Complement Constructions Research Articles

Top-down complementation of automata on finite trees

We present a new complementation construction for nondeterministic automata on finite trees. The traditional complementation involves determinization of the corresponding bottom-up automaton (recall that top-down deterministic automata are less powerful than nondeterministic automata, whereas bottom-up deterministic automata are equally powerful).The construction works directly in a top-down fashion, therefore without determinization. The main advantages of this construction are: (i) in the special case of finite words it boils down to the standard subset construction (which is not the case of the traditional bottom-up complementation construction), and (ii) it illustrates the core argument of the complementation lemma for infinite trees, central in the proof of Rabin's tree theorem, in a simpler setting where issues related to acceptance conditions over infinite words and determinacy of infinite games are not present.

Image schemas and (point)-to-point event model for the macro-event

Abstract The macro-event is a fundamental concept in Talmyan motion event typology. A large literature has been documented concerning the status of a particular language in the two-way typology that he proposes, but relatively little literature focusing on the morphosyntactic dimension of the macro-event per se, let alone on the cognitive motivation of the macro-event. This article analyzes the types of macro-events expressed by directional complement constructions in Mandarin, and argues that the macro-events are image-schema-based. The simple image schemas give rise to a more complex three-event-semantic-model, termed (point)-to-point , or to be more particular, (point a)-to-point b, in which to represents the affecting or intervening event, point a represents the original state of point b, point b is the resulting event. point a is usually implied, not explicitly expressed, so it is put in brackets. This model has advantages over Talmy’s main event and co-event structure in that it can largely predict the meaning-form mapping, and explain more constructions. The findings have some implications for cognitive semantics: In grammar, languages generally prioritize the third event; the complex event model might be motivated by simple image schemas.

A Corpus-Based Study of “V + Dào” Constructions as Temporal Contouring Events in Mandarin

The temporal contouring event is a hot topic in Talmy’s linguistic typology, and the “V + Dào” construction is one of the prototypes of Chinese compliments with its typological disputes, which lie in its event integration patterns. According to the corpus-based and correlational analysis of “V + Dào” constructions as temporal contouring events in Mandarin, this paper aims to explore their event integration patterns and reveal their event integration degrees in terms of event semantics, and syntactic properties. The research results are found that: IEI_V can conflate 2 conceptual primitives;  IEI_D consists of two conceptual primitives; EEI_VD contains 2 combinations of IEI_V and IEI_D, which can be formularized as “2+2”;  the value of EEI_Type refers to the verb-phase construction (VPha); the hierarchy of correlated variables in IEI_V and IEI_D is ranked as “(ActiPro > AssoFun) > (SynType_VD > SynTyp_X) > (FigEnt_Anim)”; Chin_VD is only weakly correlated with SynType_VD and SynTyp_X. This study can provide insights to reveal the lexicalization and grammaticalization processes of “V + Dào” construction or even the verb complement construction in Mandarin.

The grammaticalization of manner expressions into complementizers: insights from Semitic languages

Abstract Complementation strategies in both ancient and modern Semitic languages include the use of a series of cognate complementizers typically sharing a k-element: e.g., Tigrinya käm, Modern Hebrew ki, Akkadian kī(ma) or Ge’ez kama. The sources and the developments that led to the complementizer use of these multifunctional k-subordinators are not sufficiently clear, and diverse interpretations have been proposed. The present article analyses the oldest written record of k-complement markers in Semitic, focusing on Old Akkadian, Old Babylonian and Old Assyrian. The analysis of the type and distribution of complement constructions suggest a different explanation for their development based on the grammaticalization of similative manner expressions, a process attested in Afro-Asiatic and other languages. The article also highlights the presence and potential role of nominal complementation among the earliest recorded forms of complementation in Akkadian. The data presented here provide insights into the origin of k-complementizers in Semitic languages with less ancient written evidence, from Ancient Hebrew to Ethiosemitic.

