Compulsory Segregation Research Articles

The Intersection of Ableism, Domestic Colonialism and Statistics in Britain from Bentham to Galton

Statistics, ableism and domestic colonialism were inextricably intertwined in Britain over the long nineteenth century, based on both engineering people deemed to be “backward” and improving “waste” land, which together were used to justify farm colonies for the disabled, bookended by two key moments. The first is Sir John Sinclair's introduction of descriptive statistics into the English language in order to provide a foundation for domestic colonization which, as the founding president of the British Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement, he promoted. He also enlisted Jeremy Bentham, who published his own domestic colonization plan (massive pauper panopticons on waste land) rooted in the statistics of his pauper population table. The second key moment occurs at the beginning of the twentieth century, when Sir Francis Galton develops key statistical arithmetic methods as the foundation for eugenics and his defense of compulsory segregation of the mentally disabled into domestic farm colonies.

The Effects of Tai Chi and Baduanjin Activities on Physical Interventions With Substance Use Disorders: A Systematic Review and Meta-analysis.

Objective: To evaluate the effect of Tai Chi (TC) and Baduanjin (Bdj) activities on the physical intervention of compulsory segregation drug addicts through a meta-analysis system.Methods: Six commonly used databases were searched by computer to collect publicly available studies on the physical interventions of TC and Bdj activities for drug addicts from the time of database construction to May 2021. Two researchers independently screened the literature according to the inclusion and exclusion criteria, jointly extracted the data, and evaluated the quality of the literature, and conducted Meta-analysis using RevMan 5.4 software.Results: A total of 16 randomized controlled trials (RCTs) from 15 publications were included. Meta-analysis indicate that compared with the control group, TC and Bdj had significant effects on blood pressure, lung capacity, heart rate, closed-eye single-leg stand, and seated forward bending in drug addicts, as evidenced by: systolic pressure MD=−4.66, 95%CI = [−7.94, −1.39], p = .005; diastolic pressure MD = −3.49, 95%CI=[−5.45, −1.52], p = .0005; spirometry MD = 12.68, 95%CI = [43.83, 197.52], p = .002; heart rate MD = −2.78, 95%CI = [4.76, −.8], p = .006; MD = 1.47, 95%CI = [6.1, 14.84], p < .00,001 for one-leg stand with eyes closed, MD = 3.08, 95%CI = [1.8, 4.36], p < .00,001 for seated forward bend; however, the effect of TC and Bdj on BMI MD = .01, 95%CI = [−.54, .56], p = .97; grip strength MD = .68, 95%CI = [−.99, 2.34], p = .43; body fat percentage MD = .04, 95%CI = [−.59,.67], p = .91 had no effect.Conclusions: Tai Chi and Bdj can improve the cardiovascular system, cardiorespiratory fitness, balance, and body flexibility of drug addicts better than conventional rehabilitation.

한센병 강제격리 정책의 전환 요인 : 코크레인 보고서를 중심으로

한센병 강제격리 정책의 전환 요인 : 코크레인 보고서를 중심으로

Leprosy and the Colonial Gaze: Comparing the Dutch West and East Indies, 1750-1950.

SummaryThis article is looking at colonial governance with regard to leprosy, comparing two settings of the Dutch colonial empire: Suriname and the Dutch East Indies. Whereas segregation became formal policy in Suriname, leprosy sufferers were hardly ever segregated in the Dutch East Indies. We argue that the perceived needs to maintain a healthy labour force and to prevent contamination of white populations were the driving forces behind the difference in response to the disease. Wherever close contact between European planters and a non-European labour force existed together with conditions of forced servitude (either slavery or indentured labour), the Dutch response was to link leprosy to racial inferiority in order to legitimise compulsory segregation. This mainly happened in Suriname. We would like to suggest that forced labour, leprosy and compulsory segregation were connected through the ‘colonial gaze’, legitimising compulsory segregation of leprosy sufferers who had become useless to the plantation economy.

