Coalition Of Political Parties Research Articles

Free Milieus, Creative People: An Investigation of Creative City Policy in Istanbul from the Perspective of Governmentality

This paper analyzes the creative city policy for Istanbul, which has recently become a popular throughout the world. Cities are expected to be creative milieus that foster free circulation of people, ideas, and interactions for economic growth, global competitiveness, and social development. Drawing on Foucault and governmentality studies, this paper first argues that the creative city policy is a neoliberal political rationality that seeks to stimulate individuals' creative capacities through structuring urban space. Neoliberalism includes the de-governmentalization of state and the active participation of non-state actors in the governing processes. Second, using examples from street gentrification, industrial heritage re-functioning, and co-working spaces in Istanbul, this paper dissects how creativity, freedom, and economic growth intersect in urban space and how a broad coalition of political parties, state agencies, local authorities, non-governmental organizations, small-scale cultural entrepreneurs, and creative professionals have been formed around the creative city. As a result, creative city policy is a form of governmentality that includes official documents as well as spatial strategies of a heterogeneous coalition of state and non-state actors.

Problematika Sistem Presidential Threshold Ditinjau dari Maqāṣid al-Syarī’ah

The presidential threshold is a threshold requirement for a political party or a coalition of political parties supporting a presidential and vice-presidential candidate pair using the percentage of the DPR seat acquisition or the national valid vote acquisition in the DPR general election. The presence of this presidential threshold is a barrier to the right to equal opportunity in government. This research aims to evaluate the various rights that have been violated by the presidential threshold policy from the perspective of human rights and maqashid sharia as a new view of the efforts to reform a just law. This research includes normative research with statutory and legal policy approaches. The results and discussion of this research are that the general election law related to the presidential threshold has been tested by the Constitutional Court. However, the Court always rejects the application because it is of the opinion that the presidential threshold is an open authority of the legislator based on the delegation of Article 6A Paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution. The rejection resulted in disappointment for the Indonesian people because it was considered to limit the right to become a leader. In the perspective of Maqāṣid syarī'ah, the presidential threshold policy has also violated hifdzu 'aql. Therefore, in the future, fair legal reform efforts must be realized, namely by amending Article 6A Paragraph (2) related to presidential requirements to clearly regulate and close the loopholes of interpretation by the legislators and moral development of constitutional judges so that they really fight for the rights of citizens with a further view of the constitution.

MODEL OF CABINET RELATIONSHIP WITH REGIONAL GOVERNMENT IN THE ERA OF REGIONAL AUTONOMY

Purpose: To propose a new model of relations between the central cabinet and local governments in the context of regional autonomy. Measures such as the formation of a linear presidential coalition party with coalition parties supporting regional heads, simplification of political parties, and improvement of the political system aim to create a more harmonious and effective relationship between the two entities in the implementation of public policies in the era of regional autonomy. Method: The method used in this research is a normative research method using a statutory approach Results and Conclusion: The relationship between the central cabinet and local governments in Indonesia is influenced by the suitability of supporting political parties. Nonconformity can lead to disharmony. Therefore, a new model of relations is needed that involves a coalition of political parties that are more in line between the cabinet and local governments. Measures such as increasing electoral thresholds, simplifying political parties, and institutional strengthening of political parties are proposed. This is expected to create clarity and enhance cooperation between the two entities for more effective implementation of public policies. Implications of research: The need for the establishment of a new model of relations between the central cabinet and local governments involving a more conformed coalition of political parties, simplification of political parties in every election, institutional strengthening of political parties, and a shift towards an ideology-based coalition. These measures are expected to enhance harmonization in relations between the two entities, strengthen the political system, and bring clarity in policy formation.