Структурная и функционально-семантическая классификация корякских полипредикативных конструкций со скрепой тите ‘когда’

The paper presents structural and functional-semantic classifications of Koryak polypredicative constructions with the clause linkage marker tite ‘when’. These are syntactic units prototypically comprising two clauses linked by the word tite and encoding the relation between the events expressed by these predicative units. Given the endangered status of the Koryak language, it seems imperative to document its grammar. Furthermore, the Koryak syntax is particularly intriguing from a typological perspective due to its polysynthetic nature and extensive use of non-finite verb forms with nominal case affixes directly attached to the verb stem. This study employed the methodology developed by the scholars of the Institute of Philology of the SB RAS. The classifications were developed by analyzing the constructions concerned in the texts of the three native speakers. The three main parameters of the analysis were the forms used as predicates of clauses, the morphological nature of the clause linkage markers, and the semantic relation between the events. In terms of the morphology of clause linkage markers, the constructions can be categorized into proper analytic and analyticsynthetic types, while the forms of the predicates determine whether they are bi-finite, monofinite, or bi-nonfinite. The non-finite verb form system exclusively employs negative, locative, dative converbs, and converbs of simultaneity. When considering its functional aspects, the author regards tite as a versatile marker of clause linkage, encompassing temporal-conditional and complement constructions. Posteriority, partial simultaneity, and reality condition are among the most prevalent semantic types. Ultimately, this study emphasizes the correlations between structure and meaning.

The perfect participle and the supine in two chronolects of Danish

Modern Standard Danish distinguishes between a perfect participle and a supine. The perfect participle is an adnominal non-finite form of the verb, ascribing properties to a referent (as do the prototypical adjectives) and morpho-syntactically agreeing with this referent. The supine is an indeclinable non-finite form of a verb, ending in -t, used as a component in periphrastic verb forms. Outside the attributive position, the perfect participle is used in complement constructions with the copula verbs være ‘be’ and blive ‘be’/‘become’; the supine is used in perfective constructions and periphrastic passives with the auxiliaries have ‘have’, få ‘get’, være ‘be’ and blive ‘be’/‘become’. In Modern Standard Danish, the perfect participle has restricted use (it is the marked member of the paradigm perfect participle vs. supine); the supine has a wider domain of usage (it is the unmarked member of the paradigm). In the nineteenth century, this was different. Back then, the perfect participle was the unmarked form with a wide usage domain, whereas the supine had a more restricted use. This paper presents a study of these verb forms in two corpora representing different chronolects of Danish, one corpus consisting of texts from the nineteenth century, one of texts from Modern Standard Danish.

On the power of finite ambiguity in Büchi complementation

In this work, we exploit the power of finite ambiguity for the complementation problem of Büchi automata by using reduced run directed acyclic graphs (DAGs) over infinite words, in which each vertex has at most one predecessor; these reduced run DAGs have only a finite number of infinite runs, thus obtaining the finite ambiguity in Büchi complementation. We show how to use this type of reduced run DAGs as a unified tool to optimize both rank-based and slice-based complementation constructions for Büchi automata with a finite degree of ambiguity. As a result, given a Büchi automaton with n states and a finite degree of ambiguity, the number of states in the complementary Büchi automaton constructed by the classical rank-based and slice-based complementation constructions can be improved from 2O(nlog⁡n) and O((3n)n) to O(6n)⊆2O(n) and O(4n), respectively. We further show how to construct such reduced run DAGs for limit deterministic Büchi automata and obtain a specialized complementation algorithm, thus demonstrating the generality of the power of finite ambiguity.

