Concept Of Political Party Research Articles

Faktor Kemenangan Partai Barisan Nasional Malaysia dalam Pemilu Selama 60 Tahun (1957-2018)

This research aims to analyze the National Front Party’s (Barisan Nasional) strategies in carrying out their function as a political party in Malaysia. The problem focused on this paper is the victory factors of the Malaysian National Front Party in the Election for 60 years. To approach this problem, the theoretical framework will be used in this paper from Prof. Miriam Budiardjo’s concept, that the concept of a political party. The concept of political party is a tools and instruments for the people to participate and contribute in managing a country. Data from this paper has collected through secondary data and literature review and analyzed qualitatively. This research concluded that there were several factors that led to the National Front always winning in the election for 60 years, they are: First, the polarization and fragmentation politics in Malaysia, it’s called by Bumiputera policy, income gap and the Chinese Tsunami. Second, the influence of the New Economic Policy (NEP) as an affirmative action effort and there is a mix and match policy. Third, Gerrymandering and delineation in the form of an electoral system that is designed, so that the National Front always wins. Fourth, the instability and weakness of the Pakatan Rakyat as coalition opposition party.

El nuevo régimen de transparencia y acceso a la información aplicable a partidos políticos

Las reformas constitucionales de 2014 en materias político electoral y de transparencia son armónicas y convergen estratégicamente en un esquema de apertura al incorporar a los partidos políticos como sujetos obligados directos de transparencia. Este artículo analiza la aplicación de este nuevo régimen, ya que, hasta el momento, no se ha otorgado certeza jurídica sobre la concepción de los partidos políticos como sujetos obligados, lo que afecta la garantía del derecho fundamental de acceso a la información. En este sentido, se evidencia el problema jurídico que existe debido al diseño estructural de la legislación en materia de transparencia y su aplicación. Esto se debe a que, por un lado, el mismo partido político con registro nacional se considera como sujeto obligado de manera diferente a nivel federal y estatal, y, por el otro, existe una doble competencia de los organismos garantes para conocer los recursos de revisión, en el caso de la participación de los partidos políticos nacionales en el ámbito estatal.

Rehabilitating political parties: an examination of the writings of Hans Kelsen

ABSTRACTThis paper focuses on Hans Kelsen’s reflections on political parties. During the interwar period, Kelsen participated in a controversy over whether political parties were a necessary part of the democratic process. The debate forced Kelsen to produce a defence of political parties to emphasise their functionality and define their place in his particular definition of democracy. This contribution considers the following aspects. First, the reasons why Kelsen thought political parties are necessary for democratic life are explained. Second, the doctrinal oppositions against which he elaborated his defence of political parties are clarified. Third, the programme that Kelsen conceived of to enhance political parties in a constitutional democracy is examined. Finally, the contemporary questions that have arisen in relation to Kelsen’s conception of political parties are scrutinised. Kelsen’s contribution to the debate about the role of political parties was intimately related to the presence of strong criticisms of that role. This makes his reflections even more interesting today, considering the present relative decline of the political role and appeal of parties.

Dimensions of Political Party “Personality” Perception

In research until recently, the concept of political party “personality” in political marketing did not take into account the specificity of the object of research. This article proposes a new conceptualization of party image in terms of perceived personality traits, derived directly from the achievements of social psychology, with the omission of consumer research as an intermediate stage. In a four-stage study on the need for research on party image, the attribution approach and the psycho-lexical approach were adopted from psychological theory. Dispositional party image was defined as the whole of personality trait descriptors associated with a political party. On the basis of interviews with 120 individuals aged between 18 and 81, a lexicon of political party associations was compiled. The collection of over 3200 associations was subjected to psycho-lexical taxonomy by nine judges. Frequency analysis allowed to isolate 102 descriptors of personality that are characterized by the highest accessibility in the minds of voters in the process of thinking about parties. Based on quantitative research on the image of six parties as perceived by 598 individuals aged from 18 to 80, a three-dimensional structure of personality traits attributed to parties was identified: integrity, disagreeableness, and strength. Furthermore, connections were established between personality traits attributed to parties and the attitudes as well as political preferences of voters. The last study in a sample of 234 university students confirmed the factor structure and good psychometric properties of the scale for measuring the dimensions of dispositional party image.

Private association and public brand: the dualistic conception of political parties in the common law world

This paper examines the legal conception of political parties. It does so by unearthing the history and ontology of the common law relating to political parties in international perspective. The flexibility of the unincorporated association, in which parties are understood through the private law of contract as networks of internal rules or agreements, rather than as legal entities, has proven to be a mask. In the common law’s imagination, the ideal party is a ground-up organization animated by its membership. But the law mandates no such thing, and in its statutory and constitutional conception intra-party democracy may be sublimated as parties need be no more than an electoral persona or brand.

