End Of Cold War Research Articles

Pride of the East: Motorcycle Speedway, Transnational Encounters and Provincial Heartlands

AbstractFor a century, speedway has operated on a transnational basis. Its riders, competitions and machinery regularly traverse national and continental borders. The imposition of the Cold War's Iron Curtain did little to impede its growth. This article focuses on one of speedway's far‐flung and diverse provincial heartlands to show how the sport generated frequent transnational and transsystemic interactions and forged deep relationships that often stood in contrast to the prevailing trends of international politics. As one of speedway's ‘entangled peripheries’, rural East Anglia owes a debt of gratitude to Australasian pioneers. From the 1950s—decades before imported talent became commonplace in football—the region welcomed Scandinavian and Eastern Bloc riders and hosted visiting clubs and national representations from across the continent. Later, East Anglia became a bridgehead for the successful assault of communist‐built machinery on the Western market. These bold endeavours were not without controversy, as British riders voiced objections to foreign men and machines deemed a threat to their livelihoods. The Cold War's end accelerated existing trends and also created exciting new opportunities for itinerant East Anglians abroad. Archival material, conversations with the sport's foreign trailblazers and fans, Swedish and Czechoslovak sources, photographs and official publications serve to demonstrate speedway's enduring ability to forge unexpected ties and give voice to regions at the so‐called margins of twentieth‐century history.

Iluzia păcii în epoca noului Război Rece

The article aims to analyse the main features of international relations after Russia's aggression against Ukraine in 2022. The author's hypothesis is that after the annexation of Crimea to Russia in 2014, the stage of cold peace established at the end of the first Cold War ended, paving the way for the new or second Cold War. This last war shows similarities with the period of the bipolar Soviet-American confrontation, but there are also relevant elements of differentiation: a multipolar rivalry, the decrease in the importance of the ideological factor, the fragmentation of international politics. In the study, the author offers arguments for the relevance of history in understanding the new Cold War. At the end, the article shows that during the new Cold War there were substantial changes in the geopolitical role of Romania, which became a border state with a region of conflict, a situation that has wider political and economic implications.

Влияние Индии на формирование многополярного ядерного порядка

India’s decision not to join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty has led to its labelling as a state that is not fully aligned with the global nuclear order. This places it in the same category as other nuclear-armed countries outside these agreements, such as Israel, North Korea, and Pakistan. India’s nuclear weapons testing in 1998, followed by a similar move by Pakistan, has been viewed as a challenge to international security and the nuclear non-proliferation regime. This article aims to examine India’s stance on these treaties and its choice to become a nuclear-armed state in 1998 within the context of its efforts to influence the establishment of a fair global order that serves the interests of not only the major nuclear powers (USSR/Russia, Great Britain, China, the United States, and France) and their allies, but also the rest of the world. Delhi’s actions in the realm of nuclear arms control highlights the emerging multipolar world. Although India has refrained from actively participating in disarmament negotiations after the end of Cold War, its previous experiences remain relevant today. The breakdown of the U.S. – Russia nuclear arms control as well as crises over the nuclear non-proliferation and testing banning regimes have given weight to the arguments put forth by Indian leaders and diplomats. These arguments emphasize the urgency of reducing nuclear risks and exercising strategic restraint, including maintaining a moratorium on nuclear testing. Since 1998, India has adopted an approach different from its previous policy on various nuclear disarmament issues. This shift is evident in the country’s solidarity with other nuclear powers in opposing the 2021 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. However, India’s longstanding support for multipolarity in international security policy, particularly regarding nuclear weapons, remains unchanged.