Analisis Koalisi Partai PKB dalam Pemenangan Putra Kiai di Pusaran Kekuasaan

This research aims to describe how the coalition of the National Awakening Party (PKB) contributed to the victory of a cleric's son in the Sidoarjo Regional Elections (Pilkada). The general objective of this study is to analyze how political party coalitions occurred during the 2020 Pilkada in Sidoarjo. To obtain data, the researcher employed library research, utilizing literature studies that did not require direct interaction with respondents or fieldwork. The researcher collected various necessary research data from literary sources or documents such as papers or previous research results related to electoral and regional elections participation in Sidoarjo. The research findings indicate several factors that led to PKB's success in the Sidoarjo Pilkada. First, the Political Party Coalition Factor: The coalition with political parties, particularly Nasdem and PSI, provided significant political support and a voter base for the Ahmad Muhdlor and Subandi ticket. PKB's negotiation strategy in forming the coalition played a crucial role in garnering support and votes. Second, the Political Participation Factor: Active political participation by the Ahmad Muhdlor and Subandi ticket, involving understanding important political issues for the community and responding to genuine aspirations for change, had a positive impact in winning voters' hearts. Their ability to articulate the needs and desires of the community through political campaigns also contributed to their victory. Third, the Modalities Factor: The modalities possessed by this ticket, including social capital such as connections with NU (Nahdlatul Ulama) and social organizations, cultural capital such as education and organizational experience, as well as economic capital acquired from campaign donations, played a significant role in building support and designing effective campaign strategies. The combination of these factors aided the PKB coalition in achieving victory in the 2020 Sidoarjo Pilkada. Cooperation within the coalition, the ability to understand relevant political issues, active political participation, and the utilization of existing modalities all contributed to creating public support and trust that enabled the Ahmad Muhdlor and Subandi ticket to succeed in the election.

Indonesia's Presidential Threshold: An Analysis of Legal and Political Dynamics

Abstract: The presidential threshold is the nomination requirement employed by political parties to select the President and Vice President. In Indonesia, the regulation governing the presidential threshold is outlined in Article 222 of Law No. 7/2017 on General Elections. This article stipulates that candidate pairs must be proposed by political parties or a coalition of political parties participating in the elections, provided they meet the criteria of obtaining at least 20% of the total seats in the DPR (The House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia) or obtaining 25% of the national valid votes in the previous DPR elections Purpose: This study aims to determine the political dynamics of threshold presidential regulation law in Indonesia. Design/Methodology/Approach: The type used in this research is normative legal research, and uses several approaches, namely the statute approach, conceptual approach, and historical approach. Findings: In principle, the regulation of the presidential threshold is an open legal policy or open legal policy of the legislator, but its application in Indonesia, the presidential threshold has shortcomings because first, it makes legislative elections a prerequisite for the presidential election, and second, the legislative elections that are used as requirements have occurred in the previous election period, which in terms of political configuration is certainly different from the elections that will take place or are taking place. The application of the presidential threshold in Indonesia is also inappropriate because 1) it eliminates independent Presidential candidates; 2) it excludes the participation of non-parliamentary political parties to determine their own Presidential candidates; 3) it only benefits established/large political parties; 4) it is not suitable if applied in a presidential system, because the President in this system is not responsible to parliament; 5) the emergence of transaction politics; and 6) the limited number of choices of Presidential candidates offered. Originality/Value: There has not been much research on presidential threshold arrangements in their formation, especially based on the political dynamics of law that developed during the formation process

The Political Parties Coalition Behaviour in Election: A Meta-Analysis

The formation of political party coalitions can be applied productively to patronage democracy, but this requires a broader comprehensive study and the addition of new conceptualizations. Therefore, this study aims to determine the development of research on the theme of political party coalition behavior from 2015 to 2021 indexed by Scopus. This study uses a scoping review method. The source of this research data comes from the Scopus database. The findings in this study that the coalition behavior of political parties will not be separated from the topic of voting behavior and the electoral system, this is evident in this study. The political parties in building coalitions must consider the level of electability by looking at behavior in the voters. Moreover, the electoral system will determine whether political parties need to form coalitions or not if they want to participate in electoral contestation. Furthermore, parliamentary elections and proportional representation are topics that have opportunities as novelties for future research related to this themes. Furthermore, Indonesia (southeast asia), Spain, Norway (Europa), Uruguay and Colombia (South America) have recently paid great attention to research on the political parties coalition behavior. The implications of the findings of this study are as a form of a reference for knowledge regarding the study of political parties. More than that, it is important to describe these findings because they can classify world research which so far has only been limited to individual findings.

