Community Of West African States Research Articles

Surveillance of Antimicrobial Resistance in the ECOWAS Region: Setting the Scene for Critical Interventions Needed

Antimicrobial resistance poses a significant challenge to public health globally, leading to increased morbidity and mortality. AMR surveillance involves the systematic collection, analysis, and interpretation of data on the occurrence and distribution of AMR in humans, animals, and the environment for action. The West African Health Organization, part of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), is committed to addressing AMR in the region. This paper examines the status of AMR surveillance in ECOWAS countries using available WHO data from the TrACSS survey and GLASS enrollments. The analysis reveals that while progress has been made, significant challenges remain. Twelve of the fifteen ECOWAS countries are enrolled in GLASS, and ten have developed national action plans (NAPs) for AMR. However, there is a need to ensure all countries fully implement their NAPs, continue reporting to GLASS, and use the data for evidence-based actions and decision making. Surveillance systems for AMR and antimicrobial consumption/use vary across countries with some demonstrating limited capacity. All countries, except Cabo Verde, reported having a reference laboratory for AMR testing. Strengthening laboratory capabilities, data management and use, and multisectoral coordination are crucial for effective AMR surveillance and response. Based on the findings and the regional context, it is essential to prioritize capacity building, data utilization, and the adoption of standardized guidelines for AMR surveillance. Collaboration among ECOWAS countries, the WAHO, and international partners is essential to address AMR comprehensively. Ensuring a consistent supply of essential antimicrobial medications and reagents is vital.

Understanding the Dynamic Linkages: Inflation, Real Balances, and Their Impact on Economic Growth in ECOWAS

This study examines the dynamic relationship between growth, inflation, and real money balances in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). We apply a new approach by extending comprehensive econometric methods so that monetary dynamics can be better understood in the West African sub-region. The study obtained data from the World Bank from 2006 to 2021 and covered 15 countries. For robustness checks, we estimate dynamic ordinary least squares and fully modified ordinary least squares. These findings reveal the existence of a significant cointegration relationship between growth, real balance, and inflation. Furthermore, this study found that real balance has a positive long-run dynamic impact on growth. Likewise, there is a short-run positive impact of money and inflation on growth. We contribute to the literature on the money-growth nexus by focusing on West Africa, which faces macroeconomic vulnerabilities due to structural imbalances. These findings have policy implications for central banks and the Fiscal Agency. Central Banks must collaborate to reduce money in the informal sector, while Fiscal Authorities must control inflation collectively.

Six Decades of African Integration: Successes and Failures

The African Union (AU), with antecedent Organisation of African Unity (OAU), is now six decades old, and its sub-regional affiliates, such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the East African Community (EAC), up to four decades old. There is a need to inquire into why their problems have been so persistent. This exploration is based on desktop research into some of the scholarly literature, the media, and the findings and recommendations of AU commissions. It is informed by constructivism and Pan-Africanism. The AU and its affiliates are nonetheless arguably more successful than their comparative peers in the Global South. Yet it is usually criticized in the literature, and organs such as the Pan-African Parliament meet with media derision. The AU’s notable successes include establishing its agency in global governance. It has coordinated African states’ voting on the UN Security Council and established an embryonic diplomatic corps with representation on major regional and global organisations and at the two world powers, the USA and PRC. Scholars should also note the continental and multi-lateral activities strengthening African integration that occur outside the AU, through a variety of NGOs, QUANGOs, and business sectoral organisations. This article finds that only the European Union has been more successful, in part because it has a supranational dimension, plus two orders of magnitude more staff, and a budget two orders of magnitude larger. Further, many of the persistent problems of the AU and the RECs are problems of their member state governments, extraverted upwards into the continental and sub-regional structures.