The Development of Medicine for Hansen’s Disease and the Changes of Compulsory Segregation Policies

The Development of Medicine for Hansen’s Disease and the Changes of Compulsory Segregation Policies

Segregation and recycling of packaging waste in central Poland

Due to the increasing consumption of earth resources, new term “scarcity” appeared. Scarcity is the fundamental economic problem of having seemingly unlimited human needs and wants, in a world of limited resources. It states that society has insufficient productive resources to fulfil all human wants and needs [1]. And we must remember that, in accordance with the concept of sustainable development, these resources should be enough also for future generations. Limited access to raw materials and a large amount of waste affect the need for waste recycling [2]. Especially in the case of packaging waste it is very important, because its life cycle is very short, and materials used for packaging production can be recycled. However, to make recycling of these materials possible, its previous segregation should take place. The organization of waste segregation was introduced and described by the Act of 11 July 2011 amending the Act on maintaining cleanliness and order in municipalities and some other acts. This Act introduced compulsory segregation of waste [3]. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the approach of individual consumers to segregation of packaging waste after a few years of the operation of the new Act in Poland. The research was conducted in the form of an electronic survey among different types of households from the central Poland. The paper includes the most important results of the survey.

A COMMUNITY OF SECRETS: STIGMATIZATION OF FORMER HANSEN’S DISEASE PATIENTS AND THEIR GENERATIONS IN KAMPUNG SINAR BARU, SARAWAK, MALAYSIA

In the early 19th century in Sarawak, Hansen’s disease or leprosy became a reportable disease where the unfortunate victims were forcibly segregated to a leprosarium, leaving behind family, relatives and future. The image of claw hands or toes and rot noses were associated with the unclean and the sinful. This chronic transmissible affliction made a great panic to the state government to ostracize sufferers in an isolated settlement back in the 1920s. Fortunately, the infection can be cured but negative attitudes towards the former leprosy patients persist until now. This paper is based on ethnographic work that explores the stigma experienced and challenges faced by former leprosy patients and their generation. The research findings are based on three months of fieldwork with seven former sufferers and three children of former sufferers who live in Kampung Sinar Baru, Kota Padawan, Sarawak, a resettlement village for the former leprosy patients. The findings reveal their dreadful past experiences on compulsory segregation in Rajah Charles Brooke Memorial Hospital (RCBMH) where they were forced to be separated from family and hometown which still haunt them till today. In addition, former patients suffer mental health consequences and humiliation from the effects of treatment and also from visible deformities. Nevertheless, they believe that the stigmatization is less severe now than in the past and empathy from society makes them become more independent.

The Dawn of Humane Leprosy Segregation: Transforming Leprosarium into Home

Leprosarium or leprosy asylum has always been associated with cruel segregation of leprosy sufferers from the society. However, humane approach was suggested in the international arena in 1923 to reform the former unsympathetic compulsory segregation to make leprosy sufferers “human” again. Prior to this revelation that leprosarium should be attractive to persuade leprosy sufferers to admit themselves voluntarily, missionary organizations have been establishing humane leprosarium that mirrors a home rather than an institution. There are studies on the eminent Mission to Lepers, such as Kakar (1996), Buckingham (2002), Joseph (2003), and Robertson (2009). However, the architectural and planning idea of the missionary organizations, which is disparate from the conventional leprosy institutions established since the medieval time, has yet to be studied. The aim of this paper is to identify the idea and principles of humane segregation in leprosarium practiced by missionary organizations, especially the influential leprosarium model by Mission to Lepers. It is carried out through content analysis on missionary books, reports and biographies, leprosy journals, newspapers, drawings, and photographs. The analysis enables the identification of unique spatial planning and built form of missionary leprosarium model. The findings showed that missionary leprosarium model imitates the natural village to create a sense of home for leprosy sufferers, and self-sustainable in character. Missionary leprosaria are also community-driven and semi-autonomous. All this has accredited missionary leprosy organizations as the forerunner in humane leprosarium design that thrives in the 1920s to 1930s. This study would be able to help us to understand how architecture was utilized as a tool in disease prevention yet aspired to preserve the humanity among leprosy outcasts. Further research can be done to enhance the study such as human perception and psychology towards the architectural design of leprosarium and the socio-cultural impact on the residence as well as the society.

Bruce Robbins, Upward Mobility and the Common Good: Toward a Literary History of the Welfare StateUpward Mobility and the Common Good: Toward a Literary History of the Welfare State. Bruce Robbins . Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2007. Pp. xviii+304.

