe Dictionary Society ofNorth America 30 (2009) , 96-1 07 Fossil Fish97 ers to connect their reading of English literature to their forays into polite English conversation, Piozzi often uses quotations to discriminate shades of meaning, and her book becomes a repository of her favorite passages from Shakespeare, Milton, Johnson, Otway, Prior, Pope, and Dryden, among others. She also includes quotations from Italian and French authors, references to Scripture, and some original translations from French and Italian poetry. The book achieved a modest success, and a second edition was published the same year in Dublin. An abridged version, to which the publishers Parsons and Galignani added numerous illustrations of usage from English literature, appeared in Paris in 1804. Grammar and diction had long interested Piozzi, a fact that doubtless contributed to her earnestness in 1 765 to cultivate the friendship of Samuel Johnson. Before her marriage, she studied the work of James Harris after her mentor Dr. Arthur Collier presented her with the philologist's Hermes: A Philosophical Inquiry Concerning Language and Universal Grammar. Young Hester Salusbury's specially-bound copy was interleaved with blank pages, which the then 19-year-old enthusiast filled with marginal comments, observing in one note that grammar is "an interesting Science, & ofgeneral Utility" (Salusbury MS note in Hermes, interleaf facing 6). As a mother, Mrs. Thrale prided herself on teaching her children the correct use of the English language; Thraliana and her other diaries are replete with discussions of words. After her marriage to Gabriel Piozzi in 1 784, she found herself witnessing the particular kind of errors into which the complexity of English idiom betrayed her Italian husband and his compatriots. For example, in Observations and Reflections, Piozzi reports: It is the genius of the German language to degrade all our English words somehow: they call a coach a waggon, and ask a lady if she will buy pomatum to smear her hair with. Such is however the resemblance between their tongue and ours, that the Italians protest they cannot separate either the ideas or the words (Piozzi 1789, 368). Piozzi's decision in 1792 to compile a synonymy, then, responded to the recent stimulation of a lifelong interest. While it is true that Piozzi owed the beginning of her public literary career to her friendship with Johnson, even had she never met the lexicographer, a synonymy might have occupied her pen. As she wrote to Queeney on 19 December 1794: 98Lisa Berglund You may perhaps recollect YourFather's partiality for Abbé Girard's Work...

Ethnic Conflict in France

In the last 3 years, France has seen a series of violent protests by ethnic minorities in regard to jobs, legal discrimination, and access to positions in the public bureaucracy. Because France as a nation rejects the concepts of race and ethnicity, it has also failed to consider any possible benefits that might accrue from a representative bureaucracy. This article examines whether French ethnic protests are linked to bureaucratic access issues and how a policy seeking a more representative bureaucracy might benefit the French Republic.

Edward Thomas, Swinburne, and Richard Jefferies: “The dead oak tree bough”

Edward Thomas, Swinburne, and Richard Jefferies:“The dead oak tree bough” Nick Freeman Locating Thomas Between 1914 and 1917, Edward Thomas wrote 144 poems. It is on these that his reputation now rests, but a focus on the remarkable creativity of this period can often misrepresent the nature of his literary achievement as a whole. "[O]f his twenty-two months as a soldier," Kenneth Millard reminds us, "all but seventy days were spent training in England, and he only wrote one poem in France, 'The Sorrow of True Love."'1 Such comments are a timely corrective to those who, since the revival of critical interest in Thomas in the early 1970s, have tended to regard him primarily as a war poet. Andrew Motion has been especially influential here, notably in his frequently quoted pronouncement: "Because all [Thomas's] poetry was written after the outbreak of war, it is all, in an important sense, war poetry. Behind every line, whether mentioned or not, lies imminent danger and disruption."2 That "whether mentioned or not" gives Motion and those who followed him critical carte blanche to transport Thomas's poems to the Western Front and enshrine them in the canon of anthems for doomed youth. Elements of Thomas's work do, on occasion, encourage a sense of preoccupation with the war, but the conflict in France is far from the only cause of "danger and disruption" in his poetry, or indeed his other writings. There are, needless to say, a number of other versions of Edward Thomas in circulation. There is the Thomas of biography and recollection, a young bohemian with an inadequate knowledge of birth control, disappointed academic ambitions, and a susceptibility to "melancholia." Then there is Thomas the Georgian, the Thomas hailed by Walter de la Mare as a "mirror of England," Thomas the "nature poet," Thomas the Anglo-Welsh quasi-socialist visionary, Thomas the friend of Robert Frost. There is also the Thomas who emerges from Edna Longley's [End Page 164] superb collection of his critical writing, A Language not to be Betrayed (1981), as a journalist evolving a complex literary and critical aesthetic while reviewing thirty books a week. The polyphonic characterisations that are attached to Thomas, those of husband, father, critic, novelist, journalist, anthologist, travel writer, soldier, and finally poet, make it very difficult to achieve a stable perspective on him, especially when he was wont to characterise himself as a "doomed hack."3 Which Thomas is under discussion here? To answer this, we need to refine the idea of Thomas as a war poet. Thomas was not a pacifist, but neither was he especially bellicose: his main reason for joining the army in 1915 was a pragmatic wish to ensure a larger pension for his wife and children. War was a job rather than a calling, and Thomas had no illusions about the reasons for the conflict, the lasting worth of much so-called "war poetry" or his own probable fate in northern France. Six months after he was killed, a reviewer of a reprint of one of his books declared that Thomas's criticism revealed "a dislike of committing himself" and that "First and last, Thomas was a non-combatant of letters." "Just as little was he non-combatant in literature as in war," Thomas's father replied, appalled by the slur on his son's memory.4 Any reader of Thomas's criticism can have no doubt that his father was right, yet the reassurance of his military heroism occludes the genuine significance of the remark. Thomas was very far from a "non-combatant" in either life or literature, being engaged in both the real war which ultimately cost him his life and a more complex set of negotiations with late-Victorian literary culture. One engagement was a martial struggle in which he was the pawn of forces beyond his control, but the other saw him in a very different position as a cultural diplomat seeking a negotiated solution to an increasingly vicious struggle between aspects of late-Victorian and self-consciously modern literary practice. While the prose grenades of Blast (1914) were blowing up the years 1837–1901, Thomas was, so...