US-Russia Rivalry in the 21st Century: New Cold War and Russian Resurgence in the Changing Global Power Dynamics

Introduction: The Russia-Ukraine conflict, involving major powers, has profoundly impacted global peace and security, sparking initial fears of nuclear escalation. Rooted in various factors, Russia's claim to Ukrainian territory stems from linguistic and familial ties, compounded by perceived American betrayal of promises made during the Cold War's end. NATO's expansion into Eastern Europe further strained relations, culminating in the Euro-Maidan Revolution. The alignment of Russian and Chinese interests against the United States signals a new Cold War dynamic. However, scholarly discourse debates whether this rivalry is a new phenomenon or a continuation of past tensions. Methodology: This paper employs qualitative research methodology to examine the authenticity of American promises to the Soviet Union regarding NATO's non-expansion. Through qualitative analysis, it seeks to unravel the complexities of geopolitical negotiations and ascertain the extent to which these promises were upheld. Results/Findings: The study sheds light on the historical antagonism between Russia and the United States, contextualizing the current conflict within this broader narrative. It highlights the ramifications of broken promises and geopolitical maneuvering, revealing the intricate dynamics of global power struggles. Future Direction: Further research is needed to explore the implications of the Russia-Ukraine conflict on international relations and global security. Investigating the evolving dynamics of the Sino-Russian partnership and its impact on the geopolitical landscape will provide valuable insights into the trajectory of contemporary power dynamics. Additionally, examining the role of regional actors and the potential for diplomatic resolutions to mitigate tensions is essential for fostering lasting peace in the region.

Forging an Anti-Bandung

During the course of the Cold War, Saudi Arabia cultivated close relations with the anti-communist states of East Asia. This development, this article argues, was driven by the shared positional marginality experienced by these actors vis-à-vis the Third World bloc. Unable to participate in the postcolonial possibilities unleashed in the mid-twentieth century, these states drew upon each other's visions of pan-Islamism and anti-communism to forge an “anti-Bandung.” As threats from the global Left intensified by the late 1960s, their reactionary solidarity transformed into an informal yet highly strategic alliance that lasted until the end of the global Cold War. This article calls for a broader conceptualization of inter-Asian and Afro-Asian solidarities that incorporates the narratives and activities of the non-Western Right and provides a new reading of Cold War Saudi Arabia that considers its complicated entanglements with Asia-centric anti-communist internationalism.

Russia’s Containment Strategy during Biden’s Presidency and its Implications for the Baltic States: Old Wine in New Bottles?

Abstract When Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, many experts claimed that in Europe there has not been such an assault on the principles of state sovereignty and territorial integrity since the end of Cold War.“ Moreover, politicians and researchers urged the U.S. to apply a containment strategy towards Russia once again. Meanwhile, the U.S. president Joe Biden made it clear that the U.S. was moving toward Russia’s containment 2.0: he called Putin’s actions “a naked aggression” and vowed to make Russia pay “economically and strategically.” The article examines Russia‘s containment strategy in Biden‘s administration foreign policy and its implications to the Baltic states. What vision about Russia’s containment strategy does the Biden administration have in terms of goals, instruments, and challenges? How does the administration implement its plans? Has the containment strategy been transformed and adapted to the new circumstances of the 21st century? What role does the Biden administration foresee for the Baltic States in Russia’s containment strategy? What risks and opportunities does this idea present for the Baltic States? These are the questions that the article addresses.

Examining US Strategic Interests in South Asia: A Decade-Long Study of Triangular Relations (US-Pakistan-India) in the Post-Cold War Era

This study is devoted primarily to the security priorities of the US towards South Asia in the post-Soviet decade of the 1990s. Indeed, the world witnessed the end of Cold war with the demise of Communist USSR. The United States, therefore, nourished more enthusiastically its inherent desire of a ‘New World Order’. For this purpose, South Asia again became a ‘land of desire’ for Washington to consolidate its preponderance in the strategically vital region of Asia. The research, therefore, delves into a decade long post-cold war security environment of South Asia by analyzing the US policies towards India and Pakistan. The study uses a qualitative methodology that includes a systematic review of existing literature and primary sources, including official documents and statements to identify the important factors that have influenced US strategic partnerships in South Asia and concludes that contemporary Indo-US strategic partnership has its roots since the end of cold war.

