Conditions Of International Relations Research Articles

Saudi Arabia Neoliberalism Theory in International Relations

For the purpose of this essay, we will look at how Saudi Arabia's admission to international organizations has caused a significant shift in the country's ability to become a better nation. Saudi Arabia's oil sector, which is the largest in the world, has supplied the Kingdom with a number of benefits. The fact that Saudi Arabia earns a considerable amount of recurring foreign currency income, which can be used to enhance the Kingdom's economic growth and the well-being of its population, is undoubtedly the most crucial factor. When it comes to international relations, Saudi Arabia is studied through the perspective of Neoliberalism. A piece of work titled Neoliberalism and International Organizations is applied in this essay to examine the dominant political theory driving international relations today. When it comes to international relations and politics, the ideology of neoliberalism has been a relatively outspoken option, as indicated by the readiness of nations to collaborate and to expand their own sphere of influence into other countries' spheres of influence. Aside from that, during the last 30 years, the governance of international cooperation to confront the most serious global crises, such as the forced migration crisis and the global financial crisis, has improved in terms of efficiency and effectiveness. In order to effectively manage regional governing bodies, it is necessary to grasp the decision-making process. By becoming members of organizations such as the World Bank, the World Trade Organization, and the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), these organizations have demonstrated their ability to make significant advances in either the condition of international relations or the economic position of the country in which they are active. According to this assessment, the neoliberal theory of international relations is a valuable tool for understanding the dynamics of international organizations, as well as the dynamics of international conflict and cooperation in general.

Des légats aux nonces. Les nouveautes dans la représentation diplomatique du Saint-Siège au XVIe siècle

In the sixteenth century papal diplomacy adapted itself to the new conditions of international relations. As elsewhere in catholic Europe, nuncios (the papal ambassadors) become permanent. Moreover, in order to cope with the Protestant reformation, they increasingly have the rank of bishop and their diplomatic mission was accompanied by a religious role. In addition, the council of Trent, which increased the powers of bishops, had as a result a rarity of the legates a latere, the Holy See’s solemn envoys who were still very numerous in the first half of the century. A new profile appeared: more and more the nuncios made their careers in the service of the papacy. These new features in pontifical diplomacy have continued down to our time.

Current Issues of Information Support of Russian Foreign Policy in the New Political Environment

Introduction. In the context of growing anti-Russian information wars, intensive and sharp ideological confrontation active information support of Russia’s foreign policy becomes more and more crucial. Methods. Authors use mainly the methods of expert evaluation and trends, opinion polls to prove that the US has long been waging information wars against Russia first using the term (“information war”) back in 1992. Moreover, with time the United States makes the methods of struggle more and more sophisticated and has already attracted the EU and NATO as associates. In addition, the methods of comparative analysis of research results of leading domestic and foreign experts in the field of information and ideological component of modern international relations and issues of information support of foreign policy of the Russian Federation, as well as general scientific and special methods of knowledge of legal phenomena and processes made as the object of the research: the method of systematic and structural analysis, comparative legal and formal-logical methods have been used. Analysis. Along with the tools of public diplomacy our state takes all the needed measures to defend its information sovereignty at all levels. Despite the fact that the Russian state strategy has consistently created a system of detecting, preventing and eliminating threats to its information security, still it is necessary to deal with ever growing amount of antiRussian false information in the global media space. Results. Being one of the instruments of public diplomacy and foreign policy of any sovereign state, soft power takes into account the objective conditions of international relations and world politics and proceeds from the requirements of the national interests of the state as the main actor of the entire system of modern international relations. In the world practice of implementing the policy of soft power, starting with the creation of the Westphalian system of international relations, there was no precedent, when the state regardless of the socio-political nature of building a political system or the purposes of the foreign activity would be guided by different objectives and methods of analysis of world politics, the entire system of international relations and other goal-setting action in the international arena, including defined in the last decade by the concept of soft power. In the history of international relations, there has not been any world policy free from its ideological component. The thesis of de-ideologization of international relations, which received its definite distribution in the period immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, in the practice of foreign policy actions of all the main actors of modern world politics has clearly proved its complete failure. Today, in the context of “hybrid wars” within the entire system of international relations, the world politics is no less ideologized than during the “cold war”. The political leadership of Russia allows the hypothetical possibility of cyberwarfare, provoked by the actions of the Republican administration of the United States. In December 2019, the White House authorized the preparation of a plan for conducting an information war with the Russian Federation by special forces of the U.S. Army, assigning the solution of this task to the above-mentioned cyber command. The policy of soft power of Russia, as well as its public diplomacy, as the whole complex of foreign policy activities of the Russian Federation in the international arena, is derived from the fundamental function of defending the national interests of Russia in the new political reality. The Russian Federation has consistently opposed the transformation of international relations into an arena of ideological confrontation with the use of tools of the so-called “information wars”. State sovereignty is unified. Information security, as a factor of ensuring information sovereignty, is a basic component of the unified state sovereignty. This is an accepted truth underlying the understanding of the nature of modern international relations, the principle underlying the foreign policy activity of any modern sovereign state, due to the objective regularity of the growth of the ideological factor of modern international relations. Moreover, in the face of targeted misinformation Russia needs to ensure its information security at both levels: political (ideological) and technical (technological) ones combining cyber as well as soft power tools. Only such a combination of these two crucial elements and continuous improvement can lead to victory in hybrid wars.

