Cold Relation Research Articles

Analysis of ALL JOKOWI MENS in the 2024 RI Presidential Election

Abstract - All Jokowi Mens itself is indirectly a political tactic from Jokowi's political actors in facilitating the next steps of government to be in the hands of Jokowi supporters such as Ganjar Pranowo and Prabowo Subianto. The purpose of this article is to review the analysis of All Jokowi Mens in the 2024 RI presidential election. The method used is qualitative descriptive analysis, in which the data obtained is processed, reduced and analyzed to become an article. The findings state that the All Jokowi Mens Analysis is a depiction of Jokowi's tactics as a political actor in smoothing the steps for the two candidates for the 2024 RI presidential candidate who will fight for both Ganjar Pranowo and Prabowo Subianto. Therefore in presenting Jokowi as a political actor both in the form of self-image, where he plays two legs to endorse Ganjar and Prabowo regardless of Jokowi's corporate image as a PDIP who obeys party rules especially in implementing the party line to carry Ganjar Pranowo as a candidate for president of the Republic of Indonesia in 2024. As for multi-image and personal appearance, Jokowi is a political actor as well as a King Maker who plays his role competing with other political actors such as Megawati Soekarnoputri, Surya Paloh, Jusuf Kalla who sometimes has hot and cold relations with them. Added to this, Jokowi's role outside of political parties with his ranks of volunteers adds to the impression that to present the next government, it remains to be All Jokowi Mens.Keywords: All Jokowi Mens, Jokowi, 2024 Indonesian Presidential General Election.

Audiencja publiczna nuncjusza apostolskiego Galeazza Marescottiego na sejmie elekcyjnym 1669 r. Znaczenie i ceremoniał

Paying attention to the ceremonial aspects of the early modern diplomatic practice is one of the main postulates of the historians of diplomacy. The presented article focuses on the political circumstances and ceremonial manifestations of the participation of the apostolic nuncio Galeazzo Marescotti in a public audience at the election sejm of 1669, as a result of which Michał Korybut Wiśniowiecki was elected king. The Holy See’s informational policy regarding the political practice and ceremonial of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during the interregnum and the election period is discussed, especially in the emergence of a new interregnum in 1668, as a result of the abdication of John II Casimir Vasa. The papacy’s diplomatic involvement towards the new election was at that time hampered by the cold relations between the nuncio and the ambitious primate of the Kingdom Mikołaj Prażmowski. The article also deals with the preparations for the nuncio’s audience at the election sejm that took place from the beginning of May 1669, demonstrating the secondary nature of this event for the political life of the Commonwealth. Then, the diplomat’s entry into the election field is presented, as is the detailed course of the audience, which culminated in the consigning of papal letters and the nuncio’s oration. The noble reception of Marescotti’s audience is also analysed. The article deals with the issues of political, diplomatic, and visual functions of the diplomatic audience. The hearing of the representative of the Holy See at the elective sejm is presented as an expression of the mutual belonging of the parties (the papacy and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) to the seventeenth-century European political order.

The Baltic States’ Relations with Russia

The states (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) have had cold relations with Russia since they were under the control of tsarist Russia. After about only 20 years of independence, the states were involuntary absorbed into the Soviet Union. This paper examines the history behind the relationship between the states and the Soviet Union throughout the twentieth century and how the relationship grew colder in the post-Soviet era by examining a combination of scholarly journal articles and informative web articles that detail recent facts and events pertaining to the states and Russia. One of the primary causes of tensions is the fact that the states sought integration with Western Europe, rather than pursue closer ties to Russia and the former Soviet states. Today, the result of the negative relationship between the Baltics and Russia are demonstrated by discriminatory policies towards ethnic Russians residing in the Baltics and a series of territorial disputes and hostilities. The goal of the discriminatory policies is to promote a sense of Baltic unity, or nationalism among ethnic Estonians, Latvians, and Lithuanians, while discouraging practicing Russian language and culture. The territorial disputes primarily pertain to Estonia for several reasons: Estonia lost a piece of land to Russia in the Soviet era; and the invasion of Crimea had a significant impact on Estonian concerns about their own national security. Ethnic politics and territorial disputes continue to concern the states about future Russian aggression.