Gadji Feminism(s) in Serbia: Racial Privilege and “Intersectional” Solidarity in an Eastern European Semiperiphery

Abstract: In this paper, we follow Jelena Savić, the only Romani critical race theoretician, poet, and decolonial activist in Serbia in her call for unpacking the colonial legacy and whiteness behind the feminist politics. Accordingly, we trace the historical trajectory through which whiteness has been introduced into and became paradigmatic of specific post-Yugoslav Serbian feminist activism and theories. In line with Savić’s critique of the feminist politics in Serbia, we identify two types of gadji (non-Roma European) feminism(s): gadji saviorism and gadji performative solidarity . In the first section we outline the notion of gadji saviorism as an optics perceiving Roma women as victims of the purportedly backward Romani way of life and the supposed inherent poverty from which Roma women need to be “saved” or “uplifted” by the enlightened Eurocentric culture(s). We point both to similarities and differences between colonial-state antiziganist subjugation of Roma women and children in the Austro-Hungarian empire/kingdom and the contemporary Serbian feminist “savior politics” aligned with transnational European and national Serbian policies. In the second section, we look at the (post)socialist genealogies behind the concept which Savić identified as white feminist “performative solidarity” and its race-blind approach to both feminism and solidarity based on its (self)conflation with the ideology of “sisterhood and unity”. Our research shows how these ideas nested in the Serbian feminist scene following the fall of socialism and the end of Cold War.

The japanese-american military-political alliance: secrets of longevity

The article analyzes an evolution of the Japanese-American military-political alliance in the end of XX - in the beginning of XXI centuries under influence of the increased of political, economical and military potential of Japan and also radical reorganization of international relations in the period of detente in Soviet-American relations, in the end of cold war, disintegration of the Soviet Union, the rise of China, aggravation of international situation after the start of the limited special operation of Russia in Ukraine. Military potential of the Japanese was evaluated, as well as the possibility of Japanese self-defense forces to repel limited attack on Japanese territory and plans of the government of Japan for improvement of the defense potential of the state. With it all, there are noted a serious shortcomings of Japanese potential of deterrence of possible threats for security and preservation of relay on the U.S. «nuclear umbrella», as well as assistance of American armed forces in repel of aggression. In this connection, there is a prognosis, especially in view of radically changes global international situation and relations in the Asia-Pacific region, that the Japanese-American military-political alliance will be preserved in all probability.

Passés troublés, rétro-utopies et mobilisations guerrières en Europe contemporaine

"After the horrific experiences of ex-Yugoslavia, the tragedy of Ukraine reveals the terrible consequences of the memory conflicts radicalization. Anticipated by a constant mnemonic war led by the Russia particularly against its Eastern neighbors, it proves “what happens when memory wars turn into real wars”. Since the end of Cold War, in the context of the re-nationalization of ideologies, the remythologization of national histories, and the reshaping of memory politics, the European memory games, as part of the struggle for recognition, have often became memory wars. This article provides some relevant insights about the political instrumentation of the “restorative nostalgia”/“retrotopia” in the (post-)Cold War illiberal memory games/wars, against the background of the growing crises connected to the rise of neo-nationalism. Keywords: memory wars, memory games, (re)mythologization of history, restorative nostalgia, populist neo-nationalism."

China’s New Economic Model as a Mark of Re-globalization

After the end of Cold War, China has progressively started its trade competition among top developedstates such as USA, Japan, Russia and Europe states in the world. Especially, since joining to theWTO in 2001, China has reached the global trade prominence in the market economy. However, therecent outbreak of Covid-19 pandemic has seriously knocked the most countries’ economic sector, andChinese economic ties and budget trade relationship in the world has also shown considerable reduction.On this point, China’s own strategic policy and measure could, in a short time, effectively overcomethe spreading virus and surprisingly captured world attention how to survive in such pandemicsituation due to Xi Jinping strict administrative policy. In addition, Chinese massive effort for recoveringits economy and further strategic plan for the creation of a new trade area has remarkably resulted inthe region. Consequently, the signing another new trade agreement known as Regional ComprehensiveEconomic Partnership (RCEP) has created a new wave of trade relations as well as integration process notonly in one region but involves European trade partners as New Zealand and Australian trade interests.As a result, Chinese reshaping its trade interest with RCEP members might consider as most leading competitivecountries in the Asian region which has signaled as a new drive of market economy as well as theprocess of re-globalization. In this article, authors identify to what extent the Chinese current economicpolicy changes the globalization process in the Asia-Pacific region. Also, how China will affect the newintegration zone and lead to the process of so-called re-globalization. Key words: China, globalization, geo-economic, Asia-Pacific region, cooperation, integration, ASEAN,Re-globalization.