:High Anxiety: Masculinity in Crisis in Early Modern France

This collection explores the evolution of notions about masculinity during the intense crisis of Renaissance and early modern France. Authors of the period reflect the anxieties about masculinity that became more pronounced against the backdrop of major events and innovations of the period: the religious conflict in France, the repeated questioning of religious and royal authority, the revival of Greek scepticism, the discovery of the New World, and the rise of clinical medicine. These events in turn fuelled growing doubt concerning the fixed and hierarchical nature of gender distinction; a distinction upon which many felt French culture was dependent for its very survival.

Farm Conflict in France and the Europeanisation of Agricultural Policy

This article investigates farm conflict in France from 1958 to the present in relation to the dynamics of Europeanisation. The framework emphasises how institutions shape farm conflict by mediating market forces, structuring the political opportunities of contending groups and shaping their world views. The analysis investigates the relationship between institutional politics and contentious politics at three junctures of the development of the CAP: its formation (1958-69), consolidation (1970-87), and reform (1988 to present). The findings suggest that European institutions have played a significant role in the production and transformation of farm conflict in France.

Forging the Frontiers Between State, Church, and Family: Religious Cleavages and the Origins of Early Childhood Education and Care Policies in France, Sweden, and Germany

European states differ tremendously in the extent to which their national education systems administer preschool programs, and whether or not these services can serve as day care for working parents. This article traces contemporary policy differences in three countries—France, Sweden, and Germany—to the effects of nineteenth-century conflicts between religious and secular forces over education. Intense, clerical-anticlerical conflict in France led to the incorporation of preschools into the national education system. In Sweden and Germany, the more accommodating relationship between church and state assured that no such incorporation took place. These decisions had lasting consequences for the nature and extensiveness of child care services for preschool-aged children.

Can a Territorial Policy be Based on Science Alone? The System for Creating the Natura 2000 Network in France

Decreed in May 1992 by the eec with a view to conserving biodiversity, the Habitats directive envisages, between now and the year 2004, constructing a European ecological network named Natura 2000. The implementation of the network, based firstly on compiling a list of habitats and species that could be recognized as being of Community importance, generated considerable conflict in France, to the extent that the directive was suspended in July 1996. The analysis of the Habitats directive system has taken a two‐fold approach. The procedures first of all correspond to the tools for reaching the goals set out in the Brussels text, in the time allowed and based on scientific criteria. The second dimension refers to an interpretation of the debates and conflicts generated by the application of the directive's conservation measures on the territory. This second dimension in fact would have been difficult to implement were it not for the support of the area administrators, since their involvement was crucial. In this context, we have interpreted the changes in the procedures of the Habitats directive and the role given to negotiations as well as the issues raised by the nature conservation policies that could no longer be restricted to scientific criteria.

Family, Work and Wages: The Stéphanois Region of France, 1840–1914

Exploring issues of the family wage, this paper examines labour markets, family employment patterns and political conflict in France. Up to now, the debate over the family wage has centred mainly on analysing British trade unions and the development of an ideal of domesticity among the British working classes, more or less taking for granted the declining women's labour force participation rate and the configuration of state/trade union relations prevailing in Great Britain. Shifting the debate across the Channel, scholars such as Laura Frader and Susan Pedersen have suggested that different attitudes to the family wage prevailed. In France, demands for the exclusion of women from industry were extremely rare because women's participation in industry was taken for granted. But a gendered division of labour and ideals of domesticity remained and made themselves felt in both workforce and labour movement.

