Communitarian Thinking Research Articles

Corporate Social Responsibility: Environmental Concern Through the Application of Communitarian Citizenship Thinking

Environmental awareness is an integral part of the sustainability of ecosystems worldwide that are starting to be damaged due to rapid industry. The rise of industrial companies in Indonesia impacts environmental damage and has drawn criticism from the community, so corporate social responsibility was formed, which is a form of corporate commitment to its social environment to maintain environmental sustainability and empowerment of the surrounding community. Ideologically, environmental damage is inseparable from the muscular liberalism that pays little attention to ecological elements. This paper seeks to raise an alternative study of communitarian CSR that understands environmental awareness. Communitarianism focuses on the social reality that must be maintained and cared for to raise collective consciousness, including environmental elements. This paper uses a literature study to examine the understanding of communitarianism. The knowledge gained from the literature search is that communitarianism provides a different perspective from liberalism regarding self and environment, so it is interesting to apply communitarian thinking in companies to implement environmental awareness as an alternative to solving environmental problems where this condition indicates the need for a movement based on communal awareness in reforestation. The more communal awareness of nature is built on the impact of community pressure on the government to make a rule that pays attention to environmental problems.

An African Communitarian View of Epistemic Responsibility

ABSTRACTIn this article, I venture into a fairly underexplored area of African epistemic normativity. I seek to consider how the question of responsibility might be approached differently if values salient in African communitarian thinking are critically explored. I argue that while one may find almost a uniform framework for the determination of epistemic responsibility in different philosophical traditions based on the rational scheme, in the dominant African communitarian tradition, there is more to responsibility than just individualistic traits like rationality. My argument is based on the premise that, responsibility in African epistemological thinking is viewed from a communitarian perspective. According to this view, despite most of African communitarian knowledge conforming to the consciousness and control tests of the rational scheme, communitarian philosophy still remains cardinal in defining the aspect of responsibility on the part of both the individual and the community. I, therefore, partly make critical comparisons between a Western and African concept of responsibility as I seek to justify the plausibility of an African model of responsibility based on communitarian habits and culture.

Person, Personhood and Individual Rights in Menkiti’s African Communitarian Thinking

In this article, I argue that individuals could be entitled to rights, outside those that are communally conferred, as part of the primary requirement of being ‘persons’ in the African communitarian set-up if the terms ‘person’ and ‘personhood’ are understood differently from the way they are currently deployed in the communitarian discourse. The distinction between these two terms is the basis of my thesis where clarity on their meanings could be helpful in establishing the possibility of ascribing rights outside those that are communally conferred. I argue that ontologically, a ‘person’ is prior to ‘personhood’ (understood in the normative sense) which is considered to find its fuller expression in a community and by virtue of this, I think that he or she is entitled to some rights outside those that are defined and conferred by the community. This is my point of departure in this article.

The Foundational Tenets of Johannes Althusius' Constitutionalism

In his Politica: Politics Methodically set Forth and Illustrated with Sacred and Profane Examples published in 1603 Johannes Althusius' sets out his grand scheme of republican federalism. Soon, however, the final establishment of the territorial state and the paradigm of statism relegated grand federalism to the distant margins of constitutional theory.
 Statism as concisely enunciated in this article, recognises only two entities namely the state as a centralised power apparatus and the abstract individual on whom a statist identity in the image of the state is enforced. Statism dispenses with communities.
 Statism has been playing out on a continuum, with the statist-individualism on the one and statist-collectivism on the opposite extreme. Statist-individualism seeks to fend off the risks of supreme political power with strategies for the protection of individual rights. In contrast, statist-collectivism dispenses with the subtleties of statist-individualism and is distinctively more blatant in forging a homogeneous statist nation.
 In the face of the rise of claims of communities, the emergence of communitarian thinking and increased evidence of the receding territorial state, new - post statist - constitutional thinking is gathering strength. This has unleashed considerable interest in alternative thinking such as that of Althusius.
 Althusius’ grand federalism should be viewed, however, within the context of his broader constitutional thinking, which on close analysis, is constituted by four interlinked aspects namely: piety, justice and community; covenant (or contract); supremacy of the commonwealth and of the law; and political authority and public office. These tenets are the main focus of the present discussion.
 There is no room for a blanket transplantation of Althusian thinking into modern constitutional theory. However, it does provide a valuable source of communitarian theory for contemporary constitutional law. It brings to light that (individual) identity, morality, and a happy life and individual rights can only be conceived of within the framework of communities. Moreover, Althusius’ convictions on (shared) popular sovereignty, in contrast to undivided (statist) sovereignty and his views on public office provided the framework for constitutionalism and limited government which could arguably improve on that of contemporary statist constitutionalism.
 