Penetapan Ambang Batas Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Berdasarkan UU No. 23 Tahun 2003 dan UU No. 7 Tahun 2017

The purpose of this study is how the threshold for the nomination of president and vice president is based UU No. 23 Year 2003 and UU No. 7 Year 2017 and how ideally the threshold for presidential and vice presidential candidates is determined based on UU No. 23 Year 2003 and UU No. 7 Year 2017. This type of research is normative legal research by analyzing cases that conflict with the law using qualitative methods to draw deductive conclusions. The provisions for setting thresholds in presidential elections constitutionally violate the constitutional rights of citizens based on the provisions of Article 6A paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution which states "pairs of presidential and vice-presidential candidates are proposed by political parties or a coalition of political parties participating in general elections prior to the holding of general elections. This provision provides space for political parties to nominate presidential and vice presidential candidates. However, in Article 222 UU No.7 Year 2017 concerning General Elections, it provides a limit of 20% of the number of seats in the DPR or 25% of valid votes nationally in the previous DPR member elections. In a presidential system, the imposition of a threshold is irrelevant because theoretically the separation of powers does not recognize the president's accountability to the parliament, thus the threshold is not appropriate if the votes used are from the DPR election. Setting the threshold for presidential and vice-presidential candidates is simply reduced to 5% of seats in the DPR and 10% of valid votes from the previous general election or the article on setting the threshold for presidential and vice-presidential candidates is simply abolished through revisions to the general election law.

DIRECT ELECTION OF REGIONAL HEADS BY THE PEOPLE TO REALIZE THE WELFARE OF THE PEOPLE

The election of regional heads directly by the people in the regions has been running for 18 years, with the aim of running a democratic system and the main thing is the election of a regional head according to the expectations of the people in the area so that they can improve people's welfare. Since the enactment of Law Number 22 of 1999 to Law Number 23 of 2014 concerning Regional Government, Regional Heads have been given the authority to run a broad, real and responsible regional autonomy system.
 Over time, there are still problems that need to be corrected, with the issuance of laws governing regional head elections based on Law 23 of 2014 concerning Regional Government, specifically the election of regional heads as stated in Article 62 which then issued Perpu Number 1 2014 and stipulated by Law Number 1 of 2015, as a basis for holding regional head elections.
 A political party or coalition of political parties that nominates a regional head, as well as an individual candidate, at least one who has foresight with integrity, is dedicated to advancing the region and improving the standard of living of the people, in order to achieve social welfare.

Why the coalition of political party are weak in election of regional head (Legal and Political Perspective)

This article examines why coalitions of political parties for regional head elections are weak. The law on regional head elections requires political parties to nominate a regional head/deputy pair that must have the support of at least 20% of the total members of the regional people's representative council. Political parties not meeting the amount of support must form a coalition with other parties to meet these requirements. The results showed that the coalition of political parties in the regional head election was weak due to: a) Strong centralization of political parties in determining coalition partners. b) Strong dominance of the party's central board. c) High political costs for regional head elections. d) Weak rights of regional political party administrators.

Strategi Tim Sukses Pemenangan Askolani-Slamet Dalam Pemilihan Bupati Banyuasin Tahun 2018

Political marketing strategy is one of the factors that support the victory of a candidate in an election. In 2018, there was an interesting phenomenon in the Pilbub Banyuasin. Where the votes from the Askolani-Slamet pair were categorized as getting quite a large number of votes among the other 5 candidates. Seeing this condition, researchers are interested in conducting research to find out the strategy and significance of the Askolani-Slamet success team in the Banyuasin Pilbub. This study uses descriptive qualitative methods, where data collection techniques use interviews, documentation and observation. The results of this study stated that the factor of the victory of the Askolani-Slamet coalition in the Regional Head General Election in Banyuasin Regency in 2018 was influenced by three factors; First, there is a coalition of political parties. Second, there is political participation and involvement of the Banyuasin community in granting voting rights in the 2018 post-conflict local election. Third, there are modalities, which consist of political capital, social capital, cultural capital and economic capital. Political marketing that has been carried out is the formation of figures and complex campaign programs that include 4 indicators that use Niffenger's theory in the book Firmanzah: 2020 that runs optimally and runs well, namely determining political products, promotions, prices, and places.

