Complex Tense Research Articles

Error Analysis of Simple Present Tense Using in Students' Descriptive Writing

Simple present tense is one of the most complex tense in English. Because of the different pattern between the students’ mother tongue and English as the target language, students often make errors in producing sentences. The objective of the research is to find out what type of error which mostly appears when students use Simple Present Tense in descriptive writing. This research is a descriptive qualitative research combined with error analysis methodology using Surface Strategy Taxonomy. The research participants were 50 students of Bina Sarana Informatika University majoring Management. The result of the research showed that the most common errors made by students were misformation errors which happened as much as 54%. The second most common errors which appear in students’ descriptive writing were omission errors as much as 24% which number was not much different with addition errors as much as 20%. The least type of error found in students’ descriptive writing was misordering error as much as 2%.

Cross-Morpheme Generalization Using a Complexity Approach in School-Age Children.

Purpose This single-case study examines a complexity approach to target selection in grammatical intervention in three children with varying levels of mastery of tense and agreement. Specifically, we examine whether targeting a complex tense and agreement grammatical structure (auxiliary BE in questions) leads to generalization to other less complex and related tense and agreement markers (auxiliary BE in declaratives, copula BE, third-person singular -s, and past tense -ed). Method Three children (all boys; aged 5;5-9;7 [years;months]) with deficits in morphosyntax were enrolled in a treatment program targeting a complex grammatical structure (auxiliary BE in questions) following collection of multiple baselines. Children's performance on the complex structure and related tense and agreement markers were tracked before, during, and after the intervention across three different tasks. Results Results show that, despite its grammatical complexity, the target was elicited in all three children with incomplete mastery of the tense and agreement system. Furthermore, all children demonstrated generalization to expressive language by increasing their mean length of utterance by approximately one morpheme during spontaneous language production following intervention. All children demonstrated individual patterns of generalization to other tense and agreement structures not targeted during intervention. Conclusions These functional changes observed following intervention set the stage for future controlled studies to establish a stronger cause-effect relation. Taken together, this study contributes to an emerging body of work showing that complex grammatical targets may be used in intervention earlier than previously thought.

Inter- vs. Intra-Speaker Variation in Mixed Heritage Syntax: A Statistical Analysis.

Based on the novel data pertaining to five syntactic phenomena (the position of the finite verb in embedded clauses, in sentences with a modal verb, negative concord, the position of focused light/heavy objects in main clauses with a complex tense and scrambling) in the heritage language Mòcheno collected via original fieldwork, we show that there are two populations – one exhibiting intra-speaker variation between German and Italian word orders, and one lacking it; and these two populations are the result of diatopic variation and, to a lesser extent, of diastratic variation. The results achieved using quantitative statistical analysis are partially convergent with those arrived at via the traditional theoretical syntax for Mòcheno, but our analysis has allowed us to shed new light on a series of phenomena that have been neglected or poorly understood thus far. More specifically, and for the first time, we discovered that there is a micro-variation resulting from diastratic (age) variation within the Roveda variety, which represents the only case in Mòcheno in which age is a relevant factor in determining variation. We also show that the traditional claim that the Palù variety is ‘more German’ than is the other Mòcheno variety is to be confirmed; however, we could refine it by showing that German word orders are also accepted by speakers of other varieties and that the acceptability of these word orders in competition with the Italian syntax is not due to their age (no diastratic variation). Finally, we show that the acceptance of German word orders across speakers varies according to the phenomenon investigated: German word orders are more likely to be accepted in sentences featuring a negation, whereas German word orders are more likely to be rejected in embedded clauses. Based on this fine-grained description of the distribution of OV/VO word orders across different contexts and groups and the available theoretical account for the derivation of OV word order given by Cognola (2013b), we propose that the observed variation can be parametrized along the lines of recent developments of Parameter Theory (Roberts, 2012; Biberauer et al., 2014 a.o.). More specifically, we propose that the movement of the non-finite verb form to lowForce°, which is responsible for OV in Mòcheno, can be captured in terms of a parametric hierarchy. When verb movement takes place in all syntactic conditions, including with all non-finite verb forms and when the auxiliary has not moved out of v° to Spec, CP, a macroparametric effect obtains which corresponds to the system instantiated by the Palù variety. The mesoparameter corresponds to a system in which the movement to the non-finite verb form can only be found when v° is empty, i.e., in main declarative clauses. The fact that for a subgroup of speakers from Fierozzo and Roveda OV word order is accepted with modal verbs follows from a microparamter: the movement of the non-finite verb form to lowFocus° can only take place with non-finite verbs. Finally, the fact that OV is obligatory for nearly all groups is captured in terms of a nanoparamenter associated with negative constituents.