Political Turmoil in ECOWAS: When Politics Prevails Over Law

Several military regimes have recently come to power within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). This article on the political crisis in ECOWAS examines the main causes of these developments in the region and the approaches of regional organizations to address them in the African context, taking into account the practices of the OAU and the African Union. In the first phase, ECOWAS imposed a series of sanctions against these states for violating their international legal obligations in the areas of democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and good governance. In addition, the community decided to use military force in the Republic of Niger in order to free M. Bazoum, and, in response to this threat, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger decided, on September 16, 2023, to create the Alliance of Sahel States (ASS) for self-defense to repel the aggression of the ECOWAS troops. Furthermore, on January 28, 2024, the ASS countries announced their withdrawal from ECOWAS, and, in order to prevent a split in ECOWAS, on February 24, 2024, the community decided to lift the sanctions previously imposed on Niger, Mali, and Guinea on humanitarian grounds. This article examines in detail both the political and legal sides of the decisions taken by ECOWAS. Based on their analysis, the authors conclude that democracy remains an important tool for promoting stability in African multinational societies. According to the authors, attempts by the AU and ECOWAS to address political instability through normative means can be encouraged. However, ECOWAS’ sanction policies against offending countries should be based on existing community norms, humanity, and real facts in order to avoid dividing the community.

Political Turmoil in ECOWAS: When Politics Prevails Over Law

Several military regimes have recently come to power within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). This article on the political crisis in ECOWAS examines the main causes of these developments in the region and the approaches of regional organizations to address them in the African context, taking into account the practices of the OAU and the African Union. In the first phase, ECOWAS imposed a series of sanctions against these states for violating their international legal obligations in the areas of democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and good governance. In addition, the community decided to use military force in the Republic of Niger in order to free M. Bazoum, and, in response to this threat, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger decided, on September 16, 2023, to create the Alliance of Sahel States (ASS) for self-defense to repel the aggression of the ECOWAS troops. Furthermore, on January 28, 2024, the ASS countries announced their withdrawal from ECOWAS, and, in order to prevent a split in ECOWAS, on February 24, 2024, the community decided to lift the sanctions previously imposed on Niger, Mali, and Guinea on humanitarian grounds. This article examines in detail both the political and legal sides of the decisions taken by ECOWAS. Based on their analysis, the authors conclude that democracy remains an important tool for promoting stability in African multinational societies. According to the authors, attempts by the AU and ECOWAS to address political instability through normative means can be encouraged. However, ECOWAS’ sanction policies against offending countries should be based on existing community norms, humanity, and real facts in order to avoid dividing the community.

Impact of credit expansion and contraction on unemployment

PurposeWe investigate the impact of private credit expansion and contraction on the unemployment rate in Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) countries.Design/methodology/approachCredit expansion and contraction are measured using a three-level criterion. The fixed effect panel regression model was used to estimate the impact of private credit contraction and expansion on the unemployment rate in ECOWAS countries.FindingsPrivate credit contraction significantly increases the unemployment rate in ECOWAS countries. Private credit expansion does not have a significant effect on the unemployment rate. Real GDP growth has a significant negative effect on the unemployment rate which supports the prediction of the Okun’s Law while the inflation rate has a positive and insignificant effect on the rate of unemployment in ECOWAS countries which contradicts the prediction of the Phillips curve.Practical implicationsPolicymakers in ECOWAS countries need to be cautious when introducing policies that lead to private credit contraction as it could increase unemployment. Policymakers in ECOWAS countries should also find the “threshold” below which private credit contraction will worsen the unemployment rate and introduce policy measures to ensure that private credit contraction does not fall below the threshold.Originality/valueThe literature has not examined the factors leading to tight labor markets or unemployment in West African countries.Peer reviewThe peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-12-2023-0939.

Differentiated disintegration in the Economic Community of West African States, the Eurasian Economic Community and the European Union: a comparative regionalism approach

ABSTRACT The United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union has sparked interest in voluntary withdrawals from regional organisations (RO). While Brexit is a well-researched subject, other exits from ROs around the globe have been somewhat neglected. We still know relatively little about states’ motivations to leave and how such exits play out in the short and long run. This article addresses both gaps. First, it conceptualises withdrawals from ROs as differentiated disintegration to better grasp the pre- and post-exit dynamics. Second, it puts forth three factor groups explaining states’ reasoning composed of (i) geopolitical and geoeconomic conditions, (ii) intra-regional tensions and (iii) domestic factors. Third, it applies this framework to Uzbekistan’s exit from the EurAsEC, Mauritania’s departure from ECOWAS and the UK’s withdrawal from the EU. Despite great differences in the regional setup and level of institutionalisation, we find that strong parallels can be drawn between all three cases.