A fine balance: individualism, society and the prevention of mental illness in the United States, 1945–1968

AbstractIn the introduction to a collection of his essays entitled Society as Patient (1950), American social scientist and Rockefeller Foundation administrator Lawrence K Frank (1890–1968) claimed that, to prevent the apparently escalating rates of mental illness: “The individual, instead of seeking his own personal salvation and security, must recognize his almost complete dependence upon the group life and see his only hope in and through cultural reorganization”. Americans, Frank continued, would have “to give up … time-honored beliefs in human volition and responsibility” and “replace them with a larger and humanly more valuable belief in cultural self-determination, social volition, and group responsibility”. For Americans entering the 1950s, a decade of postwar prosperity, McCarthyism and free market capitalism, such communitarian thinking might have been anathema. But also arising out of the American experience of the Second World War were mounting concerns about mental health, due in part to the large number of American military recruits rejected on psychiatric grounds and American soldiers granted psychiatric discharge. In the face of affluence and contentment was alarm that many more Americans were mentally disordered than previously thought, and that new preventive approaches to mental health were required. Addressing these concerns during the postwar period was a new approach to psychiatry: social psychiatry. Rooted in both the child guidance and mental hygiene movements of the early twentieth century as well as contemporary social scientific research, social psychiatry was “a preventive psychiatry”, an epidemiological approach to mental health dedicated to identifying the environmental causes of mental illness—ranging from overcrowding and poverty to social exclusion and racism—and eradicating them. In this article, I explore how the economic and social implications of social psychiatry were articulated. Did social psychiatrists believe that it was possible to re-balance American society, not merely in economic terms, but also with respect to counter-balancing the prevailing ideology of “rugged individualism” with a more communitarian outlook? To what degree were they willing to do this themselves, eschewing lucrative psychoanalytic practices for community psychiatry? I will suggest that, although many of the aspirations of social psychiatry were unrealistic, and possibly utopian, they are worth re-considering. This article is published as part of a collection entitled ‘On balance: lifestyle, mental health and wellbeing’.

Gemeinschaftsdenken in Europa: Das Gesellschaftskonzept ‘Volksheim’ im Vergleich 1900–1938, ed. Detlef Lehnert

The concept of community or Gemeinschaft tends to ring alarm bells for historians of twentieth-century Germany. It is hard to ignore its invocation by National Socialists who conceptualised the national or folk community as a racial group in whose name racial and ideological ‘enemies’ could be killed en masse. But even before the Nazis outlined their version of community, the term evoked the pre- or anti-modern. According to völkisch thinkers (among others), people in folk communities knew each other and knew their place, whereas individuals in modern societies were increasingly anonymous and atomised. As a result of the valorisation of community by these now discredited German intellectuals, the term has long been somewhat toxic. Yet, as Detlef Lehnert, the editor of this refreshing history of concepts of community, argues, we lose much if we assume that all early twentieth-century communitarian thinking ultimately tended towards the racial. Accordingly, this book sets out to decontaminate the term Gemeinschaft. The various contributions do this by re-examining the multiplicity of ways in which ideas of community were developed in the first half of the twentieth century. The authors make the interesting decision to use Sweden as the primary case-study for analysing this concept in the first section of the book. They then investigate comparable communitarian concepts in Germany in Part Two before rounding off the volume by considering a number of other international comparative case-studies. Sweden serves as a useful counterpoint to Germany, precisely because communitarian thinking in this north-European state did not lead to exclusionary racism but sustained an exceptionally stable and consensual form of social democratic governance. In spite of this striking difference, the volume highlights the noticeable similarities between the invocations of national community used in Sweden and Germany and between the corporatist practices such language inspired. Furthermore, chapters by Peter Brandt, Lehnert and Wolfgang Hardtwig illustrate how groups across the ideological spectrum in both countries justified their policies or sought to win over opposition by appeal to the national or folk community. Such appeals were often made most forcefully by left-wing, rather than right-wing, groups who contrasted the interests of the community with the interests of pre-existing elites.

