Election Commission Research Articles

Voters’ Perspectives on Elections (2011-2021): A Hermeneutic Study in Chadiza Constituency, Eastern Province, Zambia

The study explored voters’ experience during elections from 2011 to 2021 in Chadiza District of Eastern Province, Zambia. The objectives of the study were: to establish causes of electoral violence, to describe effects of electoral violence and to establish mitigation measures to ameliorating electoral violence in Chadiza Constituency. This was a thematic analysis and used qualitative research method with 35 participants. In using the Hermeneutic phenomenology, the authors desired not to depart from personal opinions, experiences and value as aid to analyse and interpret collected data. Data was collected through interviews and Focus Group Discussion using purposive sampling. The results of the study were discussed in referential to thematic areas that emerged during data analysis and they established that voting experiences in Chadiza were characterised by electoral violence. The factors that caused electoral violence and effects of electoral violence were revealed by the study. The collected data helped in formulation of sustainable electoral violence prevention measures. The study recommended that the Electoral Commission of Zambia ought to bridge the gap between Ideal and real elections by applying appropriate measures that would lead to cost effective elections that over rides or reduce elections nullifications.

The Past, Present and Future of Voter ID in Great Britain—Voter Turnout, Rejection and Confidence

AbstractThis article examines the implementation of voter identification at polling stations for elections in Great Britain, in particular following the passage of the Elections Act 2022. For this purpose it groups the affected and most significant elections into four chronological studies. These are, first, the initial pilot schemes conducted in 2018 and 2019, second, the May 2023 local elections in England, third, the 10 parliamentary by-elections held in Great Britain between July 2023 and May 2024, and fourth, the July 2024 UK General Election which marked by far the biggest test of the new requirements. The article examines the historical context and key statutory provisions which introduced voter ID, before analysing the respective studies relying on official Electoral Commission and UK Parliament data, as well as data gathered by volunteer organisations and the author’s own observations at polling stations. For this purpose, the case studies focus on the issues of voter turnout, rejection and confidence, as these are easily quantifiable measures which can assist with the legal analysis. As such, the article assesses the legality of voter identification laws in the UK, in particular from a human rights perspective, arguing that the implementation of voter ID has been problematic from the outset. Data produced after the elections raises further questions over the necessity and proportionality of the measures, suggesting that further reforms are needed if the policy is to remain in place.

Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and Election Postponements: Trends, Socio-Economic Effects and the Future of Nigeria’s Electoral Process

Election postponement has gradually crept into the political lexicon and is fast becoming a tradition in Nigeria’s electoral process that has sequentially marred the conduct of elections in the country as evident in 2011, 2015, 2019 and 2023 general elections among others. This has raised serious concerns as to the integrity of the electoral process and the preparedness of INEC to conduct free, fair and credible elections in the country. The essence of this paper was to assess the trends and socio-economic effects of election postponements and its impacts on Nigeria’s electoral process. The paper is historical and descriptive in nature and utilized relevant data obtained wholly from documentary sources which were analysed within the context of structural functional theory. From the analysis, it was gleaned that the electoral umpire has not learned from its previous sloppy preparations and mistakes, despite significant condemnation from Nigerians across political divides. Moreover, the paper established that security challenges, logistics inadequacies and court verdicts contributed to the postponement of elections, which resulted in severe socio-economic losses for the voting public, electoral commission, political parties, security agencies, election observers, and media outlets. Accordingly, the paper recommended, among others, that the government and other stakeholders in Nigeria’s electoral process should work to ensure that adequate pre-emptive measures are put in place in advance of future elections. Again, the Electoral Act 2022 should be amended to provide for electronic registration and voting, to accommodate Nigerians in diaspora.