Niger’s Long Cycle of Poverty and Coups

In July 2023, Niger experienced the latest in a long series of military coups. Now afflicted by climate change, the country continues to rank as one of the poorest in the world. Poverty and perceptions of corruption limit public confidence in democratic governance. Led by Nigeria, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) imposed sanctions on the new junta and threatened a military intervention, adding to the suffering of the population. But ECOWAS eventually backed down, while the junta moved to cut off antiterrorism cooperation with France and the United States, embracing Russia instead, following a trend set by other recent coups across the Sahel.

Assessment of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) 1999 and 2001 protocols in the resolution of the Gambian post-election crisis

This study sought to appraise two Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Protocols; the Protocol on Conflict Prevention (1999) and the Democracy and Good Governance Protocol (2001), and how they address the political security challenge in Gambian. In resolving the Gambian crisis, ECOWAS adopted some of its already established protocols such as the ECOWAS Mechanism on Conflict Management, Resolution, Security, and Peacekeeping and the ECOWAS Protocol on Good Governance and Democracy. The study relied on the documentary method. So, data were collected from secondary sources by reviewing various newspapers, journals, textbooks, and online sources. The findings of the study reveal that ECOWAS was very successful in its Conflict Resolution Mechanisms in West Africa especially the use of the Protocol on Conflict Prevention (1999) and the Democracy and Good Governance Protocol (2001) as these helped to address the Political Security challenge in the Gambia. Consequently, this study concludes and recommends that other sub-regional bodies should emulate ECOWAS in adopting their conflict resolution mechanisms within their sub-region. Finally, the paper recommends that ECOWAS should ensure that democratic governance through free, fair, and credible elections, the rule of law, and respect for human rights are fully respected and implemented in her sub-region.

Infrastructure and economic growth in ECOWAS member states: The Westerlund co-integration approach

This research explores the impact of infrastructure on member states' economic growth in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Utilizing panel secondary data sourced from the World Bank Development Indicators (WDI) and the African Infrastructure Development Index (AIDI) across all fifteen ECOWAS Member States over eighteen years, the study employs the panel Non-linear Autoregressive Distributed Lag (NARDL) model and the Westerlund co-integration test for analysis. The findings reveal that investments in infrastructure, improvements in the African Development Index, and enhancements in the Electricity Composite Index significantly contribute to the economic growth of ECOWAS countries. Specifically, infrastructure investment is associated with a 0.01 per cent increase in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the ECOWAS countries studied. In comparison, the African Development Index and the Electricity Composite Index are linked to increases in GDP by 0.292 per cent and 0.987 per cent, respectively, in the long term. Based on these outcomes, the study recommends that ECOWAS country authorities enhance policies to optimize government spending on infrastructure quality. Furthermore, adopting quality-enhancing and efficiency-driven financing policies in infrastructure is advocated to complement ECOWAS's ongoing infrastructural development efforts. The realization of these recommendations hinges on the availability of accurate data for informing decisions and guiding policymakers. Hence, the study underscores the need for the ECOWAS Commission to bolster its capacity for collecting reliable data on infrastructure variables and other indicators. It also proposes that future research should focus on promoting sub-regional peer-review mechanisms for infrastructure indicators among member states and establishing structures to fortify infrastructure in West Africa.

The African Court’s Jurisdiction over the Crime of Unconstitutional Change of Government and the African Union’s Sanctions Regime: A Comparative Analysis

This paper provides a comparative assessment of the criminalisation of unconstitutional change of government before the proposed African Court of Justice and Human Rights (African Court), and the African Union’s sanctions regime, which is part of its legal and policy framework to respond to unconstitutional change of government. Using Niger and Gabon as case studies, the paper examines the efficacy of the African Union (and the Economic Community of West African States, in the case of Niger) sanctions regime in response to the recent military coups in these selected countries. It is argued that the African Union’s policy and legal framework in response to unconstitutional change of government and the sanctions regime have not been effective in countering the scourge of unconstitutional change of government on the African continent. The paper then examines the potential of Article 28E of the Malabo Protocol, which criminalises unconstitutional change of government, to effectively address the problem of recurring unconstitutional change of government in Africa. It concludes that this Article has the potential to effectively address the problem of unconstitutional change of government when the African Court becomes operational.

