Colonial Liberation Research Articles

Colonial prejudices and decolonization complexes according to Sartre

For Jean-Paul Sartre, the oppressor breaks intersubjective solidarity and transforms the oppressed into an Other, fearing him and making him strange. It’s paradoxical since the colonizer is the one who “creates” the Other based on prejudice. This proposal follows a textual analysis focused on the essence of the colonial prejudice of the oppressor and on the complexes of liberation and independence of the oppressed peoples in the decolonization process. The objectives are: a) to highlight Sartre’s contribution to understanding colonial prejudices and decolonization complexes, as well as the position taken by the author against the war in Algeria and in favour of the colonial liberation movements in Africa; b) substantiate the position of respect for the Other as a fundamental question of an ethics of alterity.

Distort, Deflect, Deny: Appraising European Colonialism at Empire’s End, 1956–63

With an emphasis on the British Empire Commonwealth, this article explores how English-speaking Canadians understood European colonialism – its historical purpose, legacies, and demise – and the anti-colonial nationalism that ranged against it in the years bracketing the United Nations’ adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in 1960. An extensive survey of opinion in the mainstream English-language press, supplemented by the perspectives of intellectuals, diplomats, and parliamentarians, suggests that empire apologism, contempt for anti-colonial nationalism, and the misrepresentation of colonial liberation struggles were pervasive. Building on recent scholarship that explores how race thinking shaped Canada’s international relations, and drawing from cultural theorist Kuan-Hsing Chen’s concept of deimperialization, the author argues that the preponderance of these phenomena evinced and abetted a failure to come to terms with colonialism’s deleterious imprint on the Third World.

The Empire Strikes Back from Within: Colonial Liberation and the Korean Minority Question at the Birth of Postwar Japan, 1945–47

Abstract The recent historiography of empire has discussed the impact of decolonization on metropolitan society, or how the “empire strikes back.” A growing literature also examines the postcolonial return migration of colonial settlers and its multifaceted aftereffects on the “home” country, bringing fresh insight into how decolonization is experienced “when empire comes home.” This article adds a different question for exploration: What does decolonization look like on the empire’s home front when colonial liberation takes place within, or when the empire strikes back from within? By examining the “liberation” of Korean imperial subjects in Japan after World War II, this article provides a unique vantage point for analyzing decolonization’s impact on metropolitan society. I will demonstrate how Japanese history can offer new insight into the convergence of two critical social phenomena regarding decolonization, namely, empire’s homecoming and colonial liberation on the empire’s home front. Moreover, this article also aims to challenge the historiographical “amnesia of empire” in the study of US-occupied Japan. I will discuss how the Korean minority question became a critical locus where US-led democratization and the postimperial transition from a multiethnic empire to the so-called monoethnic nation intersected and shaped the formation of postwar Japan.

ARGÉLIA E A QUESTÃO COLONIAL: interpretações sobre o colonialismo

É inegável os impactos da Guerra de Libertação da Argélia no continente africano e para própria França. Seus longos anos de conflito impactaram diversos movimentos de libertação colonial em África e causaram uma ruptura política profunda na França. O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar os posicionamentos de Sartre, Frantz Fanon e Bourdieu em seus escritos analisando as consequências do colonialismo francês em Argélia e os impactos da guerra para o colonizador e o colonizado.

Governance as a Conceptual Paradigm for Institutional Reform and Transformation

Due to the inherent weaknesses of colonialism, traditional cultures and liberation movements, neither colonial nor traditional regimes nor liberation struggles prepare leaders for good governance. The paper is a descriptive narrative that aims to integratethe Ackoff-Gharajedaghi five-dimensional design of institutional development with the normative principles of good governance as a paradigm for changing systemically corrupt institutions to promote integrity-driven performance. The research methodology isthe ‘soft systems approach’ (SSA) to systems thinking. Some of the findings are that obstructions to development are inherently part of governance failures. Corruption is, amongst other things, deviant human behaviour, a breakdown of the integrity of systems, which in turn leads to serious development failures that cannot be rectified by piecemeal reforms, but only by a complete transformation of the whole institution. From the research executed, it is possible to say that governance is an open system andinclusive approach. The aspiration to obtain influence and power in decision-making is one of the most critical drivers of development. Another finding from the study is that good governance as a construct goes beyond decision-making to promote integrity and has the potential to guide policies, strategies and values. The study also found that good governance can provide strategic, operational and technical direction necessary for changing corrupt institutions. Good governance is a conceptual paradigm for institutional reform and transformation of systemically corrupt institutions towards ones with integrity-driven performance.