Institutionalising inclusion

Inclusion within the electoral process is crucial for democratic societies, ensuring all citizens can participate regardless of background. The study explores how institutional frameworks, particularly electoral management bodies like the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), facilitate or hinder inclusivity through their operational mandates. Drawing on data from Election Observation Missions and other sources, this analysis evaluates the ZEC's performance in candidate inclusion, accessibility of polling stations, voter education initiatives, and representation of marginalised groups such as women and youth. Key findings reveal that while ZEC implemented measures to enhance inclusion, challenges persisted, such as accessibility issues for voters with disabilities and uneven voter education coverage. Through a historical backdrop and contextual framework, this paper delves into the role of electoral institutions in promoting democratic processes and enhancing inclusion. The findings underscore both achievements and challenges encountered by the ZEC, suggesting areas for future improvement and policy refinement to strengthen electoral inclusivity through institutional means. The study concludes by recommending enhanced financial and legislative support for ZEC to bolster its operational capacity and collaboration with other institutions. Addressing these recommendations could mitigate common electoral challenges and further embed inclusive practices within Zimbabwe's electoral framework.

ශ්‍රී ලාංකේය ඡන්දදායකයාගේ දේශපාලන සාක්ෂරතාවය හා දේශපාලන සන්නිවේදනය

Literacy is the ability to read and write about a certain language. The majority of Sri Lanka does nothave formal political literacy. Accordingly, this study was conducted focusing on the influence ofcommunication on the political literacy of rural and urban people in the governance of Sri Lanka. Theresearch problem of this study was how political communication affects the political literacy of votersin general elections held after 1978. Secondary data was used for the research. Accordingly, the mainobjectives of this study were to study the effect of communication on the political literacy of citizensand voter behavior in the general elections held after 1978 in Sri Lanka, where the election results issuedby the Election Commission were used. Political communication has a direct impact on every electionheld in Sri Lanka. On the other hand, it was clear that social media, social media and the internet havesome influence on all the factors affecting the determination of public opinion. Therefore, it can be saidthat there is a need for a civilized media system in order to protect the public opinion of the people andwork on a political independence in the democratic governance and for that it is more appropriate tocreate moral virtues in the media.

The Image of the General Elections Commission (KPU) in the 2024 Presidential Election

Throughout the organization of presidential elections in Indonesia, the General Elections Commission (KPU) has often been in the public spotlight. In this context, the image of the KPU, which consists of trust, reality, cooperation, and awareness, serves as the indicators used by the public to evaluate the institution. This research employs a qualitative methodology and is based on a literature review of previous studies and surveys conducted by several independent organizations. Surveys by Kompas Research and Development (Litbang Kompas) and Databoks support this assessment. The results show that public trust in the KPU has declined due to political dispute issues, with a score of 277. However, according to the Litbang Kompas survey on the reality indicator, the public perceives the KPU's image positively, with a score of 62%. On the cooperation indicator, public political participation in the presidential election continues to increase. Regarding the awareness aspect, the lack of public political knowledge is a critical point in Indonesian politics. Therefore, as the institution responsible for organizing elections, the KPU needs to continuously improve its performance and image.

Environmental triggers of pemphigus vulgaris and bullous pemphigoid: a case control study.

Previous case-control studies have suggested that environmental factors including exposure to pesticides and organic materials, diet and medications have an important role in the pathogenesis of pemphigus vulgaris. These studies lacked geographical population controls and had less than three controls per case. To identify environmental and occupational risk factors associated with the development of pemphigus vulgaris (PV) and bullous pemphigoid (BP). Cases were patients with PV (n = 25) and BP (n = 29) recruited from 2009 to 2017. Controls for PV (n = 72) and BP (n = 84) were recruited from the general population via electoral commission matching, matched for age, sex, residential location, and ethnicity. Data about demographics, environmental exposures and occupational exposures, was collected using a structured questionnaire. Conditional logistic regression analysis was undertaken using SPSS software to identify significant variables. Significant factors associated with PV included the daily consumption of leeks (odds ratio (OR) 3.6; p = 0.025), mustard oil (OR = 4.4; p = 0.049), tomatoes (OR = 4.735; p = 0.032), multivitamins (OR 3.6; p = 0.009), alcohol (0.039), and calcium supplements (OR = 44, p < 0.001). Other associated factors included the number of lifetime sunburns (p = 0.019), high levels of mental stress (p < 0.001), and the use of lime household cleaning products (p < 0.001), Significant factors associated with BP included the daily consumption of green or herbal tea (OR = 3.7; p = 0.004), fish oil (OR = 5.7; p < 0.001), calcium supplements (OR = 6.1; p < 0.001), multivitamins (OR = 2.6; p = 0.043), and glucosamine (OR = 3.0; p = 0.046). The use of lime household cleaning products (p < 0.001) and high levels of mental stress (p = 0.007) were also associated with BP. Dietary factors containing thiol groups such as leeks, tomatoes, and mustard oil may be potential triggers for PV. High levels of mental stress, the use of supplementary medications such as calcium and multivitamins, and chemical cleaning products containing lime may be associated with an increased risk of developing both PV and BP. Lifestyle changes should be part of routine management for these patients.