La Resistenza in Assemblea costituente e nel testo costituzionale italiano de 1948

The essay deals with the relationship between the Italian Constitution of 1948 and the ideas of the anti-fascist resistance movement (1943-45). The “Constitution stemming from the Resistance” is a widespread commonplace. The contribution tries to go into this link in the light of Italian constitutional history and European constitutional culture. Three fundamental topics are considered: constitutional compromise, the role and conception of political parties and the renewed interest in foreign experience from the members of the Constituent Assembly. Submission date: 04/03/2009 Acceptance date: 03/05/2009

Em nome do povo ...

A chamada "representação política"; o problema do "mandato"; o imperativo ético da representação do povo nos parlamentos legislativos; o conceito de partido político; os partidos no Brasil; o problema da fidelidade partidária; os alvitres para a reforma partidária; pluralismo natural das fontes das normas, perpassando a discussão "povo e massa"; os grupos de pressão como centros de irradiação normativa; a questão da democracia participativa como anseio político da atualidade; concluindo pela emenda constitucional necessária; são os tópicos discutidos em tom crítico e reflexivo pelo emérito professor.

The House That Abe Built: The "House Divided" Speech and Republican Party Politics

The House That Abe Built: The "House Divided" Speech and Republican Party Politics Michael William Pfau Lincoln's House Divided speech has received considerable critical attention from historians, as well as literary and rhetorical critics.1 Of the literature concerning the House Divided two readings in particular have significantly contributed to a uniquely rhetorical understanding of the speech. Don Fehrenbacher's authoritative analysis has contributed most substantially to our understanding of the House Divided speech as Lincoln's engagement with a particular set of concerns relating to the political context in which it was delivered. Fehrenbacher, however, while exhibiting a clear recognition of the speech as a response to exigence, lacked the rhetorical sensitivity that would have allowed him more fully to explain how the speech text was a response to the occasion in question.2 Michael Leff, on the other hand, has contributed to our understanding of the House Divided speech in the particular mode of a rhetorical critic—providing a close reading of the speech that reveals the intricacies of the action within the text. As a rhetorically minded close reading of the text, Leff's criticism is unsurpassed.3 However, even the fruitful dialogue between text and context represented by the intersection of the Leff and Fehrenbacher pieces is far from exhausting the hermeneutic possibilities of the House Divided speech. In this article I propose that it is possible to supplement, expand, and at times adjust, the solid interpretive foundation for the House Divided speech laid by Fehrenbacher and Leff by enriching and complicating particular aspects of the speech's context. I begin with the assumption that the text is but a trace of a complex rhetorical transaction that took place at the Illinois Republican state convention on June 16, 1-858; a trace that was once "inextricably interwoven with its world."4 Careful attention to the House Divided speech as such a transaction embedded within its own many-faceted context will enable a better appreciation of what actions Lincoln was performing in delivering the speech, and offer one way of achieving a more "exacting reading of texts as they are situated in history."6 The task of "expanding the hermeneutic burden of context" in relation to the House Divided Michael William Pfau is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Communication Studies at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. © Rhetoric & Public Affairs Vol. 2, No. 4, 1999, pp. 625-651 ISSN 1094-8392 626 Rhetoric & Public Affairs speech is complicated, however, by the breadth and vagueness of the concept of "context" in rhetorical studies. One recent commentator has gone so far as to suggest that rhetorical studies has "failed in finding a way to conceptualize context."6 While it may not be possible or desirable to develop a conceptualization of context applicable to all texts in all times and places, it is nevertheless important to determine , on a case-by-case basis, what aspects of context are especially salient to understanding particular rhetorical texts. In the case of the House Divided speech, the concept of political party and the particularities of the Illinois Republican Party in 1858 provide one mode of mediating the text-context divide that promises to expand our understanding of the speech in important ways. This mode of contextualizing the House Divided is initially validated by the fact of its delivery at the Illinois state Republican convention of 1858. Here Lincoln addressed an audience of party leaders, operated within the generic constraints of partisan conventions, and invoked partisan ideologies of several kinds as he acted to build and unify the Illinois Republican Party. Careful attention to the partisan component of the House Divided's original context will not only allow me to better negotiate disputed portions of the text, but also has implications for the issue of how what most agree was such a masterful speech became "an albatross for Lincoln during the ensuing Senate campaign."7 The puzzle regarding the speech's reception context becomes clearer if we follow Celeste Condit in asking "why, for a given time, and specific peoples, a given speech was particularly masterful."8 When considered in the light of its partisan context and immediate partisan audience the...