African American Agency in US Foreign Policy: World War II to the PresentCarol Anderson Bourgeois Radicals: The NAACP and the Struggle for Colonial Liberation, 1941–1960 New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. 372. $32.99 (paper)Vincent J. Intondi African Americans Against the Bomb: Nuclear Weapons, Colonialism, and the Black Freedom Movement Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015. Pp. 207. $24.95 (paper)

Previous articleNext article No AccessEssay ReviewAfrican American Agency in US Foreign Policy: World War II to the Present Carol Anderson Bourgeois Radicals: The NAACP and the Struggle for Colonial Liberation, 1941–1960 New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. 372. $32.99 (paper) Vincent J. Intondi African Americans Against the Bomb: Nuclear Weapons, Colonialism, and the Black Freedom Movement Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015. Pp. 207. $24.95 (paper)Robert ShafferRobert Shaffer Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 103, Number 3Summer 2018 A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/698525 Views: 120Total views on this site © 2018 by the Association for the Study of African American Life and History. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

GEORGE PADMORE AND THE SOVIET MODEL OF THE BRITISH COMMONWEALTH

This article argues for an appreciation of the permeability of the Western socialist and black radical traditions and a recognition of their codevelopment. This relationship is illustrated through an analysis of George Padmore's intellectual history, particularly focusing on How Russia Transformed Her Colonial Empire (1946), in which Padmore applied Marxist ideas to his project of colonial liberation. The book functions as Padmore's manifesto for the transformation of the British Empire into a socialist federation following the model of the Soviet Union. Through comparisons with the manifestos of British socialist F. A. Ridley and American pan-Africanist W. E. B. Du Bois, this article contextualizes this manifesto within a moment of postwar internationalist optimism. This approach also facilitates a discussion of the meaning of “pan-Africanism” to Padmore, concluding that pan-Africanism was, for him, a methodology through which colonial liberation, and eventually world socialism, could be achieved.

The Traveling Theatre of Noh Poong-Chan by Moon Theatre

Reviewed by: The Traveling Theatre of Noh Poong-Chanby Moon Theatre Yu Jin Ko The Traveling Theatre of Noh Poong-ChanPresented by Moon Theatre (Dalnara Dongbaekggot) at CKL Stage. 02 8– 25, 2018. Adapted by Eun-Sung Kim from The Traveling Troupe Sopalovicby Ljubomir Simovic. Directed by Sae-Rom Bu. Set by Da-Jung Kim. Light by Bo-Yoon Choi. Costumes Mi-Na Kim. Music by So-Yeon Park. With Seok-Chan Jeon (Noh Poong-Chan), Jin-Kyung Lee (Bong-Ja Ko), Jae-Hyun Shim (Dan-Mi Ok), Ki-Yong Roh (Ga-Rim Ha), Ji-Hyun Choi (Gui-Yeop Choi), Yong-Jun Kim (Sam-Rang Kim), Je-Young Choi (Chang-Gab), Jung Kim (Jung-Soon Yang), and others. The Traveling Theatre of Noh Poong-Chanis a Korean adaptation of the Serbian play The Traveling Troupe Sopalovicby Ljubomir Simovic. Written and first performed in 1985, the original is set in Serbia during World War II while it was under German occupation. The play dramatizes the story of a traveling troupe of actors that performs Schiller's The Robberswhile the war and the occupation inflict horrific violence around them. The play therefore poses the question of what the purpose of theater might be in such a world of grand-scale tragedy. The Korean adaptation (as yet unpublished) sets the story in Korea on the literal eve of the Korean War (June 24, 1950), and tells the story of a traveling troupe that performs Shakespeare's Romeo and Julietfor a small, largely rural audience. The change of play performed by the troupe invites the question: why Shakespeare? In 1950, Korea was only five years removed from colonial liberation from Japan, but was already suffering from wide-spread and horrifying violence as political divisions split the country between North and South. The country was also desperately poor. Nonetheless, at least in the South, liberation from Japan led almost immediately to a resurgence of cultural activity, including new forays by newly formed theatrical companies into Shakespeare. And, indeed, somehow Shakespeare caught fire in the Korean literary and theatrical imagination—to the extent that even [End Page 711]during the Korean War, Shakespeare's plays were performed to sold-out audiences by the most prominent theatrical company in South Korea in southern cities to which millions of refugees fled. Interest in Shakespeare continued to grow after the war, culminating in the twenty-first century in what Hyon-u Lee has called a "Shakespeare Boom" (3). Explicitly and implicitly, The Traveling Theatre of Noh-Poong-Chanevokes this cultural and historical background in exploring what value art in general and Shakespeare in particular might hold in a world where, frankly, so much else seems to matter so much more. The first scene posed this question explicitly, as it presented the balcony scene from Romeo and Juliet, which the actors performed in a public yard as a teaser to publicize the evening's performance, but which was interrupted by gunfire. However, Shakespeare's play was retitled Noh Min-Ho and Ju In-Aeand set in Korea. The feud between the two families pitted pro-Japanese collaborators against resistance fighters, which recalled not only colonial history, but the division on the Korean peninsula. Further, regional dialects and thick accents defined the linguistic and acoustic landscape of not just the outer play of Noh Poong-Chan, but also the inner play, with the Romeo and Juliet figures sharing dialect-inflected dialogue. In fact, some humorous moments arose during the rehearsal of the aubade scene (3.5), when Noh Min-Ho (played in male dress by Bong-Ja Ko, a seasoned actress in the troupe) relapsed into too thick a southeastern accent and occasioned indignant irritation from his counterpart, even as the director pressed Noh Min-Ho to use antiquated and "poetic" verb inflections that recalled Elizabethan endings like "doth." The importance of dialect was reflected in the play's interest in folk music. The owner of the inn where the actors stayed was a shiftless drunkard, who was given to singing raunchy or lugubrious ballads of the kind associated with drunken folk revelry or beggars and peddlers. The maudlin vitality of these...