Out of Sync in Havana: Two Socialist Visions of Global Contemporary Art

On 1 November 1989, when the third edition of la Bienal de la Habana opened its doors, the show included ink paintings from North Korea called chosŏnhwa (literally ‘Korean paintings’). By that time, the Korean–Cuban friendship had lasted for more than three decades, following its formation after the 1959 Cuban Revolution, and based on the principle of Third World solidarity. But this encounter in 1989 illustrates that their contemporary art was out of sync with one another. The Korean presentation contrasted with the more installation‐oriented, inter‐media works submitted by Cuban artists who were part of the ‘New Cuban art’ wave. As an archeological study on these two starkly different visions of ‘contemporary art’, this essay sustains a bifurcated view onto Pyongyang and Havana as a method with which to reassess the culture of Third World politics and post‐coloniality at the Cold War's end, and to propose a translocational, South‐to‐South method of art history.

미중패권경쟁시대에서의 한국 과학기술 주권확보전략

After end of cold war between U.S and Soviet Union, hegemony of the U.S. has been consisted about 50 years. This situation has been changed rapidly after china’s opening and reformation. China has begun to have strong power in areas of the economics, politics, deplomacy, international trade, international monetary and finance, military and so on. This China’s arise has caused to collide with the U.S. hegemony. This war has been in progress in the most advanced scientific-technical areas including ICT, A.I, Bio, Semi-conduct, Atomic, 5G, Space technology. Because Korea is situated at hegemonic war between the U.S. and China geopolitically and geoeconomically, Korea is in a crisis to have to consider its’ national existence, quality of people life and perrmanence of next generations. Best strategy to overcome this crisis is to create national wealhty and power. To achieve these goals it’s crucial to create, develope the most advanced scientific-technology that any nations or enterprises could not follow or immitate.

MATHEMATICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE SEA PORTS THROUGHPUT ASSESSMENT

The sea transportation system, which in turn forms the basis of the global trade system, has been developing during the whole history of human civilization. The abrupt leaps in this steady development were caused both by the changes of technological paradigms (e. g. by the shift from sail to steam, appearance of steel framing and hull shells, containerization, digitalization etc.) and social reasons (abandon of the acceptable losses strategy after world wars, end of cold war, relaxation of the international tension and war conflicts etc.). Unfortunately, the social factors can not only push forward the development, but also have destructive character, manifesting themselves as crises of different scales and natures. The complexity and the scope of the global transportation system that has developed by the XXI century have already shown the tendency to kaleidoscopic changing of its states under small shocks. In full scale this sensitivity has developed after COVID-19 and Ukraine affairs. It seems unreal to expect not only quick revival of the collapsed world system of sea and land transportation, but even preservation of its structure. Consequently, the key elements of the transport infrastructure, i. e. sea port, found themselves in a very serious situation. Major ports have faced a problem of cargo flows deterioration and relevant redundancy of their capacity; minor ports have discovered the opposite problem, namely, the residual cargo flows squeezed on the periphery of business areal turned out to be too large for the existing facilities and resources. In both cases the changes in external commercial environment and relevant route patterns set for the ports a task of finding a new balance between potential cargo flows and existing resources. A decision of this problem by the methods of mixed integer linear programming is described in the paper.

The Role of Mongolia in Multilateral Security Cooperation in Twenty-First Century Northeast Asia: Relevance of the 'Ulaanbaatar Dialogue (UBD)' Initiative