Financial inclusion and monetary policy targets: Evidence from the ECOWAS countries

The study examines the impact of financial inclusion on monetary policy targets in the Economic Community of West African States for the period between 2004 and 2020. To capture how a shock to financial inclusion affects monetary policy targets in the ECOWAS sub-region, the study employs panel vector autoregression via the Generalized Method of Moments framework and uses the impulse response functions. The results show that in all ECOWAS countries, financial inclusion leads to an appreciation of the local currency, thereby improving the value of the exchange rate. However, it reduces the effectiveness of monetary policy. In particular, financial inclusion increases consumer prices and interest rates. Based on the findings, the study recommends, among others, the need for a single monetary policy in the ECOWAS sub-region to properly integrate its monetary policy framework in line with the economic and monetary integration policy of the West African Monetary Zone.

Long Term Forecasting of Peak Demand and Annual Electricity Consumption of the West African Power Pool Interconnected Network by 2032

The uneven distribution of primary sources of electric power generation in Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) compelled the heads of states to create the West African Power Pool (WAPP). The vision of this system is to set up a common electrical energy market to satisfy the balance between supply and demand at an affordable price using the interconnected network. Forecasting maximum power demand and energy consumption is essential for planning and the coordination of new power plant and transmission lines building. This work consists of predicting maximum power demand and total energy that must transit through the WAPP interconnected network by the year 2032. We compare the performances of three time series models namely the Long Short-Term Memory (LSTM), Auto-Regressive Integrated Moving Average (ARIMA) and Fb Facebook Prophet. Electric power and energy data used for training the systems comes from the WAPP authorties. The results show that, for monthly peaks, the Facebook (Fb) Prophet model is the best, with a MAPE (mean absolute error percentage) of 3.1% and a low RMSE (root mean square error) of 1.225 GW. For energy prediction, ARIMA performances are the best compared to others with (RMSE 1.20 TWh, MAPE 1.00%). Thus, the forecast for total annual energy consumption and annual peak demand will be, respectively, 96.85TWh and 13.6 GW in 2032.

Towards Decolonial Praxes in Critical Peace Education for Sustainable Futures

This paper examines decolonial praxes in critical peace education using philosophical framework of African Conversational School. In the process, it examines: Conversational School of African Philosophy, critical peace education for sustainable futures, the importance of decolonial praxes, conceptual framework for critical peace education for sustainable future, Nigerian educational system and education policies of Federal Republic of Nigeria (FRN), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and African Union (AU). The paper theorizes that decolonial praxes in critical peace education should be pursued with a combination of local and global cultures (glocalization) for sustainable futures since both cultures have positive contributions to human life. Therefore, the conclusion and suggestions of this paper are partly based on this theoretical position. Introduction of decolonial critical peace education as a separate subject and as objectives in other subjects is the main suggestion and conclusion made.

An Appraisal of the Historical Development of the African Response to Extradition

The research work delves into the evolution of African countries' approach to extradition over the course of history. Extradition, the legal process of surrendering individuals accused of crimes to another jurisdiction, has undergone significant changes in Africa, influenced by regional cooperation efforts. The study provides an in-depth examination of the significant events in the development of extradition laws across the African continent. The impacts of World War II on extradition is also scrutinized, highlighting how political motivations sometimes influenced extradition decisions, leading to contentious cases and strained international relations. Additionally, the study examines how regional organisations such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the South African Development Commission (SADC), and also how African Union (A.U) in general work to promote integration and cooperation within the region on legal issues, including extradition. The work further analyses recent efforts to modernize extradition laws in some African countries, aligning them with international standards and practices. This has been facilitated by increased cooperation with international organizations, enhancing legal and operational capacities in extradition matters. This research study extensively analyses the historical development of the African response to extradition in Africa. It sheds light on the evolving approaches, challenges, and regional cooperation efforts concerning extradition practices on the continent. The findings contribute to a deeper understanding of how extradition has shaped and been shaped by Africa's legal, political, and social landscape throughout history. Keywords: AU, ECOWAS, Extradition, Cooperation, Crimes, SADC.

Foreign direct investment and carbon emissions in ECOWAS: does good governance matter?