Out for the money: a legal analysis of economic claims for secession in Brazil

To a part of Brazil’s southern and south-eastern population, the 2014 presidential election was about two irreconcilable projects for the country. To them, the victory of the Workers Party contender meant the unacceptable maintenance of the current economic policy and distribution of state's benefits. In response to this outcome, they publicly called for the secession of the south and south-east regions. Even though not a new phenomenon in Brazil, the current calls for secession are made under a distinct international legal scenario. The rise of self-determination as a right could serve as a legal basis for such claims. By looking at said right, the present article endeavours to establish the legal validity of the current calls for secession coming from south and south-east Brazil. After demonstrating that these claims are economic in nature, the present work demonstrates that those from the south and south-east seeking secession cannot be classified as a people and, therefore, could not legitimately claim such right. Even if peoplehood was present in the equation, the work further concludes that the current governmental policy directed at distributing benefits to disadvantaged sections of society via taxation cannot be considered to reach a threshold of harm that would legitimise secession through the saving clause of UN Resolution 25/2625. The authors suggest that secessionists abandon their false discourse of colonial liberation and their prejudiced views based on racist stereotypes of other regions of the country, which could only be detrimental to the social cohesion of Brazil. To pursue their goals, be they legitimate or not, secessionists are advised to make use of participatory tools that could provide for the same results achieved via the right to self-determination, except for secession.

Carol Anderson.Bourgeois Radicals: The NAACP and the Struggle for Colonial Liberation, 1941–1960.

Carol Anderson.<i>Bourgeois Radicals: The NAACP and the Struggle for Colonial Liberation, 1941–1960</i>.

The Limits of Anticolonialism: The British Labour Movement and the End of Empire in Guiana

AbstractThe Labour Party's ambivalent attitude to anticolonial nationalism is well known but its place in the conflicts between the party's revisionists and the left has been less fully elaborated, while the influence of British trade unions in the formation of party policy on decolonization has been cast to the margins of the historiography. Events in British Guiana are representative of this tendency because, while the activities of the American Federation of Labor‐Congress of Industrial Organizations have been detailed by a number of historians, including Stephen Rabe, Robert Waters, Gary Daniels and Lily Ramcharan, the impact of the British TUC has been largely ignored. The Labour Party's support for the suspension of the Guianese constitution by the Churchill government in 1953 and their willingness to implement Conservative plans for constitutional reform in 1964 demonstrate that the party's liberationist faction were unable to overturn the Cold War agenda espoused by the right wing of the parliamentary party and anti‐communists in the trade union movement. A study of the international labour politics of the 1950s and 1960s suggests both that the fate of the Guianese left was inextricably tied to conflicts in the British Labour party and that trade union leaders in the metropolis offered powerful support to revisionists in making the case for prioritizing Atlanticism over colonial liberation.

Book Review: 'Bourgeois Radicals: The NAACP and the Struggle for Colonial Liberation, 1941-1960' by Carol Anderson

Book Review: 'Bourgeois Radicals: The NAACP and the Struggle for Colonial Liberation, 1941-1960' by Carol Anderson

Bourgeois Radicals: The naacp and the Struggle for Colonial Liberation, 1941–1960

Bourgeois Radicals: The naacp and the Struggle for Colonial Liberation, 1941–1960

Bourgeois radicals: the NAACP and the struggle for colonial liberation, 1941-1960

Bourgeois radicals: the NAACP and the struggle for colonial liberation, 1941-1960

Cerro de Pasco en el proceso de la Indepedencia ( 1819-1824)

RESUMEN El estudio del proceso de la Independencia peruana, en la provincia de Pasco , es importante porque nos ayudará a comprender el movimiento de liberación colonial en el derrotero de los pueblos de América. Para el caso de nuestro país se pondrá énfasis en el aporte material y humano del pueblo campesino. La acción patriótica no fue resultado de la expedición de José de San Martín o Simón Bolívar, sino de la situación de explotación de los grupos de poder realista y criollo, asentados en la región, fundamentalmente minera.