Farewell to Anarchy: The Myth of International Anarchy and Birth of Anarcophilia in International Relations

This article scrutinizes the conceptual history of international anarchy. The argument purported here is that even though the idea of international anarchy is often seen as very central for the academic discipline of international relations, the concept is in fact not found from the forerunners or classics of the discipline. The assumption of international anarchy is commonly seen as a defining feature of a Realist school of international relations. Yet, the concept and especially its “Realist” implications are not to be found in the classics of Realism, from Thucydides, Machiavelli or Hobbes. The idea of “international anarchy” emerges quite tentatively during the First World War, in the writings of theoreticians like Dickinson and Spiller. But even then it does not carry the neo-Realist overtones of international anarchy as permanent condition of international relations. It is only in the 1980’s that the discipline starts to huddle around this concept.

‘Time of Troubles’: Arnold J. Toynbee's twentieth century

Arnold J. Toynbee (1889–1975) has long been neglected or discounted by scholars of international relations and historians of international thought. Yet his contributions to International Affairs, as well as his Surveys of international affairs and his A study of history demonstrate both his capacity for acute interpretation of contemporary events and the depth of his learning about past international societies. This article examines his analysis of mid-twentieth century international relations, that ‘Time of Troubles’ which he believed would only be escaped through a recovery of ‘creativity’ and profound change in the ways in which world politics were practised. It explores the foundations of his approach to the field, demonstrated both in his Surveys of international affairs and his twelve volume magnum opus, A study of history, as well as his essays in journals. It analyses his diagnosis of the causes of our contemporary ‘Time of Troubles’, in the light of past episodes in world history Toynbee thought analogous to that present condition of international relations. And it traces his retreat from political solutions to the challenges faced in the twentieth century and his movement towards religious responses as a putative alternative. It concludes by arguing that Toynbee deserves recognition, not simply as a pioneering world historian or a controversial interpreter of the politics of the Middle East, but as an acute commentator on the international relations of a troubled age.

Rola służb specjalnych w demokratycznym państwie prawa

The name of special services is applied to the civil and military services that organize and conduct intelligence and counterintelligence activities. Their operations are an element generating social and political trust between the political authorities and citizens. Given the current conditions of international relations and the international situation, a state is required to have efficient special services at its disposal. Anegative impact of globalization on state functioning, both in its external and internal dimensions, forces Polish special services to strengthen their fundamental function, that is providing information. The weakness of military intelligence and counterintelligence follows from the dissolution in 2000 of the Military Intelligence Services (WSI), and wasting their potential for political reasons. The role and task of special services in a democratic state should be to protect the liberty and democracy of the political system’s principles, as set out in the Constitution, instead of protecting particular interests. The nature of the transformations occurring in security circles in Poland and related globalization processes, as well as civilizational, cultural and technological changes and the emergence of a civil society, demand a different attitude to the special services to be taken both by the public authorities and society, and make changes in their functioning necessary. This also calls for the need for a theoretical interpretation of the operations of modern Polish special services in a democratic state of law.

Forum on The Transformation of Political Community

In joining together to become citizens of particularist communities, we have made ourselves the enemy of humankind. This thought, which Rousseau intimated two centuries ago, forms the backdrop to Andrew Linklater's new book. It opens with a description of the Westphalian international system as one in which force and domination have been the regular condition of international relations. In contrast to exponents of the realist tradition, Linklater argues that there are good reasons for thinking these patterns will not be reproduced in the future. To support this contention, he points to the zones of cooperation which exist in world politics today, where new and more inclusive forms of community and citizenship are emerging.The main body of The Transformation of Political Community draws on the work of critical theorists—from Kant and Marx to Habermas—to consider the possibilities of a ‘triple transformation’ in international relations. By this, Linklater means pursuing greater moral and economic equality whilst remaining sensitive to cultural difference. Crucial to this transformation is the idea of an inclusive inter-cultural dialogue which, it is hoped, will provide a foundation for a new cosmopolitan community of humankind.

Part A: Articles: International Criminal Courts: A Political View

This article addresses international criminal courts in the 1990s, against the background of a growth in third-party adjudication in international relations as a whole. Given lack of knowledge about the final evolution of three courts reviewed, the author is cautious in assessing whether the condition of international relations allows for successful criminal courts that achieve more good than bad. The UN ad hoc court for former Yugoslavia faced difficult obstacles during 1993–1996. The author believes Western parties were correct in not pressing for trials of certain political leaders, although the context could change. He is sceptical that the UN ad hoc court for Rwanda can break the cycle of ethnic violence in the Great Lakes region of Africa. He does not believe major military powers will actively support a UN standing criminal court, even should the General Assembly vote it into being. In conclusion, the author believes that States will continue to make inconsistent choices about what human rights policies, including support for criminal courts, should be pursued in different contexts. International relations, or even the community of liberal democracies, is not yet characterised by a situation in which systematic concern for individual responsibility under the rule of law trumps other policy considerations.

The Contribution of International Law to Peace Research

Successful interdisciplinary cooperation in the area of peace research requires the reduction of prejudices and the joint recognition and analysis of the specific problems of each of the disciplines involved. An attempt has been made here to touch on some of the most important problems of inter national law and the study of international law. The scope of these problems reaches, as far as international law as such is concerned, from the question of its basis, which is more and more dif ficult to answer, to the many and varied concep tions of an ideal, desirable world order. In the science of international law, the range is from an antitheoretical pragmatism to the real and con ceptual difficulties in developing rules and pro cedures for peaceful change. Only when these and other difficulties are recognized, and when it is accepted that the study of international law is and must remain a normative science, and that the maintenance of the 'negative' peace is a valid objective, even an indispensable requirement for all further endeavors to improve the condition of international rela tions, will fruitful cooperation with other disciplines be possible in the area of future peace research.