Using Improved Two-Source Capture-Recapture Methods In Settling Disputed Election Results

Introduction of new technology to check rigging and manipulation of election results by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) raised hopes and dreams of many Nigerians, especially the new electorates, that the 2023 general election in Nigeria would be free and fair. Cross-checking INEC declared election results using this recapture model is supposed go beyond questionnaires. Sampling technique to select polling units where re-run election is to take place is necessary. They have been issues of vote suppression, rigging, manipulation or intimation in those areas would have largely been reduced. The new estimator has shown that there were no serious cases of vote suppression, manipulation or intimation by any political party, as far as this Local Government Area is concerned. If there were vote suppression, it is only about 1.78% which is negligible. Using simulated data, we found that efficient recapture model (Me) provides better and more reliable estimate than the conventional models.

Data Leakage of the Indonesian Elections Commission in Legal Aspects of Personal Data Protection

Hackers illegally accessed the Indonesian General Elections Commission’s (KPU) voter data system to collect voter data to sell to third parties. The regulation requires accountability for voter data leakage to protect people’s privacy rights in Indonesia’s personal data protection concept. Legal analysis of the modus operandi of personal data sales cases results in patterns of information system vulnerabilities, which can then be used to prevent personal data leakage and improve voter data protection in Indonesian elections. One of the reasons for passing the personal data protection law is the rampant cases of confidential data leakage that occur in government and private institutions in Indonesia. Hackers of voter data systems aim to profit from personal data sold to third parties. The role of the cybersecurity task force team needs to be improved with more concrete arrangements in law enforcement, and mitigating voter data leakage can provide legitimacy for the implementation of credible, reliable, and professional elections in Indonesia. Establishing the task force will optimize the application of voter data systems in conducting general elections in Indonesia and improve personal data protection.

Reconstruction of the Position and Authority of the Honorary Council of General Election Organizers (DKPP) as a QuasiEthical Court of Election Organizers

The Honorary Council of Election Organizers (DKPP) is an institution responsible for resolving ethical violations committed by election organizers, established under the law as part of Indonesia’s election system. As a state institution, the DKPP holds the authority to examine, summon, sanction, and adjudicate such violations through a court-like process, which includes witness examination, expert testimony, verification of evidence, and the issuance of rulings. Notably, DKPP decisions are final and materially binding. The quasi-judicial nature of its proceedings, combined with the finality of its decisions, places the DKPP in a unique legal position, often referred to as a "quasi-public court." In the Constitutional Court's interpretation, the DKPP functions as an integral part of the election administration alongside the General Election Commission (KPU) and the Election Supervisory Body (Bawaslu), forming a comprehensive election organizing body. This study explores the legal status and authority of the DKPP, particularly in its role as a quasi-public court. Through normative legal research with a descriptive and prescriptive approach, using legislative, conceptual, historical, and comparative methods, the study concludes that the DKPP, as an independent auxiliary state organ, functions similarly to a general court in enforcing the code of ethics for election organizers. The final and binding nature of its decisions has significant legal implications, reinforcing the DKPP's role in maintaining electoral integrity within Indonesia’s constitutional framework.