Producing ‘Lack as Tradition’: A Feminist Critique of Legal Orientalism in Colonial Taiwan

This paper is an investigation into and a critique of the ideological construction of East Asian legal tradition as a ‘lack’ in the Japanese colonial project in Taiwan. Echoing Teemu Ruskola's and Laura Nader's critiques of Legal Orientalism but in a setting that transcends the West/non-West division, this study explores the colonised people's sense of legal inferiority—how they internalised Orientalism while claiming local subjectivity—through a feminist lens, demonstrating the gender dimension of Legal Orientalism. The discussion begins with an analysis of the colonised people's ‘lagging behind’ in the civilising process and their ‘lack’ of rule of law in colonial eyes, followed by an exploration of the ‘lag’ and ‘lack’ discourses both in the debate about whether or not Japan should have applied its civil code in the colony of Taiwan and in texts on colonial women's liberation, and concludes with a brief discussion on how the perception of ‘lack as tradition’ informs the narratives of Orientalist legal history.

Masculinities and Femininities in Zimbabwean Autobiographies of Political Struggle: The Case of Edgar Tekere and Fay Chung

SummaryBecause masculinities and femininities are socially and culturally constructed, they often play significant roles in constructing identities and distinguishing one another. Femininities and masculinities therefore play a key role in nation-building and in the sustenance of national identities. In this article I explore, through the autobiographies of two luminaries of Zimbabwe's liberation war, how individual politicians configure their own gender identities and consequently the masculine and feminine identities of others. I posit that the autobiographical mode allows for intimate gendering of the liberation discourse. I also argue that Tekere celebrates the heroic masculine self, preferring military femininities to domestic ones. He privileges his own masculinity while “feminising” Robert Mugabe. Chung debunks the perceived manliness of political struggle and its representations by hailing the participation of women in the struggle for liberation. Her narration of their femininity is in relation to the nation and is structured around the struggle for national liberation, female emancipation and nation-building. Typical of female life-writing, Chung exhibits a relational sense of identity in which the autonomous self is subordinate to or subsumed in the collective. Hers becomes a projection and celebration of heroic femininities. I conclude this article by asserting that masculine and feminine identities in Zimbabwe's political discourse remain bound up with the historical processes of colonial and nationalist liberation struggles.

Oxfam Aid to Canada’s First Nations, 1962–1975: Eating Lynx, Starving for Jobs, and Flying a Talking Bird

The first project financed by Oxfam Canada after its incorporation in 1962 was an emergency relief operation towards First Nations in Northern Manitoba, which made national headlines. A decade later, Oxfam Canada funded the floating plane of the Yukon Native Brotherhood, to foster communications between distant First Nations communities of the far north. The ship ended up carrying many of the aboriginal politicians who launched the modern round of reclamations for land claims and aboriginal rights. A close study of the actors and ideas at stake shows how the British-born NGO had to face the disapproval of provincial and federal authorities, and of churches traditionally responsible for Indian welfare, for the embarrassment it brought them. As the British and Canadian humanitarians considered the deeper economic, political and cultural stakes of aboriginal hardships, each step of their interventions called for decisions about the extent and the nature of their involvement in Canada’ Indian policy, the new kind of industrial relations brought to the North by large projects of exploitation of natural resources, and the unequal development of the universal welfare state for First Nations. In turn, these external demands revealed and shaped Oxfam’s very structure of governance, and its own internal debates between charity and justice, neutrality and support for movements of colonial liberation, and the often competing goals of large fundraising and education of the Euro-Canadan public about the global South.

Late colonial period-the Liberation Period of eugenics and young offender (少年囚) seen through the countries ‘good/bad’ －Castrate, sterilization law, isolation, psychosis－

Late colonial period-the Liberation Period of eugenics and young offender (少年囚) seen through the countries ‘good/bad’ －Castrate, sterilization law, isolation, psychosis－

Open wound: the long view of race in America

In this boldly interpretive narrative, William McKee Evans tells the story of America's paradox of democracy entangled with a centuries-old system of racial oppression. This racial system of interacting practices and ideas first justified black slavery, then, after the Civil War, other forms of coerced black labor and, today, black poverty and unemployment. At three historical moments, a crisis in the larger society opened political space for idealists to challenge the racial system: during the American Revolution, then during the irrepressible conflict ending in the Civil War, and, finally, during the Cold War and the colonial liberation movements. Each challenge resulted in an historic advance. But none swept clean. Many African Americans remain segregated in jobless ghettoes with dilapidated schools and dismal prospects in an increasingly polarized class society. Evans sees a new crisis looming in a convergence of environmental disaster, endless wars, and economic collapse, which may again open space for a challenge to the racial system. African Americans, with their memory of their centuries-old struggle against oppressors, appear uniquely placed to play a central role.