The Local Political Policies: The Dynamics of the Political Party Coalition in the Election Contestation of the Governor West Nusa Tenggara Province Indonesia

This paper analyzed political party coalitions in the 2018 West Nusa Tenggara Provincial Governor election. Research methods included in-depth interviews, observations, and review of documents. Analysis of data and information identified choice of political party coalition originated from distribution of political office positions and potential victory of political parties as two major factors in decision making. Analysis revealed in regional election contests consideration in choosing a political party coalition partner prioritizes pragmatic interest rather than the similarity of political party ideology.

BATAS AMBANG PENCALONAN PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD YANG SEHARUSNYA 0%

Presidential Threshold as the threshold for the vote acquisition that must be obtained by political parties in an election to be able to nominate a presidential candidate. The rule for the presidential nomination threshold (presidential threshold) of 20%-25% in the Law on the Implementation of General Elections, is the result of a product of democracy in the House of Representatives. The 20 percent presidential nomination threshold should be being challenged to the Constitutional Court (MK) with the hope of being zero percent. It is believed that the zero percent presidential threshold will not bring up hundreds of presidential candidates. The requirements for presidential candidacy have been regulated in the 1945 Constitution, which is carried out by political parties. The provisions regarding the number of seats and the number of valid national votes that are a requirement to be able to nominate pairs of candidates for president and vice president always change every time an election is held. In the 2019 general election, the regulation regarding the Presidential Threshold is based on the provisions contained in Article 222 of the Election Law which states that: Candidate pairs are proposed by a political party or coalition of political parties participating in the election who meet the requirements for obtaining seats of at least 20% (twenty percent) of the total number of seats. the number of seats in the DPR or obtain 25% (twenty five percent) of the nationally valid votes in the previous election for members of the DPR.Keywords: Nomination Threshold, Presidential Threshold.

Dynasty Control of the Process of Forming Coalition of Political Parties in the 2020 Cilegon Local Leaders Election

Abstract This paper discusses the power of political dynasties in Cilegon in the process of forming a coalition of political parties in the 2020 Pilkada. The embodiment of political dynasties continues to be accommodated to perpetuate power by putting aside the track record of organizing experience both in parties and in state institutions. The theory used in this study is the theory of political dynasties and party coalitions. The research method uses a qualitative study with an explanatory case study approach. The focus of this study is to explain how coalition maps are formed and how the influence of dynasties on political parties. The results of this study indicate that the strong influence of political dynasties in Cilegon arises because of the power that has been held since Cilegon City was founded after Banten officially became a province. At that time the elected mayor was Tubagus Aat Syafaat and continued with his sons Tubagus Iman Ariyadi and Ratu Ati Marliati until the 2020 Local Leader Election. The family mainly used the Golkar Party and lower-middle parties to perpetuate their power to form the Minimum Winning Coalition model so that passed the nomination process. Keywords: political dynasty; party coalition; pilkada; cilegon cityAbstrak Tulisan ini membahas kekuatan dinasti politik yang ada di Kota Cilegon dalam proses pembentukan koalisi partai politik di Pilkada tahun 2020. Pengejawantahan dinasti politik terus diakomodasi untuk melanggengkan kekuasaan dengan menyampingkan rekam jejak pengalaman pengorganisasian baik di partai maupun di kelembagaan negara. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah teori dinasti politik dan koalisi partai. Adapun metode penelitian menggunakan kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus eksplanatoris. Fokus kajian ini yaitu mengupas tentang bagaimana peta koalisi terbentuk dan bagaimana pengaruh dinasti terhadap partai-partai politik. Adapun hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pengaruh kuat dari dinasti politik di Cilegon muncul akibat dari kekuasaan yang dimiliki sejak Kota Cilegon berdiri setelah Banten resmi menjadi Provinsi. Saat itu yang terpilih sebagai Walikota yaitu Tubagus Aat Syafaat dan dilanjut dengan anaknya Tubagus Iman Ariyadi dan Ratu Ati Marliati sampai pada saat Pilkada 2020. Keluarga tersebut memanfaatkan utamanya Partai Golkar dan partai-partai menengah-bawah untuk melanggengkan kekuasaannya untuk membentuk model Minnimal Winning Coalition agar lolos proses pencalonannya. Kata Kunci: dinasti politik; koalisi partai; pilkada; kota cilegon