Рискогенные факторы избирательного процесса в современной России

Relevance of the research topic is based on the change of the focus of development of electoral law and procedure towards creation of reliable guarantees of security of electoral rights of citizens in the conditions of the special military operation, informational and ideological war and sanctions pressure of the West on the Russian Federation. The article reviews risk-posing factors of the electoral procedure, suggests ways to minimize them, to create a legal mechanism to regulate them and to manage such risks with the help of cutting-edge scientific research results. Realities of the elections of the President of the Russian Federation in March 2024 gave birth to new legal regimes for holding thereof: regime of high alert to a situation of emergency and even the state of martial law. However, the applicable laws fail to transform in due time to keep pace with the rapidly changing circumstances, so legal gaps are filled in by election commissions. Arising problems in the border territories were solved quickly thanks in large part to the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation, election commissions of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, supreme officials of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation.

Exploring the Readiness for Electronic Voting (E-Voting) in Emerging Economies: Evidence from Dodoma, Tanzania

There has been a lot of research on e-voting recently. Most studies assume that the implementation of e-voting is not merely about technology but also relates to several critical factors, such as the readiness of human resources and infrastructure, public trust, and others. This study explored the readiness for e-voting in developing countries, a case study of Tanzania. Specifically, the study aimed to examine the challenges of the current voting system, establish the e-voting readiness status in Tanzania, and find out factors for establishment of e-voting system in Tanzania. This study was quantitative in nature and obtained data from 196 respondents selected from Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) officers and voters in Dodoma using purposive and convenient sampling techniques. Data was obtained from questionnaires distributed to officers and voters. The obtained data were analysed through descriptive statistics by the help of MS excel. The results show that the current voting system is faced with several challenges including limited safety, lack of trust, threat and insecurity vulnerability to mention but a few. It was further revealed that respondents were ready to adopt and use e-voting because it improves voters’ trust, ease voting procedures, reduces transportation costs on election materials/equipment and saves time. The study recommends the Independent National Election Commission of Tanzania, through various stakeholders see the possibility of establishing e-voting to achieve free and fair elections.

Restriction of Passive Suffrage in the Legislation of the Russian Federation

Introduction. Suffrage is one of the most frequently reformed areas of the national legislation of the Russian Federation. Permanent law making activity and its further interpretation in the frame of law enforcement practices of holding the elections to public authorities not only fail to resolve the disputable issues, but arise the new ones referring to the electoral system regulation. The most important objective in the present day studies of the passive suffrage is to identify the legal collisions and make proposals for filling in the legal gaps encountered by the law enforcers in the context of the tasks set forth before them, i.e. to ensure implementation of the passive suffrage of the candidates. Nowadays, the need to carry out the legal analysis of the impact imposed by the conceptual legislative innovations on using the right to passive suffrage has become evident. The aim of this paper is to analyse the existing restrictions of passive suffrage, as well as to study the eligibility and limits of these restrictions.Materials and Methods. In the article, the recently published works of native scientists, the mass media materials, federal legislation, decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation in the studied area, the regulatory legal acts adopted by the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation, as well as the results of the work of the election commissions have been analysed. The study was based on such commonly accepted methods of scientific cognition as the dialectical and dogmatic-legal methods, as well as the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction and deduction.Results. The issues of legitimacy of establishing the additional restrictions to the rights of citizens have been investigated. The conclusion has been made not only of great importance to protect the human rights and freedoms, but of urgent need to comply with the legal restrictions of these rights. The concepts of restrictions and violations of the human and civil rights and freedoms have been differentiated, and the statutory expression of the suffrage restrictions has been analysed. Except for the constitutional provisions (legal capability and criminal record), the content of the additional restrictions introduced at the federal level and referring to the age, residence qualification, presence or absence of a criminal record of committed crimes and torts of extremism has also been disclosed.Discussion and Conclusion. The essence of the passive suffrage restrictions implies imposing the certain requirements and conditions on a person for him to acquire the eligibility to stand as a candidate in the elections to the public authorities. The system of suffrage restrictions is designed to ensure the high-quality of formation, complete functionality and professionalism of the elected authorities and officials, however could also become a tool for fighting against the opposition.