‘A habitual disposition to the good’: on reason, virtue and realism

Amidst the crisis of instrumental reason, a number of contemporary political philosophers including Jürgen Habermas have sought to rescue the project of a reasonable humanism from the twin threats of religious fundamentalism and secular naturalism. In his recent work, Habermas defends a post-metaphysical politics that aims to protect rationality against encroachment while also accommodating religious faith within the public sphere. This paper contends that Habermas’ post-metaphysical project fails to provide a robust alternative either to the double challenge of secular naturalism and religious fundamentalism or to the ruthless instrumentalism that underpins capitalism. By contrast with Habermas and also with the ‘new realism’ of contemporary political philosophers such as Raymond Geuss or Bernard Williams, realism in the tradition of Plato and Aristotle can defend reason against instrumental rationality and blind belief by integrating it with habit, feeling and even faith. Such metaphysical–political realism can help develop a politics of virtue that goes beyond communitarian thinking by emphasising plural modes of association (not merely ‘community’), substantive ties of sympathy and the importance of pursuing goodness and mutual flourishing.

Civil Society, Welfare and the State

The emergence of new strands in Conservative thinking before the 2010 general election, and characterised as the Big Society, has led to little substantive action by government. Meanwhile, although not yet mainstream, communitarian thinking is emerging within the Labour Party. This article suggests areas for attention in the party manifestos for 2015 which could restore a richer concept of society and address major problems in welfare and business ethics. Specific policies are less important than articulating a new narrative about the relationship between the individual, the state and the corporate sector and building capacity for informal neighbourliness and voluntary initiative.

The anxiety of cultural authenticity in Turkish communitarian thought: Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar and Peyami Safa on Europe and modernity

The uneasy tension between ongoing disputes about Turkey's Europeanisation and an emphasis on cultural authenticity has characterised much of Turkish social and political thought over the last two centuries. This article explores conceptions of Europe, modernity and tradition contained in the writings of two twentieth-century Turkish writers, Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar (1901–1962) and Peyami Safa (1899–1961) whose writings express an anxiety of cultural authenticity. Varieties of communitarian thinking, coupled with an emphasis on a ‘synthesis’ between past and future, tradition and modernity, Turkey and Europe, had been invoked and advocated by many writers and scholars who sought to come to terms with the challenges surrounding Turkey's Europeanisation throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Tanpınar and Safa are widely considered to be among the most influential representatives of this deeply rooted communitarian tradition in modern Turkish social imaginary. By drawing on Tanpınar's and Safa's essays on politics, society, culture and the East–West distinction, this article demonstrates the radical divergences between their perspectives and draws out the political implications of their views of Europe, modernity and tradition. Although he appears to be one of the advocates of Turkey's Europeanisation and the idea of a civilisational synthesis, Safa's conservatism is based on a sketchy theory of radical particularity and cultural essentialism that reflects a repudiation of universalism and cosmopolitanism, and which shows a tendency bordering on a celebration of all collectivist self-assertions and struggles against liberal democracy. Tanpınar's communitarian vision, on the other hand, with its emphasis on ‘tradition’ and ‘continuity’, aims to reconcile the political ideals of European modernity with a restored cultural tradition. One of the primary purposes of this article is to fully work out the originality of Tanpınar's thought by highlighting the intimations of a distinctively hermeneutical dimension that figure prominently in his writings, and which have largely gone unnoticed.

From multiculturalism to global values : how New Labour set the agenda

In Tony Blair’s speech on “Our Nation’s Future” in December 2006, he cited the London bombings as a reason for adopting a new, critical attitude towards multiculturalism. This speech was interpreted in the press as a “turnaround”. But this paper seeks to show that New Labour began to distance itself from an ideological commitment to multiculturalism from the very beginning. Armed with a version of communitarian thinking which stressed that political rights were dependent on allegiance to the nation and the community, New Labour emphasised the need for ethnic minorities and especially Muslims, to integrate into British society. New Labour thinking also stressed the need to affirm Western values in the international sphere, through the policy of humanitarian interventionism. It is argued that this emphasis on social cohesion and integration should be placed in the context of the creation of a new cultural consensus, not just at the local but at the global level.