MOTIVATIONS TO FORM A MAJORITY COALITION OF CANDIDATES MACHFUD ARIFIN AND MUJIMAN IN THE SURABAYA CITY ELECTION IN 2020

The formation of a coalition of political parties in the regional head election is an interesting phenomenon to be studied, as was the case in the 2020 Surabaya City Election. The process of forming a coalition of political parties with the majority supporters of Machfud Arifin – Mujiaaman. Thus, this study analyzes the process of forming political party coalitions in the 2020 Surabaya City Election. This study uses Geoffrey Pridham's motivational theory of coalition formation regarding the factors that can influence the formation of political party coalitions, political coalition theory by William Riker which emphasizes (minimum winning) coalition) and rational choice theory to see the basic interests of the actors in determining the coalition. This study uses a qualitative approach, with interview data collection techniques and documentation studies. The findings of this study indicate that the process of forming a coalition supporting Machfud Arifin – Mujiaman begins with a strategic discourse between Gerindra, PKB, PAN, NasDem, PPP, Golkar, Democrats, and PKS which is oriented towards a tactical orientation to subvert the dominance of PDIP power in Surabaya. These parties basically have the same spirit because post-reform Surabaya has always been dominated by leaders from the PDIP. Machfud Arifin is considered a potential candidate because he has the financial strength, political networks, and inter-party lobbying in building coalition partners. Machfud Arifin became a trigger in the process of forming the coalition. In the process, horizontal-vertical dynamics occurred, because each party encouraged its cadres to become Machfud Arifin's companion. Thus, theoretically, the process of forming a coalition supporting Machfud Arifin - Mujiaman is influenced by three basic things, namely ideological factors which are the initial thoughts of the majority party which emphasizes leadership renewal, then the historical party that has existed since before 2020 elections were held and finally pragmatic factors ambition to gain power by merging eight political parties. In addition, political actors carry Machfud Arifin with rational choices, that first is the electability survey number, financial capital, and political network owned by the candidate. The coalition is dynamic, so it requires the same commitment and vision, as well as conflict management mechanisms to maintain the integrity of the coalition of political parties.

DINAMIKA KOALISI PARTAI POLITIK DALAM PILKADA KABUPATEN PADANG LAWAS UTARA TAHUN 2018

This study discusses the dynamics of the coalition of political parties carrying a single candidate in the process of nominating the regent and deputy regent in the 2018 North Padang Lawas Regency election. By using Arend Lijphart's coalition theory, it will be elaborated on how the dynamics of forming a coalition of political parties in support of a single candidate pair will be elaborated. Lijphart categorizes coalitions into 2 forms, namely: policy blind coalition and policy based coalition. By using a qualitative method through a case study approach, this research begins with an explanation of the political parties carrying the candidates, the dynamics that occur between political parties, then an analysis of the form of coalition built by the party is supported by political realities to strengthen the results of the author's analysis. The findings of this study indicate that the coalition of political parties carrying a single candidate in the 2018 North Padang Lawas Regency election tends to form a policy blind coalition, namely a coalition that prioritizes maximizing power rather than considering ideological similarities and party platforms. The coalition that is formed tends to be pragmatic, elitist and office seeking oriented. The selection of candidates tends to consider popularity, influence of the central elite and local elites as well as large capital ownership so as to be able to gather all political parties in one coalition block.

Political Party Pragmatism: the Emergence of Single Pair in Ngawi Regency Head Election

This study aims to determine the emergence of a single pair in the regional head election of Ngawi Regency in 2020. The research uses descriptive qualitative methods to describe the facts of existing symptoms or phenomena. Data collection is carried out by tracing scientific journals, government reports, regulations, mass media news, and other articles relevant to the emergence of a single candidate in the head of the local election. Data analysis was carried out by reducing, presenting data, and drawing conclusions. The study results show that the large coalition of political parties supporting the pair Ony Anwar Harsono and Dwi Rianto Jatmiko with the tagline OK Win Together has a pragmatic and victory-oriented tendency to gain power. This pair is supported by the majority of parties in the Ngawi Regency DPRD, with 45 seats. There are ten supporting political parties, including PDIP, Golkar, PKS, Gerindra, PKB, Nasdem, Democrat, Hanura, PAN, and PPP. This large and majority coalition's built-in support of the pair Ony Anwar Harsono and Dwi Rianto Jatmiko shows the tendency of the party to ignore its ideological platform and desire to win to present a single pair in the 2020 regional head election in Ngawi Regency