Political Participation Among Scheduled Castes: A Study on West Godavari District, Andhra Pradesh

Political Participation Among Scheduled Castes: A Study on West Godavari District, Andhra Pradesh “One of the penalties for refusing to participate in politics is that you end up being governed by your inferiors”. ―Plato “Plato had no perception of the uniqueness of every individual, of his incommensurability with others, of each individual as forming a class of his own. He had no recognition of the infinite diversity of active tendencies, and the combination of tendencies of which an individual is capable.” ― Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Annihilation of Caste KONDAPALLI SRINIVASU, M.A. Research Scholar Department of Political Science and Public Administration Andhra University, Visakhapatnam PETETI PREMANANDAM M.A., B.L., B.Lisc., PGDSM., Ph.D. Professor and Head of the Department Department of Political Science and Public Administration Andhra University, Visakhapatnam ABSTRACT India's democracy is the largest among countries in the world. The National Election Commission Report of India listed 900 million eligible voters, 468 million male and 432 million female. These Indian voters were spread over 29 states. A notable element of the 2019, 17th Lok Sabha Election was the participation of 15 million first-time voters aged 18–19. Only 14.39 percent of the 2019 Parliament was female, with 78 MPs. In comparison, 85.61 percent of the group was male (464). General Elections 2019, the National Election Planner, reports 3,66,61,315 Andhra Pradesh voters. According to NEP data, AP has 18,123,437 men, 18,474,714 women, and 3,745 others as voters. The Electoral Roll 2019 contains 56,908 services and 2,511 abroad Indian electors. Female voters grew by 3,51,277, or 1.93 percent. Andhra Pradesh has 539,804 18–19-year-old voters. Political engagement and understanding are essential to any political system. These tools make voters efficient and link them to politics. The International Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences defines political involvement as the main way a democracy grants or revokes consent and holds power accountable to the people. It includes voting, acquiring information, discussing and persuading, attending meetings, donating, and communicating with representatives. Democracy and political participation are linked. Participation lets citizens express their interests. It fosters national stability and organization. It maximizes benefits for most people. Scholars define political participation differently depending on how they understand the different sorts of political activity. Growth generally requires involvement. The UNDP's "Human Development Report 1993" lists four interconnected forms of involvement: family, economic, socio-cultural, and political.

Pengaruh Media Sosial Terhadap Partisipasi Pemilih Pemula Pada Pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Tahun 2024

In presidential elections or head of state elections, of course, the people have the right to participate in politics both in voting and being elected. General elections or elections are still considered the most tangible form of public participation in the administration of government. One of them is participation through social media which is often used by teenagers who are also known as beginner voters. With the development of the age, social media has become a part of daily life, especially for the younger generation. This study aims to find out whether there is an influence of social media on the participation of novice voters in the presidential election, to find out how much influence social media has on the participation of the presidential election, and to find out what factors can affect the participation of novice voters in the presidential and vice presidential elections. This research method uses a quantitative method by conducting a survey by distributing a questionnaire in the form of a google form to social media users who follow the social media accounts of the Tangerang Regency General Election Commission (KPU). The sample used consisted of novice voters aged 17-21 years who actively used social media and followed the social media accounts of the General Election Commission (KPU) of Tangerang Regency. Based on the hypothesis test using the F test, Fcal = (0.515) &gt; F table (4.56) is obtained, because Fcal &gt; Ftable, H₀ is rejected and Ha is rejected with a significance of 0.000 &lt; 0.05. So it can be interpreted that simultaneously (Together) there is a positive and insignificant influence between the variables of Social Media and Beginner Voters on the Presidential and Vice Presidential Elections.

Political Preferences Of Young Generation (Gen Y And Gen Z) Ahead Of The Contestation Of The 2024 West Java Governor And Vice Governor Elections

Gen Y (millennials) and Z are predicted to have a vital role in the conduct of General Elections, this cannot be separated from quantitative data-based considerations, specifically their very large proportion of the total number of Voters. Within the context of the 2024 West Java Governor and Vice Governor Elections, such figure is realized to reach 54 percent. Given such background, it is not surprising that all components of interest, in this case the electoral committees, electoral candidates, and including academics are competing in making a more detailed map of the political preferences and voting behavior of gen Y and Z. This study uses a qualitative method and critical discourse analysis approach. This study seeks to show a number of factors in relation to the political preferences of gen Y and Z in the implementation of democratic mechanisms, specifically General Elections. These political preferences of gen Y and Z are mapped out through survey data, those survey data are analyzed in depth through the theory of voting behavior. This study is expected to be a reference for electoral committees and electoral candidates in the formulation of strategic policies to improve gen Y and Z's participation and involvement in electoral politics.