Cadavers Encountered: Identification and Community in US Latino/a Cultural Production

This study discusses the literary and theatrical portrayal of corpses in Cuban-American Roberto G. Fernandez's Raining Backwards, Puerto Rican Esmeralda Santiago's When I Was Puerto Rican, and Miguel Pinero's Short Eyes. In dialogue with various critics of communitarian and nationalistic thinking (Nancy, Balibar, Joseph, and Anderson), the author reflects upon the problematics of community, its sense of project and destiny, its vehement impulse toward domesticating difference, and its program for hegemonizing subalternity. From this perspective, the cadaver is discussed as an ontological void in Latino/a communitarian articulation and as a recurrent topos in this group's cultural production. This study proposes that the dead body needs to be considered critically in order to disrupt meta-narratives of hybridization that guide Latino communitarian thinking and the production–consumption dynamics within the US multicultural nation. “Cadavers encountered” advances a model for critically un-reading more commercial/hegemonic Latino products and for underscoring counter-pedagogic thinking in less commercial/alternative ones. In the process it suggests a variety of cultural commodities that could be studied in fashions similar to the work of Fernandez, Santiago, and Pinero.

THE COMMUNITIES WE ARE REGAINING BUT NEED TO LOSE

Michael Young and Gerard Lemos’ (1997) text The communities we have lost and can regain has had a substantial influence on New Labour's communitarian thinking. This paper critically examines a specific aspect of New Labour's communitarian agenda, namely, its use of public housing policy to rebuild communities in order to combat social exclusion on so-called ‘sink estates’. The paper is presented in four main parts. The first part of the paper discusses how, why and to what extent ‘community’ has been lost, with particular reference to public housing estates. The second part examines why community rebuilding is now seen as the solution to the problems caused by the loss of community on public housing estates and, to this end, pays particular attention to the communitarian values that underpin New Labour's third way. The third part of the paper examines some empirical studies of community in order to highlight the key characteristics of ‘community’ and thereby develop a critical understanding of what New Labour are currently seeking to achieve. The fourth part of the paper juxtaposes this discussion of ‘community’ with a discussion of emerging socio-economic trends that have been identified in the literature on late modernity and globalization. By highlighting emerging socio-economic trends such as residential mobility into the community debate, the paper concludes by criticizing the policy of community building as ‘good for you’. Our key point is that community building restricts the residential mobility of poorer households and exacerbates (rather than combats) their social exclusion because a key indicator of social inclusion is their ability to take advantage of the social, cultural and economic opportunities that so often exist ‘elsewhere’.

Race and the Unconscious: Freudianism in French Caribbean Thought by Celia Britton (review)

MLRy 100.2, 2005 515 These are not so much faults as inevitable consequences of the high ambitions of this study, which is undoubtedly a major contribution to (French) Caribbean studies, a persuasive, subtle, and sensitive reading of an extremely rich body of writing. University of the West Indies, St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago Martin Munro Race and the Unconscious: Freudianismin French Caribbean Thought. By Celia Britton . Oxford: European Humanities Research Centre. 2002. 115 pp. ISBN 1900755 -68-8. Psychoanalysis occupies a highly unstable and contradictory position in the work of many Caribbean thinkers and writers. Although on the one hand they reject its Eurocentrism and its inability to differentiatebetween varying historical and geographical contexts, its figures, tropes, and persistent structures continue to haunt the pages of their work. Having criticized both Freud's resistance to communitarian thinking and the political inefhcacy of his work, they continue to use his reflections on fantasy and repression in order to articulate the problem of race. In this original, succinct, and highly relevant book, Celia Britton carefully unravels the nature of this contradiction and traces the various distortions and reformulations of Freudian thought within the Antillean context. First, she notes the intersection between psychoanalysis, surreal? ism, and anti-colonial thinking in the work ofthe contributors to the review Tropiques, founded in Martinique in 1941. Anti-colonial thinkers Aime Cesaire and Rene Menil use both Breton and Freud to enhance their attack on the (colonial) bourgeoisie, and argue that the liberation of the black man will occur through renewed connection with the spontaneous and the irrational?characteristics that are prominent in black culture and that imply closer links with the unconscious. The difficultywith this, however, is that it invokes images of the 'primitive' African; the writers are as a result torn between modelling their unconscious on that of European thinkers and promoting an ongoing opposition between the civilized and the primitive. In the second chapter Britton shows how Fanon, similarly, both rejects and relies on Freudian notions of the unconscious. Fanon's thesis is that black people have a white unconscious, but this unconscious is created by internalization rather than by repression. Furthermore, rather than being repressed, black people are divided between their body and their self-image; they sufferfrom 'quasi-psychotic disavowal rather than neurotic repres? sion' (p. 45). Having pinpointed the contradictions in Fanon's thought, Britton goes on to exam? ine the ways in which the psychologist Octave Mannoni and the poet-thinker Edouard Glissant manipulate the structures of Freudian psychoanalysis. Unlike Fanon, forex? ample, Glissant does conceive the colonial situation in terms of repression or blockage, so that the colonized does retain a collective unconscious. Britton's finalobject of ana? lysis is the Oedipus complex, which she locates as a trope in Fanon's thought, but in the form of an occasional disorder rather than as an underlying structure. Most importantly, Britton's series of analyses succeeds in refiningthe relation between fa? miliar figures and the Caribbean reworking of them, often turning expectations on their head and challenging the assumptions that we might be tempted to make about the transfer of psychoanalytic concepts to an unfamiliar setting. The book combines intricate close reading with in-depth knowledge of the psychoanalytic field, and this brief but punchy sequence of arguments successfully points the way towards further questioning and research in a rich and complex area. University of Warwick Jane Hiddleston ...

