Concept Of Collective Security Research Articles

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PERMANENT STRUCTURED COOPERATION (PESCO) BY THE EUROPEAN UNION TO INCREASE INTEGRATION AND INDEPENDENCE EUROPEAN REGIONAL MILITARY COOPERATION

This paper aims to discuss the efforts of the European Union in enhancing integration and defense-security cooperation through the establishment of Permanent Structured Cooperation. This paper seeks to answer how the formation of PESCO can increase the integration and independence of military cooperation between EU member states. Whereas before there has been a North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a security pillar that has long been recognized in the European region. The author uses the theory of regional security complex and the concept of collective security in analyzing related phenomena. This research uses descriptive method with qualitative approach. The data collection technique is literature study consisting of books, journals, and including data from reliable websites to support the explanation of this paper. The results of this research indicate the establishment of PESCO as a form of implementation of Article 42 paragraph 6 of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 concerning the efforts of member countries in establishing defense-security cooperation within the European Union framework. The establishment of the PESCO was also based on doubts by the European Union on the role of the US in NATO, but PESCO did not directly replace NATO but rather as a complement to autonomous and effective crisis resolution.

Hindrances to Third-Party Interventions in Conflict Resolution: United Nations and Patterns of Constraints in Resolving the Lord’s Resistance Army Conflict Between 2008-2012

Since 1987, the Lord’s Resistance Army has continued systematic human rights violations in the Central African region. Cases of kidnapping, village raids, mass rapes, and murders, have become defining factors to the urgency of resolving the crisis. In an attempt to respond to the conflict, the United Nations Security Council has initiated a number of political and military-based resolutions to control the conflict since 2008, which includes extending UN peacekeeping mandates in Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo, and South Sudan, as well as coordinate efforts with relevant African Union bodies. However, its success is far-reached, urging the need to contextualize the forms of hindrances that the UN faced in responding to the crisis. Employing Rourke and Bouyer’s (1996) concept of collective security and measures of response success, with a research limitation set to 2008-2012, a qualitative research utilizing secondary data is implemented, concluding the following hindrances that can be categorized into the following; (1) Implementation of the additional mandate of the UN Peace Forces, (2) Application of the AU Regional Task Force, and (3) Implementation of the Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Resettlement, and Reintegration program.
 
 Received: 16 December 2020 / Accepted: 11 March 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021

Political and Military Fronts in Resolving Asymmetrical Conflicts

The growing terror inflicted by the Lord’s Resistance Army has devastated communities in four countries in central Africa. Since the 1980s, mass human rights violations such as kidnapping, murder, rape, and child abduction have been part of a systematic attempt by the Lord’s Resistance Army to undermine state actors in the region. This article attempts to highlight the contributions of Intergovernmental Organizations as part of the United Nations work to eradicate the group using both political and military fronts of action. We will be employing Rourke and Bouyer’s concept of collective security and parameters to measure the success of collective action undertaken by state and non-state actors in conflict resolution. We illustrate the proposed utilization of collective security parameters, a method Intergovernmental Organizations use to exert both political and military-based influence towards resolving asymmetrical conflicts, to provide insight into the major research gap in the discourse of conflict resolution. Utilizing empirical data from 2008-2012, this article identifies the political front as the mobilization of mass resources and the reallocation of African Union peacekeepers; meanwhile, the military front is identified as the extension of existing United Nations mandates in the region to include the current issue of the Lord’s Resistance Army in Africa.

ПРОЕКТИ ВІЧНОГО МИРУ ЯК НАПРЯМ НАУКОВОЇ МІЖНАРОДНО-ПРАВОВОЇ ДУМКИ

The article investigates how the so-called perpetual peace projects contributed to the scholarly thought of international law. Such projects have been proposed for centuries and came to constitute a rather remarkable trend in human thought, many of them being created by people, prominent of history and representing various fields of activity. Although such projects may be considered an interdisciplinary invention, their contribution to the development of the concepts and ideas of international law can be esteemed as especially significant. The meaning of some famous examples of such projects is summarized. The conclusion is made that among the traces of the influence that the perpetual peace projects had upon the scholarly thought of international law are the preservation and propaganda of the idea of peace, the acknowledgment of law and its means as a valuable component of peace achievement, the investigation of the causes of peace-breaking and combating them, the formation of the principles of peaceful settlement of international disputes and of non-use of force or threat of force, the establishing of theoretical grounds for creating international organizations and elaborating the concept of collective security.

Swarming-based cyber defence under the framework of collective security

In the digital age, contemporary international security has dramatically changed and continues to rapidly evolve. These new security dynamics after the Cold War have caused a marked change in global power structures. Modern information and communication technologies have emboldened non-state actors (corporations, groups and individuals) with the ability to project strategic global power like never before. The power shifts have caused certain states to vow to assert physical force in response to the perceived threat. The polarising nature of this potential solution has stimulated international debate. Therefore, this article proposes a possible solution that should be further developed. The main argument is that to reduce the threat from cyberspace, states could apply swarming-based cyber defence built under the framework of collective security. Modelled on the United States’ current cyber security strategy and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s concrete efforts to strengthen collective responses, the article describes the challenges provided in the digital age and justifies the importance of adopting relevant approaches. Finally, the article explores how swarming-based cyber defence could serve as a viable solution under the existing concept of collective security in the international arena.

