Comprehensive Sociological Theory Research Articles

A Critical and Comprehensive Sociological Theory of Race and Racism

This article contests the contention that sociology lacks a sound theoretical approach to the study of race and racism, instead arguing that a comprehensive and critical sociological theory of race and racism exists. This article outlines this theory of race and racism, drawing from the work of key scholars in and around the field. This consideration of the state of race theory in sociology leads to four contentions regarding what a critical and comprehensive theory of race and racism should do: (1) bring race and racism together into the same analytical framework; (2) articulate the connections between racist ideologies and racist structures; (3) lead us towards the elimination of racial oppression; and (4) include an intersectional analysis.

Las teorias del desarrollo y subdesarrollo en la sociologia latinoamericana

La sociología latinoamericana hoy se integra y diferencia en la creatividad científica social en condiciones de hegemonía del capitalismo corporativo global. El uso y demarcación de sus categorías claves y teorías adquieren cada vez mayor rigor y profundidad acorde con las concepciones, las teorías y los modelos en cada una de sus etapas. Las teorías del desarrollo y subdesarrollo son un caso típico. ¿Cómo las teorías del desarrollo y subdesarrollo se construyen y cambian entre la dependencia y la autonomía teórica? La presente ponencia busca reconstruir teóricamente los momentos más destacados de la sociología del desarrollo y subdesarrollo en América Latina. Un balance necesario para incorporar sus aportes a una teoría sociológica integrada del desarrollo como parte de una teoría social transcultural de desarrollo de vida de las sociedades.

The transformation of citizenship in complex societies

The main purpose of this paper is to propose a theoretical framework for understanding the transformation of citizenship in complex societies. To this end, the paper is divided into six sections. The first section elucidates the main reasons for the renaissance of the concept of citizenship in the contemporary social sciences. The second section argues that a comprehensive sociological theory of citizenship needs to account for the importance of four dimensions: the content, the type, the conditions, and the arrangements of citizenship. The third section suggests that in order to understand the sociological significance of T.H. Marshall’s account of legal, political, and social rights we need to explore the particular historical contexts in which citizenship rights became ideologically and institutionally relevant. The fourth section offers some critical reflections on the main shortcomings of the Marshallian approach to citizenship. The fifth section draws an analogy between the transformation of social movements and the transformation of citizenship. The sixth section sheds light on the fact that contemporary citizenship studies are confronted with a curious paradox: the differentiation of citizenship has led to both the relativistic impoverishment and the pluralistic enrichment of contemporary accounts of ‘the social’ and ‘the political’. The paper concludes by arguing that, under conditions of late modernity, the state’s capacity to gain political legitimacy increasingly depends on its ability to confront the normative challenges posed by the ubiquity of societal complexity.

Giddens' Theory of Structuration

Anthony Giddens' theory of structuration is interpreted as an attempt to transform themes of the Marxist philosophy of praxis into a comprehensive sociological theory. In the first part of the article, the development of Giddens' thought is briefly traced and essential features of his current theory are described (his concept of action; his critique of functionalism and evolutionism; his theory of temporality and power). In the second part, the author undertakes to demonstrate that an anthro pological deficiency in Giddens' theory accounts for weaknesses in his theory of temporality. Further, his critique of evolutionism is relativised by considering it in relation to a non-teleological philosophy of history which avoids the danger of a disintegration of historical analysis into unconnected partial histories.

CONSENSUS, CONFLICT, AND INTERNATIONAL STRATIFICATION THEO'RIES OF MODERNIZATION: AN EVALUATION

This paper reviews two of the major sociological theories of modernization, the consensus and conflict perspectives. These two theories are used to analyze some aspects of the economic and political situation in Chile. The international stratification approach is then presented as a third theory. Based upon criteria developed during the critique of the consensus and conflict theories, it is argued that the international stratification paradigm offers a synthesis of these two approaches which may be able to fulfill the requirements for a comprehensive sociological theory of modernization. From the classical period to the present sociologists have been con cerned with social change and development. Comte, Spencer and others, under the influence of Darwin, were particularly concerned with social progress. Social progress has been defined as attempts to trace the evo lution of specific social forms or entire societies from some earlier, less advanced state to a terminal, advanced state . . (Apelbaum, 1970:18). While sociologists no longer discuss social progress, they are concerned with development and, the more inclusive process, modernization. This interest in modernization became an urgent area of study at the end of the Second World War as a result of the changing international situation, particularly in relationship to the colonial countries (Bernstein, 1971). This paper examines two general approaches to the sociology of modernization, the consensus and conflict theories. The work of Smelser and Marx will be examined as important and representative examples of each of the respective theories. Data on social change in Chile is then used to examine the explanatory abilities of each theory. The interna tional stratification approach, an alternative model to the conflict and consensus models, will be discussed. Based upon the evaluation of each of these approaches, some requirements for a sociological theory of modernization will be presented.