On the expression of mistaken beliefs in Australian languages

Abstract This paper explores the expression of mistaken beliefs – as in for example the boy mistakenly believes that the turtle is dead (whereas in fact it is alive) – in the Indigenous languages of Australia. It is shown that some mode of expressing this meaning is attested in around 40% of the languages in a selection of 149 language varieties. In over 90% of the languages showing some mode of expressing the target meaning, it is – or can be – achieved through grammatical morphemes or constructions more or less dedicated to the expression of mistaken beliefs. These include particles, enclitics and various types of complement construction involving verbs of thinking, that frequently also convey meanings of saying, doing and hearing, rarely that specify the thought as mistaken. In just four or five languages, however, the meaning is attested only as a pragmatic implicature of a general statement of belief. To the extent possible given the limitations of the sources, the paper examines the range of meanings and uses of the morphemes/constructions expressing mistaken beliefs.

A Principled Explanation of the Believe-Type Verb Infinitival Complement Constructions

The purpose of this study is to present a principled explanation for the believe (B)- type verb infinitival complement constructions. For this, the embedded CP- deletion adopted from the ECM account (Chomsky 1981) and the overt raising-to-VP-Spec of the matrix sentence from LA-based (Chomsky 2014) and MERGE-based approach (Chomsky 2019, 2020, 2021a, 2021b) are posited on the ground of the property of the B-type verb (cf. Bach 1977; cf. Carnie 2002), Chomsky's Agree-upon (1998, 1999, 2001) EF (2005, 2006, 2008), Chomsky’s (2013, 2014) movement of LA and Chomsky’s (2013) Inheritance- IM (cf. Kim 2018a, 2018b, 2021). This postulation operated in the workspace (WS) (Chomsky 2019, 2020, 2021a, 2021b) based on the tripartite prolific domain (Grohmann 2003), (strong) Phase (Chomsky 1999, 2001) and Phase higher evaluation (Chomsky 1999) considers the complete and defective property of the post-verbal NP. Hence, the controversies of the post-verbal NP are solved. Besides, the challenges like the Projection Principle, the θ-criterion, and the placement problem of the matrix B-verb are no longer problematic.

The Semantics of Clausal Complementation: Evidence from Polish

Abstract: This paper offers a new approach to post-verbal complement constructions in present-day Polish. The study is couched in the framework of construction grammar theory (cf. Goldberg 1995, 2006; Croft 2001; Diessel 2015). The focus is on four types of complement clauses—the infinitive, gerund, subjunctive, and indicative clauses, which, in keeping with the constructional framework, are taken to represent distinct form-meaning pairings. The main goal of the study is to examine the extent to which these four morphosyntactically different types of complements exhibit differences in meaning and whether there is any semantic patterning in their distribution in present-day Polish. The study employs the method known as collostructional analysis to determine the sets of predicates with which each of the complement constructions is significantly associated and by which it is repelled. The research findings contribute to the semantically based theories of complementation by revealing systematic correspondences between the form and the function of complement clauses, which are modeled in terms of a radial (prototype-based) network of senses. The study provides empirical evidence in support of the thesis that the distribution of (post-verbal) complement constructions is semantically motivated rather than random or arbitrary.

On Structural Particles in Sinitic Languages: Typology and Diachrony

In the Chinese linguistic tradition, the term ‘structural particle(s)’ (jiégòu zhùcí 结构助词) is used to refer to functional elements that mainly act as markers of adnominal modification, nominalisation, adverbial modification and in the so-called verb complement constructions. In Standard Mandarin, the three commonly used structural particles are all realised as /tə/, but they are written with different characters (的, 地 and 得), which somehow reflect their distinct origins. However, the same functions are mapped onto different markers in other Sinitic languages, and each of the functions listed above may be associated to more than one construction. In this paper, we provide an overview of the range of variation in the domain of structural particles in Sinitic, based on the analysis of a convenience sample of 77 Chinese dialects. We highlight some areal and genealogical trends in the distribution of these forms, and we discuss some hypotheses on their origins and on their evolution: specifically, we focus on the markers of adnominal and adverbial modification. We argue that markers of adnominal and adverbial modification may sometimes arise from different sources and undergo formal merger, due to structural analogy and/or to phonetic similarity.