IS COMMUNITARIAN THINKING ALTRUISTIC?

1. Introduction It is a common belief among contemporary ethicists that community-oriented, or communitarian, thinking is more naturally altruistic than its rivals--especially most common strands of thought. The idea is, roughly, that liberals emphasise significance of individuals, and are therefore likely to stress personal, egoistic concerns, while communitarians call attention to groups and societies, and are hence more amenable to ideas of social or communal dependence and mutual help. Our aim in this paper is to examine whether or not this belief is justified and, if it is, in what sense. Since communitarian thinking comes in a variety of packages, we shall start by briefly defining what we mean by it in our considerations. Because altruism, too, can mean different things in different contexts, we shall also quickly outline two main senses in which we talk about it. After these preliminaries, our examination will proceed in two stages. The first is to show that communitarian thinking, as such, is not necessarily altruistic, or at least that there is no conceptual reason to hold that it is. The second is to further demonstrate that, even in comparison, communitarian thinking is not necessarily more altruistic than main versions of individual-based, or liberal thought. If both our arguments are valid, then community-oriented ideologies and policies cannot, without strict specifications, be supported by claiming that they are altruistic, or more altruistic than their rivals. This does not, of course, show that there is anything wrong with these ideologies or policies. Egoism may be a better alternative than altruism. And some forms of communitarianism may well be more altruistic than some forms of liberalism. But if we are right, a stock defence of community-based ethics in terms of is unfounded. 2. Philosophical and political communitarianism For purposes of our analysis, it is useful to make distinction between philosophical and political versions of communitarianism. Communitarian thinking in its contemporary philosophical form was originally a reaction to John Rawls's contractarian political doctrine in his influential book A Theory of Justice (1972). Alasdair MacIntyre (1981), Michael Sandel (1981), Charles Taylor (1985), and Michael Walzer (1983) all questioned some liberal tenets that Rawls held, and although they did not label themselves as communitarian, their work gave rise to philosophical movement of communitarianism. Within this movement, it is generally held that liberalism is based on a skewed notion of human personhood; an over-emphasis of individuality; and an impossible commitment to universality and neutrality. The communitarian alternatives to these are a notion of human persons and selves as socially constructed entities; a view of communities as important sources of value; and a conviction that traditions should play a considerable part in moral and political reasoning. (1) Communitarianism in its recent political form is a more complex phenomenon. As presented by one of its main champions, Amitai Etzioni, it is an attempt to restore moral order and to consolidate common goals with individual self-interest by emphasising traditional concepts of education, family, and values (Etzioni 1995, 1997, cf. Frazer 1999, Putnam 2000). (2) Whatever moral and political strengths or weaknesses of this doctrine, which has some links with Third Way Socialism of Anthony Giddens and Tony Blair in United Kingdom, philosophical assessment of within it is very difficult (Giddens 1998). Etzioni seems to dislike term altruism in first place, and he asserts that the pursuit of self-interest can be balanced by a commitment to community, without requiring us to lead a life of austerity, altruism, or self-sacrifice (Giddens 1985). In Giddens and Blair, it is not too easy to see if in sense of caring for others is a means to a thriving communal life, or communal life a means to increasing altruism. …