Developing a Geo-Spatial Database and Standard Queries for Election Management by Stakeholders within Jos South, Nigeria

One of the major set-backs of the 2023 general elections in Nigeria as highlighted by YIAGA Africa (2024) was the failure of the body saddled with election management which is Independent Electoral Commission (INEC), to deploy Geo-spatial Database (GSDB) as a repository in the efficient management processes which enable all election stakeholder participate seamlessly and interactively. The modus of oparandy for the geo-spatial database was hierarchical by dis-aggregating GSDB to the lowest geographical unit. The recent court verdict on re-delineation of electoral wards in Rivers State did not go down well with the political pundits prior to the forth coming local government election in the state. It surffices to say that, INEC from the on-set never had a geo-spatial database from which delineation and update of electoral wards, polling units can be carried out This will further build confidence and integrity, then reducing litigations that characterized the 2023 elections. The GSDB used was predicated on file geo-database of ArcGIS, where both spatial and attribute data of the study were stored; and standard query languages that are pertinent to elections were issued at prompt which generated maps and texts for decision making by all stakeholders.

Resolution of Election Disputes for DPD Members Through Administrative Court Decisions Based on Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections (A Case Study of the DPD in West Sumatera Province)

This research aims to analyze the Jakarta Administrative Court Decision No. 600/G/SPPU/2023/PTUN.JKT related to the election dispute of DPD (Regional Representative Council) members in 2023, from the perspective of Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections and fiqh siyasah (Islamic political jurisprudence). The focus of the dispute is the alleged violations by the General Election Commission (KPU) in the process of establishing the permanent voter list and determining the election results. This study employs a normative approach with a case study to address how election disputes for DPD members are resolved through Administrative Court decisions. The analysis reveals that the Jakarta Administrative Court Decision has integrated principles of justice and transparency as outlined in fiqh siyasah, and complies with the legal provisions of Law No. 7 of 2017. However, the study also highlights some challenges in enforcing accountability and transparency by the election organizers. This decision has strategic implications for governance and strengthening democracy in Indonesia, particularly within the context of Islamic constitutional law.

Analisis Framing Portal Berita Kompas.Com dan Mediaindonesia.Com atas Pemberitaan Program Makan Siang Gratis oleh Paslon 02 (Prabowo-Gibran) Pada Periode 28 November 2023 - 10 Februari 2024

2024 is a crucial year for Indonesia as it marks the presidential and vice-presidential transition. The General Elections Commission (KPU) has nominated three candidate pairs, one of which is Prabowo Subianto-Gibran Rakabuming Raka (candidate pair 02), who proposed a free lunch program. This program has sparked considerable debate in various media, prompting this study to analyze the framing of news coverage about the free lunch program by candidate pair 02 (Prabowo-Gibran) on the online news portals Kompas.com and Mediaindonesia.com during the period of November 28, 2024, to February 10, 2024. The research employs a descriptive qualitative method to describe or explain the underlying meanings of reality. Data analysis is conducted using Zhongdang Pan and Gerald M. Kosicki's framing analysis model, which includes syntactic, script, thematic, and rhetorical structures. The findings indicate that Kompas.com’s coverage is supportive of the free lunch program. On the other hand, the coverage on Mediaindonesia.com is firmly against the free lunch program

Гарантии трудовых прав членов избирательных комиссий: обеспечение конституционного права или тактический прием против работодателя?

The article deals with labor rights guarantees of members of election commissions. Considering court practice authors give possible variants of employer’s position in the court proving lawfullness of dismissal of employee-member of election commission.