A semiotic approach to grammaticalization: modelling representational and interpersonal modality expressed by verbonominal patterns

This paper develops a framework capable of analysing modal qualifications coded by both canonical modal markers and grammaticalized expressions within a semiotic grammar approach (McGregor, 1997). We focus on grammatical constructions that developed from complement constructions containing the shell nouns need, way, chance, doubt, question and wonder, often preceded by a negative quantifier. We range the different types of modal qualification in a hierarchy. The top half subsumes mirativity and epistemic modality, which scope over propositions, and interpersonal deontic modality, which scopes over processes. The bottom half contains representational deontic and dynamic modality, which are internal to the proposition. We also address the neglected issue of the presence of polarity choices in the modal qualifications and in the propositions and processes. In particular, we argue that epistemic modality ascribes inherently positive degrees of likelihood to either positive or negative propositions, thus assessing the probability of occurrence versus non-occurrence of temporally located processes. This allows us to explain not only the semantic equivalence involved in NEG-raising, as in I think he did nothing wrong and I don't think he did anything wrong, but also, more broadly, between pairs like there's no chance she will cry and there's no doubt she will not cry. Finally, the proposed semantic model puts us in a position to propose structural analyses of the interpersonal and representational qualifications of propositions and processes within the broad outlines of McGregor's (1997) Semiotic Grammar.

Lexical factors in non-finite complementation of continue

The study examines the usage of two non-finite complements of the verb continue: the -ing form and the to-infinitive, arguing for the importance of low level generalizations in accounting for the complement choice. The semantic import of complement constructions may vary with specific lexeme classes of both the matrix verb and the complement verb, as well as be conditioned by more general features associated with the verbs’ lexical aspect. The determinants of complement choice are characterized in terms of the aspectual construal of the complement event imposed by the two alternative constructions: conceptual proximity and distance associated respectively with the -ing form and the to-infinitive. The study relies on distinctive collexeme analysis: a statistical technique which compares the lexemes distinctive for the two constructions in order to describe the semantics of the construction by examining its most characteristic collocates.

Interactional functions of truncated predicative complement construction “AP + (dek)le” as topic initiator in Shanghai Wu Chinese conversation

Abstract “VP/AP + (dek)le + AP/VP” is a predicative complement construction in Shanghai Wu Chinese (SWC) with (dek)le being the complement marker. In everyday SWC conversation, the terminal complement is often dropped, forming the Truncated Predicative Complement Construction (TPCC): “AP + (dek)le”. The data for the present study are approximately 4.5 h of naturalistic SWC face-to-face conversations. Adopting the methodology of conversation analysis and interactional linguistics, we explore the interactional functions of the TPCC in the SWC conversational data. We find that TPCCs after the possible closure of a topic are deployed to initiate a new topic in two ways: initiating a disjunctive topic shift, and changing to a topic that is connected to a prior one. The findings demonstrate that TPCCs are routinized grammatical patterns accomplishing the conversational action of initiating new topics in SWC conversation.

Insubordination and lectal variation: Geographic and discursive variation of subjunctive complement constructions in Spanish

This study aims to document the variation of a minor imperative construction in five varieties of Spanish and four discursive genres, and to represent this variation by proposing a constructional network that recognizes different degrees of abstraction in the form of schemas and subschemas. Our data comes from five varieties of Spanish (Argentinian, Caribbean, Chilean, Mexican and Peninsular) and four different genres: two spoken (conversations and interviews) and two written (novels and news reports). The results show that this minor imperative construction is tightly associated with spontaneous conversation and particularly with the Peninsular variety. In addition, not all specific usage types/subschemas are evenly distributed across varieties, as some of them seem to be almost exclusively found in Spain. We argue that some of these differences may be motivated by the opposition between distancing cultures and rapprochement cultures.