Reclaiming Community? From Welfare Society to Welfare State in Australian Catholic Social Thought

Influenced by both conservative and left wing communitarian thinking, current debate about welfare governance in Australia reflects an inflated evaluation of the potential role of the third sector or civil society organisations in the production of welfare. This paper gives an overview of twentieth century Australian Catholic social thinking about state, market and civil society relations in the production of welfare. It highlights the neglected, historical role of the Catholic Church in promoting a “welfare society” over a “welfare state” in Australia. It points to the reasons for the Church's later embrace of the welfare state and suggests that these reasons should make us deeply sceptical of the current communitarian fad.

Business Citizenship: From Domestic to Global Level of Analysis

Abstract:In this article we first review the development of the concept of global business citizenship and show how the libertarian political philosophy of free-market capitalism must give way to a communitarian view in order for the voluntaristic, local notion of “corporate citizenship” to take root. We then distinguish the concept of global business citizenship from “corporate citizenship” by showing how the former concept requires a transition from communitarian thinking to a position of universal human rights. In addition, we link global business citizenship to global business strategy and to three analytical levels of ethical norms. Finally, we trace a process whereby global businesses can implement fundamental norms and learn to accommodate to legitimate cultural differences.

Business Citizenship

In this article we first review the development of the concept of global business citizenship and show how the libertarian political philosophy of free-market capitalism must give way to a communitarian view in order for the voluntaristic, local notion of “corporate citizenship” to take root. We then distinguish the concept of global business citizenship from “corporate citizenship” by showing how the former concept requires a transition from communitarian thinking to a position of universal human rights. In addition, we link global business citizenship to global business strategy and to three analytical levels of ethical norms. Finally, we trace a process whereby global businesses can implement fundamental norms and learn to accommodate to legitimate cultural differences.

アミタイ・エツィオーニと新しいコミュニタリアニズム

This paper deals with Amitai Etzioni's thought and social theory or New Communitarian thinking. New Communitarian thinking has nothing to do with oppressive old-fashioned communities. It advocates the balancing of autonomous individuals and orderly communities. By so doing, it tries to modify present world-wide libertarian tendency, which has broken down the “common goods”. It seeks to establish a new community concept and new community relationships among members. First, this paper introduces the New Communitarian way of thinking. Second, it compares this with another political and sociological thought.

Do We Really Wish to Live in a Communitarian City?: Communitarian Thinking and the Redevelopment of Chicago’S Cabrini-Green Public Housing Complex

ABSTRACT:Communitarianism is a movement of academic intellectuals, policy experts, and public figures seeking to redefine the relations among individuals, communities, and governments. This article examines two important communitarian texts, Amitai Etzioni’s The Spirit of Community and Alan Ehrenhalt’s The Lost City, and further links communitarian principles to particular features of William Julius Wilson’s “ghetto underclass” analysis. The article concludes with a discussion of current proposals to redevelop the Cabrini-Green complex, a large public housing site on Chicago’s Near North Side—noting the communitarian rationales that have animated the redevelopment proposals and questioning whether or not a truly “communitarian city” will result from the public-private partnership seeking to rebuild Cabrini-Green.

POLICY ARENA: Accounting for the ‘dark side’ of social capital: reading Robert Putnam on democracy

Recent theoretical work employing the concept of ‘social capital’ in the study of democratization remains plagued by conceptual confusion and a curious neglect of politics. This paper critically examines the work of Robert Putnam and other institutional theorists and suggests that a misguided attempt to locate a singular framework to explain both economic and political performance fails to recognize that the conditions underpinning successful capitalist development may not always be congruous with those favouring democratic politics. The work on social capital is coloured by an idealization of the role of the family and of the American political past, influenced by current communitarian thinking. Finally, an uncritical acceptance of the determinist notion of ‘path dependence’ eclipses the role of political action and ideas in the assessment of political outcomes and prospects for democratization. © 1997 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.