PurposeThe present study investigates the effect of foreign direct investment (FDI) and governance quality on carbon emissions in the Economics Community of West African States (ECOWAS).Design/methodology/approachTo achieve the objective of this research, panel data for dependent and explanatory variables over the period 2005–2016, collected in the World Development Indicators (WDI) database and World Governance Indicators (WGI), are analyzed using the generalized method of moments (GMM). Also, the panel-corrected standard errors (PCSE) method is applied to the four segments of the overall sample to analyze the stability of the results.FindingsThe findings of this study are: (1) FDI inflows have a negative effect on carbon emissions in ECOWAS and (2) The interaction between FDI inflows and governance quality have a negative effect on carbon emissions. These results show the decreasing of environmental damage by increasing institutional quality. However, the estimation results on the country subsamples show similar and non-similar aspects.Practical implicationsThis study suggests that policymakers in the ECOWAS countries should strengthen their environmental policies while encouraging FDI flows to be environmentally friendly.Originality/valueThe subject has rarely been explored in West Africa, with gaps such as the lack of use of institutional variables. This study contributes to the literature by drawing on previous work to examine the role of good governance on FDI and the CO2 emission relationship in the ECOWAS, which have received little attention. However, this research differs from previous work by subdividing the overall sample into four groups to test the stability of the results.

ASEAN versus ECOWAS: Sovereignty Construction and Its Impact on Governance and Institutional Structures

ABSTRACT The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) are prominent regional organisations in the global South. However, their divergence becomes evident when considering variations in governance and institutional structures. This article attributes these differences to distinct approaches to national sovereignty by their members. Factors including historical colonial legacies, member states’ experiences, and shared norms shape the construction of sovereignty in ASEAN and ECOWAS. ASEAN prioritises individual sovereignty and self-determination. In contrast, ECOWAS adopts a more flexible approach, emphasising collective action to address common challenges, even if it involves compromising some aspects of sovereignty. These trajectories continue with ASEAN Charter and ECOWAS Revised Treaty that transformed the organisation into a parliamentary structure with Court of Justice. By examining these dynamics, this paper sheds light on the nuanced relationship between sovereignty and regional integration, providing insights into governance and decision-making processes in ASEAN and ECOWAS.

ECOWAS Court of Justice: its linkage with the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights

This article considers the Community Court of Justice (CCJ) of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and its linkage with the African Charter of Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR). No doubt when ECOWAS was established in 1975, the main objective was the economic integration of the sub-regional body. At the beginning, the CCJ was listed as one of the mandates of the economic bloc, but it was not until 1991 that the first Protocol which created the CCJ and which gives its composition and its functioning was adopted. The Revised Treaty of 1993 also provided for the establishment of the CCJ in its Article 15. The Protocol now makes references to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (ACHPR) of the African Union (AU). Not only this, the Protocol also made reference to other international human rights instruments. The main objective of this work is to bring to fore that the jurisdiction of the CCJ is expansive and broad, and that the CCJ failed to utilise the expansive jurisdiction in the matter of the late President of Chad, Hissene Habre, against the Republic of Senegal, by ruling that the Senegalese court could not try him because this will violate the principle of non-retroactivity of penal law. This ruling led to the establishment of the Extraordinary African Chambers (a special criminal tribunal) that later tried Habre. Also, where it is appropriate and desirable, a comparison between, on the one hand, the CCJ and, on the other hand, African sub-regional courts and courts of international organisations will be made. It is also the contention of this article that the CCJ ought to have an Appeal Chambers, as a core international best practice. This work will adopt the doctrinal methodology and the data collection method is content analysis.

The role of economic growth, financial development, globalization, renewable energy and industrialization in reducing environmental degradation in the economic community of West African States

The role of economic growth, financial development, globalization, renewable energy and industrialization in reducing environmental degradation in the economic community of West African States

Exploring Communities of Practice from an Informality Perspective: Insights from the AU, ECOWAS, and UN in West African Mediation Theaters

Abstract The article explores how and why communities of practice (CoPs) of international organizations (IOs) work together effectively despite the rigid formal bureaucratic and institutional borders they inhabit. The manuscript explains how four informal mechanisms combined to enable CoPs embedded in the African Union (AU), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the United Nations (UN) Organization to resolve political crises in Burkina Faso, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, and Togo between 2016 and 2022. The informal mechanisms allowed CoPs to overcome their institutional limitations, cross rigid organizational borders, and work together to resolve different political crises in the six countries. Some of the informal mechanisms were cultivated by CoPs, while others emerged organically from activities and interactions of these like-minded professionals. The informal instruments that were developed and used to resolve the crises provide a telling illustration of how CoPs create global governance norms, practices, processes, rules, and structures from below. The enabling role that informality played in the six conflict theaters suggests that paying close attention to the informal dimensions of CoPs has enormous analytical benefits.