L'affaire des foulards et la laïcité à la française

Jean Baubérot, The Affair of the Scarves and Secular Education in France The prohibition of head coverings (scarves) in French high schools has been a test of the principles of secular education in France which permits an analysis on three levels. First, the dynamics of dissent are revealed as transcending traditional political or ideological positions. Second, defenders of secular education have formed a consensus in favor of the prohibition, even if they disagree on how to do it. Third, the traditional conflict in France between Catholics and secularists has been overcome in favor of secular education. However, this development implies a conspiracy of silence regarding the crisis of secularism in general and, in particular, on the issue of "secular morality".

Intimacy expressions in three cultures: France, Japan, and the United States

The purpose of this study was to examine cultural variability influence on intimacy expressions of love commitment, disclosure maintenance, ambivalence, and conflict in France, Japan, and the United States. The MANOVA analyses revealed significant main effects for culture type (France. Japan, and the United States) and for gender type (male versus female) on the intimacy expression patterns. No significant interaction effect was found for culture and gender. Respondents in France and the United States reported a significantly higher degree of love commitment and disclosure maintenance than the Japanese respondents. In addition, the U.S. respondents reported a higher degree of relational ambivalence than their Japanese counterparts. Further, the French respondents reported the lowest degree of conflict expression in comparison to the Japanese group and the United States group. In terms of gender differences, females reported a significantly higher degree of love commitment, disclosure maintenance and interpersonal conflict expressions than their male counterparts. The findings and the implications of the study along culture and gender lines are discussed.

In France, Terminal Stage Medicine Is Not Hopelessly III

The author examines the conflict in France between medical paternalism, which preserves the physician's right to withhold information about diagnosis or prognosis from persons who are seriously ill, and the growing support for active euthanasia among the public. Living will legislation was unequivocably rejected by the National Assembly in 1978, yet there is interest in the use of drugs for the relief of pain even if they hasten death, in services to relieve the loneliness of the dying, and in a new emphasis in medical education upon a relation of partnership between doctors and patients.

"Disputes over Words" and Constitutional Conflict in France, 1730-1732

When the Parisian lawyer Matthieu Marais complained in 1729 that he was very tired of the Constitution,1 he referred not to the unwritten constitution of the realm but to the papal Constitution, Unigenitus (1713), which condemned one hundred one allegedly erroneous propositions extracted from Pasquier Quesnel's Jansenist commentary on the New Testament. Designed by Rome and Versailles to seal doctrinal orthodoxy in France after half a century of dissension over the workings of divine grace, this notorious bull instead provoked decades of disruptive debate about the religious and political traditions of the kingdom. The interminable disputes generated by the Constitution may have bored Marais, but they had momentous constitutional consequences. The prolonged conflicts of the crown, the clergy, and the parlements over the relationship between spiritual and temporal power and the fundamental laws of the realm contributed as much as, if not more than, the Enlightenment to the undermining of the traditional order before the Revolution. The controversies of 1730-32, witnessed by Marais, set the pattern for these conflicts, which lasted long after his death. The following account and analysis, which uses previously unconsulted archival materials, rereads the confrontations of these years as a revealing episode in the ideological disintegration of the Old Regime.2

Le cas très singulier de la guerre d'Algérie

The very singular case of the Algerian war, Bernard Droz In the history of Franco-French wars, the Algerian war is quite singular. Long indifferent to the colonial question, French public opinion showed little interest in Indochina, Tunisia or Morocco while Algeria unleashed passion. Although clearly the left was as a whole favorable to independence and the right opposed the loss of Algeria, the drama disturbed the traditional left-right confrontation. Moreover, the conflict in France was much more violent at the level of discourse than in reality. If there was a civil war, it took place more in Algeria. Paradoxically, the very bitterness of the conflict in France made it easier for Algeria to accede to independence, but in no way was independence achieved through the unanimity of a people.

Constitutional Conflict in France: Deputies' Attitudes toward Executive-Legislative Relations

The primary purpose of a constitution in a liberal democratic system is to impose restraint on the arbitrary use of power. The favored means of insuring this principle of constitutionalism is a judicious application of the doctrine of separation of powers: a separation which usually includes the functions of government, its agencies, and the individuals who occupy legitimate roles in the government.l Modifications to the constitution are normally evaluated in terms of how they effect the integrity of these divisions. The power which is distributed comes from the consent of the community, and once divided, power is understood as something which can be possessed, redivided, or transferred.2 Political scientists have directed most of their energy toward describing the realities of constitutional development. The present academic consensus is that legislatures have lost most of their constitutional powers. The executive, it is argued, has become the main source of legislative initiative and retains the recognized role of implementing laws. This evaluation is seldom neutral and antiseptic. It normally includes, at least implicitly, the demand that either an old balance be restored or a new one created. This is hardly surprising since the concentration of power is the very antithesis of constitutionalism. Our purpose in this paper is to examine the constitutional preferences of the members of one legislature, the National Assembly of the Fifth French Republic. In France, conflict over the Constitution continues to be endemic to political life. There is the ever-present possibility of a constitutional confrontation between the Assembly and the president that would challenge the legitimacy of the entire Constitution. An appreciation of deputies' attitudes towards the desirability of constitutional change and its direction begins with an understanding of constitutional reality in France and the recent course of executive-