Conflict In Egypt Research Articles

Political processes in Egypt during the reign of the Muslim Brotherhood

The author's article is devoted to the period of the Muslim Brotherhood's rule in Egypt in 2012-2013. The reign of President Muhammad Mursi, who was one of the leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood, was relatively short, but very eventful. In his political course, M. Mursi was usually guided more by the interests of the Muslim Brotherhood organization than the Egyptian society or the national interests of the country, which, naturally, was reflected in the Constitution adopted in 2012. This situation led to the deepening of the socio-political and economic crisis and the development of a new round of internal conflict in Egypt. The growing crisis phenomena in Egyptian society were of a complex nature and, it seems, consisted in the loss of a significant part of public support by M. Mursi and the Muslim Brotherhood, opposition of the state apparatus and security forces to rebuilding the political system in the spirit of the ideas of the Muslim Brotherhood movement, opposition secular opposition, the growth of protests, the center of which again, as in 2011, was the Tahrir Square in Cairo, as well as the growth of confidence in the army and its special position in the state and society. In addition, M. Mursi was unable to solve social and economic problems, and instead tried to concentrate all power in his hands. The analysis made it possible to conclude that in foreign policy M. Mursi demonstrated a poor understanding of national interests, regional and global processes, but he pursued a course more characteristic of the leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, rather than the Arab Republic of Egypt itself. Thus, the one-year rule of the Muslim Brotherhood led to the overthrow of M. Mursi and the establishment of a military dictatorship in the country.

Disentangling Strategic and Opportunistic Looting: The Relationship between Antiquities Looting and Armed Conflict in Egypt

Antiquities are looted from archaeological sites across the world, seemingly more often in areas of armed conflict. While this is not the only context in which antiquities are looted, it is an important context and one for which much is still unknown. Previously, the relationship between antiquities looting and armed conflict has been assessed with qualitative case studies and journalistic evidence due to a lack of systematically collected data. This study considers the relationship between antiquities looting and armed conflict in Egypt from 1997 to 2014 with a newly collected time series dataset. Autoregressive Distributed Lag Models (ARDL) with a bounds testing approach are used to assess both the overall relationship between these two phenomena and their temporal ordering. This article finds that antiquities looting and armed conflict are, indeed, statistically related; and that antiquities looting more often precedes armed conflict rather than the other way around. This finding suggests that looting is more strategic than opportunistic. Implications and future directions are discussed.

Arab Spring…Islamists-Seculars Struggle to Control Egypt A CDA Study from AJE's Ideological Perspective

The current study investigates the Arab spring upheaval consequences Egypt witnessed after 2011 popular revolution as reflected by AJE (Al-Jazeera English) in its online news article. The primary concern is to unveil AJE's hidden ideological view towards the internal conflict in Egypt investigating its discoursal positive ''Self'' and negative ''Other'' representations. Within the linguistic analysis, macro and micro structures of AJE's online news article were analyzed. At the macro level, the semantic macrostructure of AJE's article was outlined to determine its global meaning. At the micro level, the syntactic, lexical and rhetorical structures of AJE's online news article were examined to determine its local meaning. Within the ideological analysis, the AJE's online news article was analyzed to determine its ideological positive ''Self'' (in-group) and negative ''Other'' (out-group) presentations. The study is an attempt to explain how a single reality-Egyptian internal conflict- is viewed and represented by the designated media outlet, AJE. This can be achieved within the framework of critical discourse analysis (CDA). To conduct this qualitative study, the researchers adopted van Dijk's theory of Macrostructures (1980), van Dijk's theory of ideological square (1998) and Wodak's approach of Discourse- historical (2001, 2009). Furthermore, Fairclough's model for media discourse analysis was utilized to organize the analytical process. The study approved that AJE succeeded to reflect its ideological view. It expressed its support to the Muslim Brotherhood (Islamists) presented as the positive Self (in-group) and antagonism against the new Egyptian authority presented as the negative Other (out-group).

Conflict in Egypt as Depicted in Asian Cartoons

Egypt witnessed great changes between 2011 and 2014 and cartoonists in Asia covered with interest in these changes. This study is a analysis of a number of cartoons drawn from Asian cartoonists on Egypt at that period and seeks at answering some research questions which are the topics covered in Asian cartoons about conflict in Egypt, the symbols used to present the actors in the analyzed cartoons, the humor techniques applied and the visual analogy applied in analyzed cartoons.