<i>Bruce Robbins,</i> Upward Mobility and the Common Good: Toward a Literary History of the Welfare State<i>Upward Mobility and the Common Good: Toward a Literary History of the Welfare State</i>. Bruce Robbins . Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2007. Pp. xviii+304.

Rod Edmond, Leprosy and empire: a medical and cultural history, Cambridge Social and Cultural Histories, Cambridge University Press, 2006, pp. x, 255, illus., £50.00 (hardback 978-0-521-86584-5).

In an ambitious work that seeks to bridge the disciplinary divide between cultural studies and medical history, Rod Edmond illuminates the connections between leprosy's enduring metaphorical power and medical efforts to contain and cure the disease in the modern age of empire. Edmond seeks to avoid both the over-generalities in studies of disease produced by cultural theorists and the overly narrow focus of site-specific medical histories that fail to recognize continuities among various colonial settings. Providing an innovative integration of both medical and literary texts, Edmond demonstrates that neither physicians nor writers in the nineteenth century consistently defined leprosy and those who suffered from the disease as infectious agents. Such disagreements about the nature of leprosy failed to produce a single isolationist model of treatment as previous scholars have claimed. When the germ theory gained predominance by the early twentieth century, however, so did more coercive policies of segregation, a result that reflected broader anxieties about the imperial project and the impulse to establish fixed boundaries between the colonizer and the colonized. The recognition that such a boundary proved permeable only heightened European fears of contamination and helped shape calls for compulsory segregation that emerged in various colonial settings throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Edmond's comparison of regulations in a distinctive array of geographic settings is a welcome effort to illustrate that no common colonial policy toward leprosy emerged in these years. Differences in racial populations, national identity, and attitudes toward the intermingling of European and indigenous colonials shaped distinctive chronologies and regulations regarding the containment of those with leprosy. Yet these comparisons remain cursory, in part because they lack any in-depth exploration of the archival sources specific to each institution. Despite his stated intention to challenge the “top-down nature” (p. 177) of previous theoretical models, this archival absence means the voices of those with leprosy or family members intervening on their behalf are largely absent from Edmond's account. More impressive is Edmond's effort to draw clear connections between domestic and imperial policies toward leprosy, addressing the call from such scholars as Ann Stoler to examine the ways in which metropole and colony are mutually constitutive. He effectively uses Paul Gilroy's conception of the “camp” to examine the wide variety of institutions constructed by Europeans to isolate those viewed as contaminants. In Edmond's conceptualization, such colonial sites as concentration camps and native reservations, and such domestic facilities as lock hospitals and tuberculosis asylums shared a common imperative to “enclose and isolate the primitive, the diseased, and the backward” (p. 216). His comparison provides a historical context for leprosy that demonstrates how segregationist impulses emerged within domestic settings and were not simply tools of empire. Yet mapping the intersections among these various encampments, while valuable, ultimately does little to explain the particular power of leprosy to inspire a degree of revulsion disproportionate to its infectiousness, or to account for its hold on the literary imagination. In his concluding chapter, Edmond briefly examines a series of authors to illustrate how leprosy settlements served as a source of both fascination and fear from the 1860s to the 1960s. He attempts to link this literary study to the preceding chapters by demonstrating how each author transgressed and challenged established imperial boundaries; however, the connections between this cultural analysis and his medical context remain elusive. While one wishes that this work could draw more specific conclusions to bring together the composite parts of his interdisciplinary study, this book will prove rewarding to scholars interested in literary and medical accounts of disease and their complicated imperial genealogies.

'Our lives are bad but our luck is good': A Social History of Leprosy in Singapore

This paper examines the social history of individuals with leprosy living in Singapore under the law of compulsory segregation. Using official sources and oral history interviews, the paper explores both the colonial and postcolonial states' motivations behind the policy and its effects on leprosy sufferers and the public at large in a cosmopolitan, progressive country. First, by tracing the continuity of the colonial policy into the postcolonial period, segregation, it is argued, stemmed not only from British anxieties towards the Asian 'races', which appeared to be the case in the earlier era, but from a deeper 'high modernist' resolve, shared by both the British and the postcolonial People's Action Party governments, to mould individuals into model subjects and citizens using the principles and techniques of modern science and administration. This paper also presents patient experiences of and responses to segregation and the social stigma against leprosy. It contends that official social control over the leprosarium was never completely hegemonic but was continually contested, individually and collectively, and overtly and covertly, by the residents, giving form in the long run to semi-autonomous ways of everyday life in the institution.