Mortality Differentials in a Metropolitan Area

The purpose of this study is to describe and interpret the ecology of mortality in a metropolitan area in terms of the structure of population aggregates. Explanations for both the statistical distribution of mortality rates and the processes by which individuals become mortality cases are considered. The data are analyzed according to socioeconomic status, ShevkyBell social rank and family status, geographical mobility, racial status, and residential conditions. Several hypotheses are suggested in interpretation of the research findings, based on (1) social change, (2) population drift, (3) genetic inheritance, (4) interaction problems, (5) cultural differences, (6) differentials in medical assistance, (7) adoption of the sick role, and (8) societal reaction. Finally, it is suggested that the pursual of a dual research strategy of rates and individual behavior will ensure a more integrated and comprehensive sociological theory of mortality. M o ortality rates provide an indication of the health status of population aggoregates and in turn, provide clues to the social structure and processes of area populations. It has been established in several ecological studies that mortality and various other health indicies vary according to a number of population characteristics. A principal finding in several localities lhas been that mortality rates are inversely related to the socioeconomic status of populations.' A major need, hoowever, is a framework which provides an interpretation of the relationships. Researchers have been content in finding associatiolns between a number of characteristics and mortality rates. The result has been that the significance of the mortality differentials has been missed. The present study is focused on the ecological distribution of mortality in a metropolitan area and an attempt is made to understand mortality differential in terms of the structure of population aggregates. Explanlations for both the statistical distribution of mortality and the processes by which individuals become mortality cases are considered.2 The aim is to put order into the findings as well as to describe them. Several hypotheses are suggested in interpretation of the research findings, based on (1) social change, (2) population drift, (3) genetic inheritance, (4) interaction problenis, (5) cultural differences, (6) differentials in medical assistance, (7) adoption of the sick role, and (9) societal reactioln. These ideas will be considered in greater detail after the researcl-h findings have been presented.

A Sociological Theory of Economic Administration

tN I935 Adolph Lowe demonstrated, in a brilliant analysis, that | economics is based on sociological premises to such an extent that a Xgeneral theory in purely economic terms is logically impossible. He concluded that what the economist needed above all was a comprehensive sociological theory which would provide 'insight into the structure of rcal society'.l But the problem was soon overshadowed by the success of Keynes' major work, published a year later, which did, after all, seem to oSer precisely what Lowe had said was impossible: a 'general' economic theory. Since then a great many increasingly eclectic studies in 'applied economics' have accumulated. But they neither verify any theoretical propositions, nor go much beyond descriptive elaborations of common sense. So once again economics is faced with Lowe's problem. In so far, Talcott Parsons and Neil J. Smelser's Economy and Society (London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, I956) has appeared at the right time. In attempting to prove that economic theory is only a 'special case of the general thoory of social systems' (pp. 6 f., 295-306), the authors had, however, to ignore the most highly formalized (chiefly mathematical) branch of economic analysis, originating with Cournot, Walras and Jevons-this is admitted on p. 23. They have concentrated on the less abstract area of applied theories which have a bearing, often remotely, on economic policy. This field is remarkably heterogeneous.2 But despite that, the translation of economic into sociological criteria achieves a considerable measure of uniformity, due to the combined result of three central concepts: 'boundary process', 'institution' and 'collectivity'. Unfortunately, it is left largely to the reader to discover for hinlself how in fact these concepts are interrelated. To assess their significance, a broad clarification, rather than a detailed discussion, is therefore required.

What are Sociological Problems?

S A PARTIAL ANSWER to the question posed by the title, I shall ex,LI amine three projects recently completed or under way. Although 1 . There is also much other excellent work going on, these projects are especially clearcut examples of what some sociologists today consider sociological problems. They are also examples of what seems to me a profitable method of approach to such problems as they are related to the development of sociological theory. The first is a very limited and specific problem; the two others are of increasing broadness of scope pointing toward more comprehensive sociological theory. Stouffer's Theory of Mobility and Intervening Opportunities. The sociological aspects of the distribution and movement of people in geographic space long has attracted the curiosity of students. A vast amount of folklore and commonsense knowledge has accumulated and is in daily use. Every real estate broker and storekeeper knows something about the behavior of people in this regard, nor is it necessary to review the general hypotheses or theories on which ecologists are largely agreed. Rather, I will review a brilliant attempt at verification of one of these theories by rigorous scientific methods-the respect in which sociological theories are at present weakest. I refer to the study presented by S. A. Stouffer before the I939 meeting of the American Sociological Society.2 The specific problem which Stouffer set himself was to discover the way in which operates to determine the distribution of people's movements. Obviously, operates in many ways. The broad generalization that most people go a short distance, few people go a long distance still leaves unanswered the interesting sociological questions as to who does each under stated conditions and why. A mere catalog of all the individual answers that might be made to this question would yield little of general scientific interest unless these various answers can be generalized under some concept or concepts which will serve as an organizing principle. This principle should be of such generally valid character as to apply to such disparate examples as the movement of one man from one place to another to commit crime and the movement of another to marry a particular spouse. Both of these cases and an indefinite number and variety of others thus become merely special cases of an explicit sociological law. Consider, for example, the triumph, from the scientific point of view, of a field of knowl-