Az összetett múlt idők és használatuk a kései ómagyar korban

Az összetett múlt idők és használatuk a kései ómagyar korban

The morphology of tense and aspect in Nama, a Papuan language of southern New Guinea

AbstractThis paper describes the complex tense and aspect morphology in Nama, a previously undocumented Papuan language of southern New Guinea. Tense/aspect suffixes followed by agent/actor referencing suffixes occur in combination with one of two sets of patient referencing prefixes. Most of the tense/aspect suffixes mark two possible tenses, and the choice of a prefix from a particular set determines the appropriate interpretation. The distinction between imperfective and perfective aspect is central to the Nama tense/aspect system, and the forms of the perfectivity markers depend on the number category of the grammatical arguments: dual versus non-dual, which encompasses both singular and plural (i.e. more than two). At the same time, the agent/actor suffixes and patient referencing prefixes generally index two different number categories: singular versus non-singular. Each of the two basic aspects has three different tenses, with some other aspectual distinctions occurring only with singular arguments. A combination of imperfective and perfective marking is also used.

The Syntax of Complex Tense Constructions in Standard and Jordanian Arabic

The study presents a Minimalist account of the syntax of Tense in Arabic. I assume that Tense is not morphologically realized, but independent structural evidence, e.g. subjects’ Nominative Case and the availability of expletive subjects, suggests the presence of an independent TP in the Arabic clause structure. Simple tense constructions are monoclausal with one TP; complex tense constructions are biclausal with two TPs that differ in their categorical feature structure. This proposal explains the semantic temporal dependency of the embedded clause on the matrix clause, and the impossibility for the embedded T head to host the Arabic tensed negative particles.

Complex Tenses, Agreement and Wh-extraction

0. Introduction In this paper we provide an analysis of the syntax of tense in Berber and investigate the interaction between complex tenses and the Anti-Agreement Effect (AAE), which was first discussed by Ouhalla (1993). Our analysis attempts to unify the tense system of Berber and make an accurate distinction between tense and aspect in this language. In our analysis of complex tenses we propose that complex tense clauses are bi-clausal, i.e. their structure consists of two Tense projections, and show how that is compatible with the defectiveness of T in embedded domains. Our analysis provides empirical evidence for cyclic valuation/checking of Case (Chomsky 2000, 2001). We also present certain similarities between AAE in Berber and auxiliary raising/T-to-C in English, regarding cases of local wh-movement of subjects vs. objects. This paper is organized as follows: section 1 provides some background and offers an analysis of the tense system in Berber, section 2 analyzes complex tenses in this language, section 3 compares complex tense constructions to Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) constructions, section 4 discusses subject extraction and offers an analysis of AAE, and section 5 highlights the asymmetry between AAE in Berber and Tto-C raising in English.

Comparison of the instantiations of marked Chinese and English tense

Based on Systemic Functional Grammar, this study compares instantiations of marked tense in Chinese with those in English, including simple and complex tense, and the relationship between tense and temporal circumstance. Compared with the instantiations of tense in English, the grammatical realizations of Chinese tenses do not distinguish between finiteness and non-finiteness, and tend to be located closest to the time of the event; also, unlike the mirror concord relationship between tense and temporal circumstance in English, the relationship between marked Chinese tense and temporal circumstance is that of cooperation. When the temporal direction of the temporal circumstance is in accordance with the temporal deictic meaning of the marked tense, it does not affect the temporal structure of the event; otherwise, addition or removal of a temporal circumstance might change the temporal profile of the event.