Faktor-Faktor Kemenangan Ridwan Kamil dan Uu Ruzhanul Ulum Dalam Pilkada Jawa Barat Tahun 2018

In the 2018 West Java regional elections competition, four pairs of candidates appeared as candidates for Governor and Deputy Governor. The new candidates for the 2018 West Java Governor elections candidacy, namely the pair Ridwan Kamil and Uu Ruzhanul Ulum, came out as winners in the West Java Governor elections constellation. This pair was able to defeat the incumbent in the people's democratic party. The problem that underlies this research is how new candidates can beat incumbents and candidates promoted by the winning party in the West Java legislative election. Based on these problems, it becomes interesting to study because new candidates can get a winning seat. Of course, victory is achieved through careful preparation and the strategies used by their winning team. Also, there were some factors that influenced Ridwan Kamil and Uu Ruzhanul Ulum's victories. This paper aims to determine what factors influence the victory of the pair who also managed to beat the incumbent and the winning party in the legislative elections in West Java. This research uses qualitative research methods, with data collection through interviews and documentation techniques. Through the research method used, we can see what factors influence the victory of this candidate pair. Sources in this study were representatives of the West Java NasDem Regional Leadership Council team, former Ridwan Kamil's vision and mission drafting team, volunteers, and the voting community. The results showed that the victory was not obtained from the number of votes of parties supporting the legislative elections and incumbent factors, but some factors influenced the victory. First, the popularity factor of Ridwan Kamil, who is a young, creative, visionary and innovative figure. This factor was chosen by millennial groups and rational voters in West Java. Second, the political machine factor because in order to get a ticket to go to the regional elections, the candidates who run are generally supported by the strength of the coalition of supporting parties that are joined behind them and the strategies used by the winning party team. Third, volunteering also makes a major contribution to increasing the voice. Fourth, community participation is the determinant of victory because in the 2018 West Java regional elections, community participation increased significantly compared to the previous regional elections. Fifth, modalities which include political capital, social capital, and cultural capital. The political capital owned by the pair Ridwan Kamil and Uu Ruzhanul Ulum in the West Java Pilkada include the strength and network of political party coalitions, social capital that covers Ridwan Kamil's urban base, Ridwan Kamil's closeness to the news media, and the character of Uu Ruzhanul Ulum who has a mass base in the pesantren. The last is the cultural capital of Ridwan Kamil, such as his education, figures of Muslim descent and ethnicity from Sundanese origin and Uu who is a Muslim leader of kyai descent.

Desain Koalisi Permanen Partai Politik dalam Sistem Pemerintahan Indonesia

The pattern of political party coalitions that fluctuate ahead of the general election indicates that the coalitions are not built based on substantial interests but pragmatic interests. As a result, the status of each party becomes unclear, which one acts on the side of the government and which one acts as the opposition. This study aims to discuss the options of permanent coalition patterns that can be applied. The research problem of this study was “What is the permanent coalition design that can be applied in the Indonesian government system?”. This study used normative legal research with statutory, conceptual, and case-study approaches. The results indicated that a permanent coalition is needed to strengthen the coalition pattern of political parties as a support for the Indonesian government system. The permanent coalition design that can be applied is a two-pole model, in which there will only two coalition groups of political parties: parties supporting the government and parties opposing the government. This two-pole model can be balanced in terms of the power between a coalition of government parties and a coalition of opposition parties. Another design that can be adopted is the coalitions which are established based on the similarity of the ideology of each political party.