The influence of international security actors on the security of the Western Balkan countries

The paper offers an insight in the influence of international security actors on the security of the countries of the Western Balkans, based on the 'changing nature of threat', that, instead of the threat of conventional armed conflict, emerge through economic and social inequalities, cross-border and organized crime, international terrorism, hazardous environmental degradation, as well as natural disasters. New security threats have led to some changes in the approach to the security maintenance, which has led the UN, NATO, and EU, as the most influential international security actors, to acquire common perspective of that the Euro-Atlantic security is indivisible and that freedom, democracy, human rights and liberal economies are shared values and common interests. It is exactly that such considerations have led to the development of different concepts of security, which can be classified into three major groups: the concept of collective security, the concept of security cooperation, and the concept of collective defense. Contemporary challenges, risks and threats call for an understanding of the new place and role of the Western Balkans, primarily Bosnia and Herzegovina, Republic of Macedonia, Republic of Serbia, and Montenegro, in the context of international integration processes. The problem of inclusion of the mentioned Western Balkan countries into the Euro-Atlantic integrations has been a topic of many economic, political, social, military, and other debates at different levels and with different perspectives of this matter, but their deeper analysis shows that there is no unified position on the mode of inclusion into the integration processes. The first part of the paper looks at the aspect of contemporary international relations and their impact on national security of the Western Balkan countries, and the second part presents possible impact of these countries' security integrations into international security organizations on their respective national security systems.

Les relations internationales de l'après-guerre froide: une mutation globale

The author analyzes the post-Cold War international arena thoroughly, be delineating one by one Us different systemic, geopolitical, hegemonic, and strategic metamorphoses. The emergence of a fragmented transnational subsystem — the social component of the international System — has made this era fertile ground for third-wave conflicts, i.e. cultural conflicts or shocks between civilizations. The lack of any recognized leadership and the collective exercise of the system's governability may lead one to observe that armed violence is being waged by means other than those of major inter-state wars. In such a context, one may deduce that emphasis on the concept of collective security is working to the detriment of defence-minded thinking and to the benefit of strategies for active and very early conflict prevention. The entire realm of strategy is thus open to a wide-ranging, Worldwide arena. The main consequences have been an end to the old custodial arrangements of geopolitics, thereby transforming NATO in Europe, and a renewed activism in Asia, where the trend is towards creation of a specific security subsystem. These transformations of the international System have brought about metamorphoses in the notions of enemy, boundary, conflict, and power. Such changes also highlight the « rationality deficit » now affecting the System and the proliferation of the notion of « meaning », which is everywhere lacking in consistency. The shifting of the security dilemma to the subnational, internal level has accordingly resulted from the breakup of nations and the decolonization of empires. The author concludes that it may prove useful, even valuable, to try and identify the normative elements of the post-Cold War international System and to outline, however imperfectly, the new distribution of international power. The reader will also find afresh look at the doctrinal debate about international System theory and about the epistemology of the discipline that deals with it.

The Evasion of State Responsibility and the Lessons from Rwanda: The Need for a New Concept of Collective Security

The Evasion of State Responsibility and the Lessons from Rwanda: The Need for a New Concept of Collective Security

The United Nations at Fifty: Regime Theory and Collective Security

As the United Nations approaches its fiftieth year, a cardinal rule that has long governed its operations is in the midst of change. This paper examines the degree to which the norms and procedures governing intervention by the United Nations have shifted since the end of the Cold War. We argue that the change we see in the role of the United Nations in this area is an adaptation of the concept of collective security and that the definition of collective security should be widened considerably. We suggest that a useful heuristic device for analyzing collective security in the post-Cold War era is regime theory. We begin, therefore, by examining the legal underpinnings of intervention in the international system and the tenets of regime theory and then apply them to contemporary collective security operations.

Contingencies, Constraints, and Collective Security: Perspectives on UN Involvement in International Disputes

Arising from desire for a new and more wholesome diplomacy, as President Woodrow Wilson phrased it,1 the concept of collective security has over the years encompassed hope, delusion, and disillusion as well. From its beginning it was seen as an alternative to the crude machinations of the balance of power system that had led to World War I; and it was designed, by means of the League of Nations, to offer legitimate international authority to manage preponderant collective deterrent and to define and resist aggression. The scheme is collective in the fullest sense; it purports to provide security for all states, by the action of all states, against all states which might challenge the existing order by the arbitrary unleashing of their power. 2 But if the concept of collective security was thought to express an international order other than the mechanical maneuvering of balance of power system, it was not, at the same time, thought to be form of world government. Even while seeking an effective deterrent arrangement, President Roosevelt said of the United Nations, We are not thinking of superstate with its own police force and other paraphernalia of coercive power, 3although national con-

Toward the Concept of Collective Security: The Bryce Group's “Proposals for the Avoidance of War, ” 1914–1917

A remarkable document in the history of international organization is a detailed constitution for a league of nations which was given limited distribution in March 1915 under the title “Proposals for the Avoidance of War”. Prepared by British liberal and socialist critics of prewar British diplomacy headed by Lord Bryce, the historian, jurist, and retired ambassador to the United States, it undoubtedly was the single most influential scheme for a league of nations produced during the First World War. Although the “Proposals” recommended neither international social or economic cooperation nor measures of international administration, it was known to the authors of the major league schemes prepared in the United Kingdom and the United States during the First World War and to officials in both countries. Indeed, the document was the source of key concepts and language embodied in 1919 in the Covenant of the League of Nations and subsequently in the Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ) and of its successor, the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Yet discussion of the “Proposals” in the literature on the origins of the League of Nations is both cursory and imprecise. Even such writers as Henry R. Winkler and Alfred Zimmern who recognize its importance seem not to understand how the “Proposals” evolved and how early and pervasive an influence it had.

Regional Organizations: A United Nations Problem

The development of various regional organizations may seem a paradox in the light of the present interdependencies of the world community and its increasing common interests. The growing intensity of this interdependence, so forcibly demonstrated by the concept of collective security, calls for a truly universal organization. A regional organization by itself, however extensive and efficient it may be, could hardly meet and resolve global problems, such as control of atomic energy, and subserve the best interests of the world community as a whole.