Building national medicine: leprosy and power in Colombia, 1870-1910.

As imperialist nations rediscovered leprosy in their colonial world in the late nineteenth century, Colombian physicians found endemic leprosy in their own country. The medical community was interested in constructing a national medicine to conform to 'universal' science. To medicalize leprosy, doctors provoked fears through exaggerating the number of leprosy sufferers to demonstrate that charity was incapable of dealing with the problem. The government approved laws of compulsory segregation of leprosy patients in the 1890s, while the 1897 international conference on leprosy held in Berlin gave international sanction to isolation. Lepers actively resisted segregation as a violation of their individual rights. Dr Juan de Dios Carrasquilla studied the disease, experimented with sero-therapy to cure it, and claimed that the flea was its agent of transmission. He combatted segregation and proposed instead a hygienic programme to improve environmental living conditions, but his approach was defeated. When the early twentieth century saw the consolidation of the Colombian state, modernization of the country became a national priority. The government started to take control of lazarettos, enforcing segregation of lepers, who were confined within an area circumscribed by a sanitary cordon. This strategy was a failure, since patients resisted segregation.

Anything to Declare? The Struggle for Inclusive Education and Children's Rights

This paper argues for a clear and unequivocal message from those who advocate Inclusive Education. It suggests that the compulsory segregation of children with 'special needs' will continue until the Law underwrites their right to an equal choice of education. The message to advocates is to make the affirmation of children's rights their primary goal, before resorting to detailed educational debates. It also highlights the plight of David McKibben and his family who have taken on the East Belfast Education Board to fight for David's right to attend his local mainstream high school. David experienced further discrimination and rejection by the independent special needs tribunals. David and his family have welcomed the opportunity to have their predicament highlighted in this paper, which asserts that the independent special needs tribunals and current United Kingdom education legislation are fundamentally at odds with the human rights of disabled and non-disabled children.

APARTHEID, URBAN SEGREGATION, AND THE LOCAL STATE: DURBAN AND THE GROUP AREAS ACT IN SOUTH AFRICA

There has been some speculation about the origins of the Group Areas Act (GAA), one of the key instruments used to enforce the ideology of apartheid. This paper examines the origins, development, and implementation of the Group Areas Act in Durban. The key argument of this paper is that the anti-Indian agitation of the Durban City Council and its White electorate played an important role in the development of the legislation. Whites in Durban were at the forefront of calls for the compulsory segregation of Indians because this group presented a serious threat in terms of competition for social and economic space. The local state in Durban worked closely with the central state and played a key role in the formulation and implementation of the Group Areas Act. In all of the race zoning proposals for the City of Durban, the views of the White electorate were considered by the local state, but those of the disenfranchised Indians were disregarded. The local state in Durban was, however, forced to review its race zoning plans when it became apparent that the central state expected it to bear the costs of uprooting hundreds of thousands of people. Despite numerous appeals by the local state and Indian political and civic organizations, the spatial impress of the central state was imposed upon the local state.

THE LOCAL STATE AND RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION

ABSTRACT Conventionally, residential segregation in South Africa is associated with the ascent to power of the National Party, and the Group Areas Act (1950). This paper argues that the local state in Durban had played an important role in influencing the segregation policies of the central state, and laid the foundation for the Group Areas Act of 1950. The focus is on Durban in the 1930s and 1940s, and attempts by the local state to segregate Indians by reducing their access to land and housing. Indians in Durban presented a threat to white economic dominance. The whites responded in racist fashion and demanded for compulsory residential segregation. They were actively supported by the local state in Durban. The central state, however, preferred voluntary segregation in order to avoid international condemnation. The local state in Durban deliberately sabotaged attempts at voluntary segregation which were initiated by the central state. In spite of opposition from the disenfranchised Indians, and reluctan...

The compulsory segregation of unco-operative tuberculosis patients

A postal enquiry was carried out into the use being made in Great Britain of compulsory powers to isolate unco-operative, infectious patients with tuberculosis. These powers are not available in the London County Council area and Scotland. 115 replies were received. Of 74 replies from areas where compulsory segregation is possible, 19 stated that legal action had been taken in some cases, 31 that no action had been taken but that the legal powers were approved, and 7 were against compulsion (17 had taken no action and made no comment). Of 41 replies from areas where compulsory segregation was not possible, 26 deplored the lack of power to segregate, and 2 were against compulsion (13 made no comment). The experience in Liverpool is described and the value of compulsory segregation discussed.