Wan light of Lithuania in Bucharest. The sources of a non-declared divorce (1918-1926)

Between the Acts of Union and, respectively, of Independence of 1918 and 1926 Romania and Lithuania shared no strategic interests or common regional politics. Although the Bucharest diplomacy insistently asked Warsaw to debate over its Baltic policy, at the end the Romanian-Polish anti-Soviet alliance became one of the most important pieces of so-called “cordon sanitaire” geopolitics, which included Baltic and Black Seas regions countries, but no Lithuania. Both states became locked in cold relations with no contacts and no recognition (until August 1924), which was due to regional politics, but contrary to common interests. The diplomatic relations, officially opened in August 1924, lacked any practical political consequences. The Kaunas coup d’état of December 1926 had little political and media impacts in Bucharest and, in the rarely definitions of Antanas Smetona new nationalist regime, most of Romanians condemned it (contrary with their attitude towards the coup d’état of Warsaw in May 1926). It was only in the last half of the ‘30s that between Bucharest and Kaunas new avenues in bilateral relations had opened, the impact of the fortunate decision of foreign minister Nicolae Titulescu in 1934 to create a Romanian Legation to cover Lithuania.

Kardynał Adam Stefan Sapieha by Jacek Czajowski

Kardynat Adam Stefan Sapieha. By Jacek Czajowski. (Wroclaw: Ossolineum. 1997. Pp. 225. Paperback.) Although Cardinal Prince Adam Stefan Sapieha (1867-1951) belonged to the highest Polish aristocracy, and though he permanently inscribed himself in the Polish national pantheon, little was written about him in the past. Yet forty-six years after his demise, Dr. Jacek Czajowski, a junior faculty member at Jagiellonian University in Cracow, came out with a full-scale biography of him. According to the author, the cardinal disliked all pomp and magnificent religious services. He was reserved and self-effacing. On occasions, however, he could be quick-tempered, ready to reprove and proverbially stubborn, a feature inherited from his Sapieha ancestors. The prelate was a Polish patriot and cared for the national heritage, and he most enthusiastically greeted the birth of the Second Polish Republic in November, 1918. Then, he got actively involved in Poland's struggle for its frontiers in 1918-1921. Czajowski claims that the archbishop of Cracow was neither a prominent theologian nor a charismatic orator. But he was a born organizer. He decided to divide large parishes (30,000 faithful or more) into smaller ones. He aimed at providing the congregation with an easy access to the clergy. Sapieha particularly cared for close links between the laity and clergy. To facilitate such a close association, he fully supported the founding of lay communities at the parish level. The prelate was open to liturgical and other novelties inaugurated by Pope Leo XIII, the Benedictines (the cardinal particularly favored them), and others. Furthermore, he wanted each rural community to have a church or at least a chapel. Sapieha often inspected the parishes under his jurisdiction. In addition, he got actively involved in charity work, which activity was particularly evident during World Wars I and II. Then, too, he was a compassionate person. He did much to alleviate the plight of the needy. He also cared for orphanages and homes for the elderly. The cardinal frequently appealed to the rich not to forget about the poor. At the same time, he was relatively conservative; he condemned the class-struggle theory, advocating social solidarity in its stead. With regard to the State, Sapieha was a firm advocate of Church autonomy. He was, for example, opposed to concordats and energetically fought against that of 1925, concluded between the Holy See and Poland. At the same time, Pope Pius XI favored them. The author also speculates on the reasons for Sapieha's relative isolation under his pontificate. He developed a conflict with the future Pius XI when Achille Ratti was the Papal Nuncio in Poland. Furthermore, his persevering opposition to the 1925 concordat, his cold relations with the Sanacja regime (1926-1939), his obstinacy, and other reasons could in no way endear him to the Holy Father. Early in 1939, Czajowski states, the prelate felt old and physically exhausted and, therefore, he petitioned both Pius XI and his successor to let him resign. Yet the rapidly worsening international situation influenced him to remain at his post to the great relief of Pope Pius XII. Sapieha particularly distinguished himself in 1939-1945, when Poland was ruled by the Third Reich. …

Concerning the Stock-Farming in the North-western China

The paper is on the transfigurations of the nomadic area in the north-western China.In Sinkiang Uighur Aut. Region, there are four grazing types in accordance with the movement of a herd of sheep: Summer-Spring and Autumn-Winter type, Summer and Autumn-Winter and Spring type, Spring-Summer-Autumn-Winter type, and the whole year type.In either case, there have been difficult problems to the arable land from old. Through the relation between grazing land and farm land, it raises the question in nomadic people and farming people. In other words, it is the problem between the minority and the Chinese (Han).In Inner Mongolian Aut. Region, now they are working out a solution to the problem in combining farming and cattle-breeding and formed a new method. With due regard to the physical condition, racial traits, and historical back-ground, they are trying the rational redistribution of the inhabitants nomads come to in the farming, and the farmers in the area also practice their stock-breeding. The formers were settled by degrees, and the latters stopped extending their firm land thoughtlessly. And then cold relations between stock-breeder and the farmers are beginning to melt away.In this way, now, both stock-breeders and farmers are going out of a precarious life, based on the self-sufficiency. And under the guidance of the present central government, they are gradually having a close contacts with their national economy.