From complementizing to modifying status: On the grammaticalization of the complement-taking-predicate-clauses chances are and odds are

This article explores the process of grammaticalization undergone by complementation constructions with the shell nouns chances and odds, namely (the) chances/(the) odds + BE + clause, where the subordinate clause functions as a complement to the noun (e.g. The chances are that you will never behold the light of another sun/The odds are that you are out of your reckoning). Structures of this type, which convey the epistemic meaning of probability, develop over time into parenthetical structures (e.g. You never will need it, the chances are./The way he always has and, odds are, always will). The grammaticalization of the construction involves a number of morphosyntactic changes, among them the gradual loss of the determiner in the shell NP and the preference for the zero complementizer introducing the subordinate clause, as well as the tendency for the verb BE to occur in its present tense form. This process of grammaticalization culminates with the availability of complement-taking-predicate-clauses (CTP-clauses) with chances and odds in unambiguous parenthetical positions (medially and finally) and as stand-alone units. Both the matrices in the complementation structures and the parentheticals are shown to be non-propositional and to be deployed for pragmatic functions both at the subjective and at the intersubjective level. The study is based on data from American English, as represented in the Corpus of Historical American English (COHA) and the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA).

Thought complements in Australian languages

Very little has been written on the grammar of complement constructions in Australian Aboriginal languages. Grammars rarely provide much information, and few references treat the topic either in particular languages or cross-linguistically. This paper addresses this lacuna with a typological investigation of thought complements in the languages of the continent. Some languages show evidence of a separate construction type for coding propositional thoughts. In most Australian languages it seems that a limited range of verbs can be employed in the matrix clause; these usually include generic verbs meaning ‘say, do, think’ or ‘hear, think’. Two other constructions resemble the reported thought construction, a type of desiderative, and mistaken belief constructions; the major grammatical features of these constructions are discussed. In most languages there is no compelling evidence that the clause of thought serves as an argument of the matrix clause, and thus the construction is not a complement construction in the traditional sense. Rather, what is involved is framing – a relation distinct from both embedding and dependency; some issues with this analysis are discussed and resolved. The investigation is based on a corpus of just over seventy languages, partly a convenience sample (depending on available information) and partly a representative one (the major geographical regions and families are included, albeit unevenly).

A Study on the Negative Potential Verb: Complement Construction in Modern Chinese

A Study on the Negative Potential Verb: Complement Construction in Modern Chinese

ON THE CONSTITUENT STATUS OF INFINITIVAL COMPLEMENT CONSTRUCTIONS IN ENGLISH AND SERBIAN

The paper investigates the constituent status of infinitival com-plement constructions in the contemporary English language and their infinitival counterparts in the Serbian language. The motivation for this type of research has been found in the observation that the infinitival complements in both languages are either described by the term ‘clause’ or there is no terminological specification indicating their constituent status. As this may possibly lead to inconsistencies in the treatment of infinitival complements in terms of their grammatical description, this paper attempts to determine the nature of the constituent status of infinitival complements by the use of syntactic and semantic criteria presented in Dixon (2006). Drawing from the data collected from the sources on the topic belonging to both English and Serbian linguistic traditions, the analysis has revealed that when analysed at the level of surface-syntax the infinitival constructions in English indeed represent clausal constructions both in the structural and semantic sense, while the analysis of their analogue counterparts in Serbian goes in favour of grammatically treating infinitival complements as phrasal units, while acknowledging that traces of clausality exist at the semantic level of analysis. Given the crosslinguistic nature of the research, the obtained results may serve as a contribution to the grammatical descriptions of both analysed languages, but can also be of interest to the considerations of complement constructions within typological and contrastive studies in a general sense.

In celebration of the differences: Distributing meanings over structure

The field of linguistic typology has made great strides in mapping the structures to be found across languages. We can now ask whether speakers of all languages distribute their ideas over such structures in the same ways. This question is explored here by examining complement constructions in three genealogically and areally unrelated languages. Each offers glimpses into some factors that shape grammar over time. Crosslinguistic differences in grammar arise from what speakers have chosen to say over millennia, but even languages spoken today can provide snapshots of moments in such processes, if we care to listen to their speakers.