A Sociologist Looks at Racial Desegregation in the South

JN THE barber shop the other day a countryman in the chair opposite me said, Professor, I see where the Supreme Court is going to pass a new law sayin' that the white and the colored will have to go to school together. It makes me sort of uneasy. There are indeed a lot of uneasy people in the South today, because the institution of compulsory racial segregation is under attack and may soon be dealt a knock-out blow. In 1952 five test cases, sponsored by the N.A.A.C.P. on behalf of the parents of Negro children in public schools, went up to the United States Supreme Court on appeal. The cases, which came from South Carolina, Virginia, Delaware, District of Columbia, and Kansas, were consolidated for the purpose of the hearing by the Court. The N.A.A.C.P. believed that the time was ripe to demand that the Court decide the cases on the issue of segregation itself. It argued that even if the Negro schools were equal to the white schools in all measurable respects they would still impose an inevitable social and psychological stigma upon the Negro child, and it asked the Court to declare compulsory segregation on grounds of race an act of discrimination and therefore contrary to the Constitution of the United States. The defense argued, of course, that there is nothing inherently discriminatory in segregation, that school facilities can be and are being equalized, and it asked the Court to reaffirm its traditional philosophy, namely, that segregation is lawful if facilities are equal. In December 1952, the Supreme Court held hearings on these cases, and the South waited with much trepidation a decision during the spring of 1953. But there was no decision. Instead, last fall the Court announced a rehearing on a series of searching questions which it laid before the legal counsel on both sides. This hearing took place last December, and again we wait for a decision. If the South is on the spot, so is the Supreme Court! It must decide whether its previous decisions on segregation are all right, which it would probably be ashamed to do, or whether its previous decisions were all wrong, which it is probably afraid of doing. The former would be like setting off a harmless firecracker, the latter like dropping a legal atom bomb on the South. Of course, there are certain intermediate positions possible, but in a matter like segregation there is an all-or-none quality which makes any middle ground hard to find. For reasons which I cannot undertake to explain here, I continue to believe, as I did a year ago, that the Supreme Court will hold against compulsory segregation. At least we would do well here in the South to think in terms of that possibility and to be prepared to meet intelligently whatever crisis might be precipitated by the decision of the Court. There is a very special relationship between the Constitution, the Supreme Court, the South, and the status of the Negro. This has been true especially since the emancipation of the slaves. After the Civil War three important constitutional amendments were submitted to the states. With the help of the southern states, most of which were then under the control of Republican carpetbag governments, these amendments were ratified. The Thirteenth Amendment simply forbade slavery. The Fourteenth, among other * Presidential address delivered at the seventeenth annual meeting of the Southern Sociological Society, Atlanta, Georgia, March 26, 1954.

The Negro Intellectual and Negro Nationalism

would mean a greater immediate shock, the latter would take a little more time, but both involve consequences which will materialize in a gradual manner. The net consequences of the abandonment of compulsory segregation may be short of what many people feared they would be, but they may also be short of what many people hoped they would be. I suggest that the greatest positive consequence may be that the South will be rid of the stigma of unfair legal compulsion against the Negro and that the Negro will be rid of a hated symbol of second-class citizenship. And maybe we should be thankful if the Supreme Court does this for us. This sort of thing is hard to abandon voluntarily, and the South might not do it of its accord for another fifty years.

The Leprosy Problem in the Philippine Islands 1

Definition of the present situation as regards the prevalence of leprosy in the Philippine Islands involves, as in other countries where the disease is prevalent, a considerable amount of deductive reasoning which cannot be based on known or accurate data. While the actual number of segregated lepers is, of course, known, the number of those not under such control is difficult to discover because the infected individuals either escape detection altogether or their early lesions have not been recognized as those of leprosy.The compulsory segregation of lepers in the Philippines dates from 1906 when the Leper Colony at Culion was established. The history and development of the colony have been described in an excellent article recently published by H. W. Wade, the chief pathologist—a most active and competent man, connected with the colony since the inauguration of the recent effort at intensive treatment.