Relationship of Locus of Control, Psychological Distress, and Trauma Exposure in Groups Impacted by Intense Political Conflict in Egypt

Social and political instability have become common situations in many parts of the world. Exposure to different types of traumatic circumstances may differentially affect psychological status. The aim of this study was to compare the relationship between personal perceptions of control over the events happening in one's life and psychological distress in two groups who experienced physical trauma but differed as to whether the trauma was a result of political upheaval and violence. Views on the extent to which the state was interested in the individual were also assessed. The sample consisted of 120 patients who were injured in the Cairo epicenter and 120 matched controls from the greater Cairo area whose injuries were from other causes. The Brown Locus of Control Scale and the Symptom Checklist-90-Revised (SCL 90-R) were administered approximately three months after the January 2011 start of the demonstrations and subsequent overthrow of the government. The groups did not differ on locus of control. For both groups, externality was associated with greater distress, suggesting a relationship between perceived helplessness in controlling one's life and distress. The Cairo group scored significantly higher than the control group on the SCL 90-R Global Severity Index (GSI) and Positive Symptom Total (PST). Perceptions of state interest in the population were low; overall, 78% viewed the state as having little or no interest in them. Discussion The relationship between exposure intensity and psychological distress is examined. In addition, differences in findings in populations experiencing political chaos compared with other types of disasters are considered. Beliefs regarding personal control over one's life circumstances are more closely associated with psychological distress than the circumstances in which the trauma occurred.

Conflict in strategic decision making: do the setting and environment matter?

PurposeThere are two goals of this study. First, it seeks to offer a cultural perspective with regard to the aspects of conflict in strategic decision making in Egypt. Second, it aims to examine the impact of conflict on decision effectiveness, taking into account the moderating effect of environmental uncertainty and environmental munificence.Design/methodology/approachThe study is a multi method one in which both semi‐structured interviews and survey questionnaires were utilized. In total, 36 semi‐structured interviews were conducted and 135 usable questionnaires were collected from manufacturing firms. Various statistical techniques were used to validate the instrument and analyze the data.FindingsThis article offers new insights into the perception of conflict in Egypt. It also corroborates prior research in that conflict was found to significantly influence decision outcomes and strategic decision‐making process matters.Practical implicationsBoth task and affective conflicts are treated in the context of their cultural and economic underpinnings and thus enable managers and researchers to have realistic views on the nature and impact of conflict in strategic decision making.Originality/valueThis article is designed to address a management concept which may be perceived differently across cultures – conflict. It also contributes to fill a gap in the strategic management literature by examining the perception of conflict and its impact on decision effectiveness considering the effects of setting and environment.

‘An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth’: Political violence and counter-insurgency in Egypt

The authors analyse newly collected time-series data measuring the dimensions of violent political conflict in Egypt. Attention is focused on the interaction between politically motivated attacks by Islamists and the counter-insurgency measures used by the Egyptian government. Both insurgency and counter-insurgency are multidimensional. Insurgency includes attacks on tourists, on Egyptian civilians and on security forces. Counter-insurgency includes arrests and attacks on militants. To some extent, the dynamics of insurgency and counter-insurgency can be described by two distinct cycles of violence: one related to highly politicized activities on both sides, and another related to less explicitly political activities. However, the two cycles are inter-related, leading to complex and asymmetric dynamics in the relationships between the different dimensions of the conflict. The authors find that the combination of political repression and military counter-insurgency measures employed by the Egyptian government has the potential to exacerbate rather than reduce political violence. On the other hand, the overall level of conflict intensity in Egypt can be mitigated by food subsidies. Finally, the existence of significant spillovers from upsurges in the Israeli—Palestinian conflict shows the regional importance of reaching a Middle East peace agreement.

Imperial Strategy and Political Exigency: The Red Sea Spice Trade and the Mamluk Sultanate in the Fifteenth Century

A salient issue in Mamluk history of the fifteenth century A.D./ninth century A.H. is the relationship of economic conditions to the formulation of the Sultanate's policies. In a landmark study, England to Egypt, 1350-1500, Robert Lopez, Harry Miskimin, and Abraham Udovitch explained why economic development across Eurasia came to a dead stop in the fourteenth century, leading to stagnant economic conditions that continued through the fifteenth century.1 This characterization in general remains valid. Indeed, the Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt and Syria faced especially severe difficulties. The Black Death, which had swept across the Eurasian landmass in the middle of the previous century, recurred in Egypt over a period of a century and a half and led to a sustained population loss of between one-quarter and one-third.2 By the turn of the fifteenth century, civil conflict in Egypt which resulted in the political ascendancy of the Circassian sultans and Timur's invasion of Syria compounded the economic difficulties the Sultanate continued to face. Udovitch, whose contribution to this study dealt with Egypt, concluded that Mamluk policy during this period of readjustment and recovery was directed fundamentally at responding to economic exigencies.3 If imperial activity is taken as a sign of a state's vitality, however, the reign of the Mamluk Sultan al-Ashraf Barsbay (r. 1422-38/825-41) stands out as an interlude of concerted initiative in a time of depleted resources. Although Barsbay was not able to reinvigorate the Sultanate's economy, he consolidated the new political order of the Circassians, established by his predecessors, and, to the extent that he was able to expand Cairo's imperial power to Cyprus and the Hijaz, he overcame the limitation of reduced agricultural and industrial wealth. These apparently contradictory tendencies of imperial ambition and economic stagnation require that we adopt a more nuanced view of Barsbay's rule, in order to refine the broadly drawn contour map provided by Udovitch and his coauthors.4 Although the agricultural sector had been hit hard by demographic decline caused by the plague, the trade in spices, and pepper in particular, constituted a vital part of the Mamluk economy. In terms of the transit trade between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean world, Richard Mortel has found evidence in sources from Mecca of an increase in the commerce that