The Role of Mongolia in Multilateral Security Cooperation in Twenty-First Century Northeast Asia:Relevance of the 'Ulaanbaatar Dialogue (UBD)' Initiative Jaehyuk Jang (bio) and Kisun Kim (bio) Factors for geopolitical conflict and power balance still exist potently in intra-regional politics in Northeast Asia. The role of a third country that could increase the possibility of creating an international regime as an institution is important. In the past, Mongolia did not receive a lot of attention in intra-regional or regional political affairs, as its military and economy were weak compared to other countries in the region. However, despite being a landlocked country surrounded by both China and Russia, Mongolia has used its geographical position strategically as a neutral state that can contribute positively to regional cooperation in Northeast Asia and proactively has proposed a constructive role and function for itself. As Mongolia aligns itself to the national interests of its regional neighbors and creates possibilities for regional cooperation, it is seeking a new role in Northeast Asia. Keywords Northeast Asia, multilateral security cooperation, Mongolia, Korean Peninsula, Ulaanbaatar Dialogue (UBD) Although almost 30 years has passed since the end of the Cold War, Northeast Asia, and especially the Korean Peninsula, is still virtually in a state of cold war. Confrontational rhetoric, intimidating war games, nuclear weapons, and missile tests add to rising historical and territorial disputes. There is no institutional mechanism and a weak multilateral tradition to address these regional security challenges (Enkhsaikhan 2016). The dictionary definition of East Asia is the eastern region of Asia and the countries within the region, particularly China, Japan, North Korea, South Korea, and Mongolia (Dictionary.com). As this definition [End Page 377] implies, Northeast Asia is not a concept that is rigorously defined. At the end of the global Cold War in 1990, Northeast Asia was left without a clear path forward for at least two reasons. First, the four assertive great powers—the United States, China, Japan, and Russia—harbored clashing aspirations for the regional security order, especially with regard to the two intractable problems of divided nations—the Korean Peninsula and the Taiwan Strait—which stood little prospect of resolution without further exacerbation as the weaker side (North Korea and Taiwan) grew more important within the region as a result of the four great powers' clashing interests (Rozman 2004). Second, economic integration at breakneck pace not only came without answers for regional institutions and trust but actually fueled nationalism as some states turned confidence into pride while others found dependence tinged with anxiety (Rozman 2007). Over the last three decades, regionalism in Northeast Asia has been championed first by Japan, then by South Korea, and finally by China, with the United States often wary that this approach would become an exclusive framework. In 2005, opposition to East Asian regionalism reached its peak amid reports that the United States feared China would dominate any such grouping.1 Yet, after Southeast Asian states orchestrated the entries of India, Australia, and New Zealand into the new East Asia Summit (EAS), this danger seemed to fade. Recognition that the South Korean public was neither rife with anti-Americanism nor ready to sustain the South Korean government's assertive foreign policies also quieted the alarm regarding a strategic shift toward China. Missing, however, was a forward-looking regional strategy that made clear the US support for regionalism consistent with globalization and in equilibrium, without any dominator. The challenge of finding a balanced approach to national interests in the handling of the North Korean nuclear crisis overlapped with that of working first of all with China and Japan and then South Korea as well as Russia, and possibly some day North Korea, in making Northeast Asia the nucleus of regionalism (Rozman 2007). Another challenge in this connection is the lack of a regional security mechanism. The political, strategic, and military interests of the region's great powers and the two Koreas intersect with each one's economic interests. Bilateral alliances play a dominant role in diplomacy because multilateralism is weak. Hence, there is a high risk of strategic misunderstanding, especially in times of crisis. Establishing a Northeast Asian security mechanism would, like in...

Transforming Academic Discourse: A Case Study of International Relations as Discipline

ABSTRACT The study of social sciences in general and the discipline of international relations (IR) in particular always remain areas of less scholarly significance, because the leading academic circles remain less inclined towards the non-Western production of knowledge in the international system. The main discussions of IR generally revolve around Western discourses and approaches to knowledge. The end of the decades-long Cold War and the elimination of the Soviet Union from world politics allowed Western academic circles to influence the production of knowledge in the international system. In this way, the production of knowledge and the promotion of knowledge have ignored non-Western academic perspectives. Contrary to conventional academic patterns, there is a need to realize the significance of non-Western literature in academia while updating the conventional academic patterns. In this scenario, this paper attempts to address the questions of the production of knowledge and promotion of knowledge on the basis of alternative perspectives and different approaches to acquiring knowledge. While emphasizing non-Western or non-American approaches to knowledge, the central theme of the paper endeavours to highlight the importance of non-Western ways of looking at world politics.