Tense, Aspect, and Mood in Shekgalagari

UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2009) Tense, Aspect, and Mood in Shekgalagari Thera Crane 1. Introduction and goals Shekgalagari (updated Guthrie number S.31d (Maho 2003) is a Bantu language spoken in western Botswana and parts of eastern Namibia. It is closely related to Setswana, but exhibits a number of phonological, morphological, and tonal phenomena not evident in Setswana. It has been described by Dickens (1986), but its complex Tense, Aspect, and Mood (TAM)-marking system remains largely undescribed. This paper represents an effort to initiate such a description. It is by no means complete, but I hope that it may spur further investigation and description. Data were collected in the spring semester of 2008 at the University of California, Berkeley, in consultation with Dr. Kemmonye “Kems” Monaka, a native speaker and visiting Fulbright Scholar from the University of Botswana. All errors, of course, are my own. Data for this paper were collected as part of a study of Shekgalagari tone and downstep involving Dr. Monaka, Professor Larry Hyman of the University of California, Berkeley, and the author of this paper. Data are drawn from the notes of the author and of Professor Hyman, and from personal communications with Dr. Monaka. Because the aim of the study was not the description of the TAM system as such, a number of forms were not elicited and are missing from this document. All need further investigation in terms of their semantics, pragmatics, and range of uses. Particular areas of interest for future study are noted throughout. 1.1. Structure of paper Section 2 gives a general introduction to tone in Shekgalagari and important tone processes, including phrasal penultimate lengthening and lowering (2.2), spreading rules including grammatical H assignment (with “unbounded spreading”; 2.3) and bounded high-tone spreading (2.4), and downstep (2.5). A basic introduction to Shekgalagari’s downstep, spreading, and lowering operations is crucial to understanding the tone of tense, aspect, and mood. Section 3 introduces verbs in Shekgalagari, including their basic lexical tone patterns, subject markers (3.1), object markers (3.2), and final vowels. (3.3). There are at least five distinct subject marker series in Shekgalagari, with distinct forms and tone/spreading patterns. Object markers appear to be the same across all TAMs, and final vowels pattern basically according to reality status, although several categories where irrealis marking might be expected do not take an explicitly irrealis final vowel. Section 4 gives a basic outline of tense, aspect, and mood marking in main clauses in Shekgalagari. 4.1 outlines morphologically marked distinctions of temporal distance (tense, including degrees of present and future marking). Past tense (4.1.1) also makes a clear distinction between perfective and imperfective aspect (sections 4.1.1.1 and 4.1.1.2, respectively). Present tense (4.1.2) functions as both perfective and imperfective (simple present, progressive, habitual), and includes a final morpheme not seen elsewhere in the system. The future (4.1.3) does not have as many or as clear distance or aspectual distinctions as the past. Section 4.2 outlines further TAM distinctions. Section 4.2.1 deals with anterior (perfect) marking, which overlaps with past-tense marking. 4.2.1.1 gives a brief description of forms ending in - ile , a common marker of anterior aspect or past tense (among other things) across

Differentiating pidgin from early interlanguage — a comparison of Pidgin Nguni (Fanakalo) and interlanguage varieties of Xhosa and Zulu

This article examines five key areas of grammar which differentiate the pidgin, Fanakalo from L2 learner varieties of its lexifiers, Zulu and to a lesser extent, Xhosa. Taking Fanakalo as the descriptive starting point, these areas are (a) the article lo; (b) the preposition lapha; (c) the free pronouns mina 'I', wena 'you' etc.; (d) the locative copula khona and (e) verb suffixes like –ile (perfective), –isa (causative) etc. The context of the discussion is whether early fossilised interlanguages can be differentiated from pidgins (Schumann, 1974; Andersen, 1981; Siegel, 2003). Whilst there appear to be immense overlaps between the two for English as target language or lexifier (Schumann, 1974), this article argues that for an agglutinating language like Zulu or Xhosa, there are clear-cut differences between pidgin and relatively early-fossilised forms of the L2. However, for more complex tense patterns, similar simplificatory strategies occur in pidgin and L2.