A place for the Copts: imagined territory and spatial conflict in Egypt

A place for the Copts: imagined territory and spatial conflict in Egypt

A place for the Copts: imagined territory and spatial conflict in Egypt

A place for the Copts: imagined territory and spatial conflict in Egypt

Styles of Handling Personal Conflict in Egypt, United States, Africa, and the Gulf States

This study investigated the impact of culture on styles of handling personal conflicts. The conflict management styles of competing, collaborating, avoiding, and accommodating were measured using the Rahim Organizational Conflict Inventory (ROCI) instrument composed of 28 statements. For the purpose of this study four populations were identified. The analysis were conducted using 1089 responses; 779 from Egypt, 144 from the United States,32 from Africa (Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Morocco, Somalia, Sudan, Zaire, Zambia), and 134 from the Gulf States (the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates). The five styles of handling interpersonal conflict were measured in each region. Factor analysis and multivariate analysis of variance were used to analyze the data.

Was the Red Flag Flying There? Marxist Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948-1965

Was the Red Flag Flying There? Marxist Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948-1965

Joel Beinin. <italic>Was the Red Flag Flying There? Marxist Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948–1965</italic>. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1990. Pp. xix, 317. Cloth $40.00, paper $12.95

Journal Article Joel Beinin. Was the Red Flag Flying There? Marxist Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948–1965. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1990. Pp. xix, 317. Cloth $40.00, paper $12.95 Get access Beinin Joel. Was the Red Flag Flying There? Marxist Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948–1965. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1990. Pp. xix, 317. Cloth $40.00, paper $12.95. Sondra M. Rubenstein Sondra M. Rubenstein Hofstra University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 97, Issue 2, April 1992, Pages 591–592, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/97.2.591 Published: 01 April 1992

Was the Red Flag Flying There? Marxist Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948-1965.

Was the Red Flag Flying There? Marxist Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948-1965.

Was the Red Flag Flying There? Marxist Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948-1965

Was the Red Flag Flying There? Marxist Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948-1965

Was the Red Flag Flying There?: Marxist Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948-1965

Was the Red Flag Flying There? examines the Palestinian/Arab-Israeli conflict through the lens of Marxist politics. Joel Beinin asks how the proposal to partition Palestine into an Arab and a Jewish state--a solution endorsed by international consensus in 1947-49--became an obscure and even unthinkable option by the mid-1960s. As the most consistent adherents of the two-state solution both before and after the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, the Marxists serve as the focal point of his analysis. Beinin discusses three Marxist political formations in Egypt and Israel: the communist movement in Egypt; the Communist Party of Israel (MAKI); and the United Workers' Party of Israel (MAPAM), which attempted, but ultimately failed, to sustain a dual commitment to Marxism and Zionism. The failure of these movements and their progressive abandonment of an internationalist orientation toward resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict is explained as a consequence of the ultimate hegemony of nationalist politics in both Egypt and Israel. Employing both the analytical methods of political economy and a discourse analysis informed by insights drawn from Antonio Gramsci's conception of hegemony, Beinin offers a new interpretation of the significance of Marxist politics in Egypt and Israel. This work builds on and extends the scope of the revisionist history of the Arab-Israeli conflict developed by Israeli scholars during the 1980s, challenging traditional Marxist conceptions of the relationship between anti-imperialist nationalism and the struggle for socialism.

The Arab Stasis

Review of Class Conflict in Egypt: 1945-1970 by Mahmoud Hussein.This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

Class Conflict in Egypt 1945–1970

Class Conflict in Egypt 1945–1970

Class Conflict in Egypt: 1945-1970.

Class Conflict in Egypt: 1945-1970.

Backgrounds of Conflict in Egypt

Backgrounds of Conflict in Egypt