Memorie, istorie şi politic(i) în „Europele Europei” înainte şi după 1989

The article provides some relevant insights about the dynamics of the European politics of history and memory against the background of the third wave of European integration, which is the so called “cultural Europeanization.” These dynamics, originated in Western European both cultural turn of the 1970s and memory boom of the 1980s, is inscribed in the complex geopolitical landscape configured after the end of Cold War, within the context of European enlargement and the struggles for recognition of the “new Europe”. The competition of “Europe’s Europes” memorial narratives about the “painful pasts” of West and East, which is also a competition between two mnemonic paradigms (cosmopolitan vs. national(ist)-antagonist), is followed against the background of both the transnational turn in memory studies and memory politics and the re-nationalization of European politics and ideologies, tightly connected to the post–Cold War developments.

Military Interventions in International Law and Practices: Objectives, Legality and Legitimacy

Military intervention is defined as forcible meddling in state affairs. This intervention can take many different forms, including political or military action, as well as direct or indirect intervention. International law is largely concerned with the prohibition of dictatorial or coercive meddling in state affairs. Military intervention has piqued scholarly attention since the Cold War's conclusion, and it has been proven that various cases of the usage of force or the menace to apply force were lawful in the lack of a Security Council resolution. Nonetheless, since the Cold War's end, issues of dominance and non-intervention have been called into question by the emerging human rights rhetoric, which has used the benefit of the big powers to engage in the concerns of weaker nations. Through the Charter of the UN, it is clear that the international military intervention under Chapter VII is not an advantage to the Security Council Rather; it is a legal obligation subject to international law to attain safety and harmony for all the peoples in this world. Through the Charter of the UN also, must respect the aims and rules of international law when deciding military intervention against a state or entity in the international community away from the political objectives that achieve the interests of powerful countries. The decision to engage in military intervention against a non-state entity or another state is a tough and complex one that involves a plethora of moral, political, legal, economical, and logistical concerns for a state to measure. Therefore, this research focused on the military intervention in international law and practices, study provided a comprehensive and specialized legal study on military intervention subject, in which study provides analysis on the historical background, types, objectives, legality and legitimacy of military intervention in international law comparable with international practice and make proposals to develop a clear legal framework for military intervention to ensure the realization of the main objectives of military intervention that set in UN Charter and international law away from the influence of the majors' powers that aim to achieve their own goals through military intervention within the framework of the UNSC. Keywords: Military Intervention, International Law, International Practice, UN Charter, International Peace and Security. DOI: 10.7176/JLPG/117-04 Publication date: January 31 st 2022

How the Cold War Ended and What Followed. Reflections on a New Book by Russian and International Historians (The End of the Cold War in the Perception of Contemporaries and Historians. 1985–1991 / eds O.V. Pavlenko, V.I. Zhuravleva. Moscow, 2021)

How the Cold War Ended and What Followed. Reflections on a New Book by Russian and International Historians (The End of the Cold War in the Perception of Contemporaries and Historians. 1985–1991 / eds O.V. Pavlenko, V.I. Zhuravleva. Moscow, 2021)

Od politycznej współpracy do gospodarczej konkurencji – przemysł obronny krajów Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej po upadku ZSRR

The paper presents the scope and scale of transformation of the defense industries of Central Eastern Europe (CEE) countries after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the USSR. The starting point is the role and position of the armaments economy sector (armaments economy environment), embedded in the realities of the centrally planned economy, and its submission to the politics of the USSR. The turn of the centuries was a period of political and economic transformation conducted during the conditions of a deep economic recession. The defense industry was one of the economic sectors most affected by the crisis. The economic and defense policy of CEE countries was aimed at preserving the capabilities of the armaments sector. Restructuring activities initiated and forced by the change of the political and economic environment have already brought noticeable effects, even though the process has not yet been completed. Defense industry enterprises have become entities operating on the same terms and conditions as other companies on the competitive market. The method of comparative analysis and a case study supplemented with elements of descriptive statistics were used to evaluate the course of the processes. The study has been focused on the analysis of the course of the changes and examination of effects of the analyzed phenomena for the economy and defense of the CEE countries, taking into account primarily their scale and scope.