METAFISIKA POLITIK: MENIMBANG KEKUATAN ARISTOKRASI DALAM PILKADA BELU DAN MALAKA TAHUN 2020

Abstract
 This writing intends to describe the carrying out of election of district heads of Belu and Malaka regencies of the East Nusa Tenggara Province in December 2020. This paper is of the opinion that the election of district heads in these two regencies involved the perspective of political metaphysics. According to indigenous tradition of the Belunese and the Malakans, the metaphysical power is transformed into the personality of the raja. Raja is the representation of the divine, the incarnation of god (Maromak Oan) and endowed politically with rights to govern. In the general election of the Malaka and Belu district heads, the pair candidates running for the posts of regent and vice regent did their best to win the electoral contestation by building their political power through the coalition of political parties, through campaign for mass support, through political physics that mobilizes all political machinery as well as through pataphysics that make use of the virtual networks. Nevertheless, the coalition of political parties still take into account the power of metaphysical politics based on aristocracy. The nobilities are considered worthy to become the persons endowed with privileges to govern. Therefore the election of district heads does not necessarily always have to do with coalition, campaign and money politics, but also with tradition and belief of the voters who demonstrate their preference to the candidates from the aristocratic circles.

BEYOND THE ELECTORAL TRIUMPHALISM: REFLECTIONS ON LESOTHO'S COALITION GOVERNMENT AND CHALLENGES

1. Introduction: 2012 election results Among the 18 political parties which contested Lesotho's 26 May 2012 National Assembly elections, the All Basotho Convention (ABC) led by Thomas Motsoahae Thabane, the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), by Mothetjoa Metsing and the Basotho National Party (BNP) under Thesele 'Maseribane's leadership fortuitously, yet neither unconstitutionally nor surprisingly, won governmental power and thus jointly rule the country as aptly a triumvirate. Until the actual voting day there was nothing discernibly common between any of these political parties. Indeed, they had squared up against each other as mutually hostile entities frantically trying to maximise their individual chances of winning the elections. Section 87(2) of the Constitution of Lesotho reads: The King shall appoint as Prime Minister the member of the National Assembly who appears to the Council of State to be the leader of the political party or coalition of political parties that will command the support of the majority of the members of the National Assembly. With 30, 26 and five seats respectively in the National Assembly, the ABC, LCD, and BNP achieved the required absolute majority by one seat to claim governmental power. This development ended the one-party dominance that had been for decades a feature of Lesotho's democracy. Catapulted to state power by an overwhelming majority vote in previous elections, then ruling LCD was an unrestrained force. It used its parliamentary majority to forestall debates on important national issues and passed bills as law before they had been properly scrutinised by its opposition counterparts (Makoa 2005: 69). LCD lost governmental power in a bizarre fashion to a third of its splinter parties since being formed 15 years ago, the Democratic Congress (DC). Its erstwhile leader and then Prime Minister Mosisili, together with the majority of LCD members of parliament (MPs) resigned from the party and formed, inside the house of parliament in February 2012, the DC, which immediately took over the administration of the country as the ruling party. LCD had similarly been formed in June 1997 to the chagrin of the opposition by the late Ntsu Mokhehle, then prime minister and leader of the then ruling Basutoland Congress Party (BCP), who continued to rule until 1998 under the banner of his newly formed LCD. Together, the ABC, LCD and BNP captured 61 of the total 120 parliamentary seats, a minimum required to form government. After the elections results had been announced the ABC, LCD and BNP triumvirate presented itself as a coalition. newly formed DC led by the former Prime Minister Pakalitha Bethuel Mosisili had won only 47 parliamentary seats. A coalition with the small political parties remaining outside the ABC, LCD and BNP partnership would yield only 59 parliamentary seats. Able to muster the number, the ABC, LCD and BNP thus coalesced into a bloc in accordance with the provisions of Section 87(2) of the constitution and claimed the governmental power that had clearly eluded the DC. three parties are in coalition of a type variously dubbed office-driven, office seeking or office-oriented, that is, the one that motivated by the quest for office, (Kadima 2006: 5) rather than by a convergence in parties' ideologies or policies--the payoffs, spoils or benefits being cabinet positions. quest for office and state power was clearly the key motivation and a bond that holds the formation together. Not only have cabinet positions been shared among these parties but also some of the government ministries have been subdivided and parceled into separate ministerial units ostensibly to increase their number so as to meet the individual demands of the members of the triumvirate. combined number of the coalition government's cabinet ministers and deputy ministers is a whopping 30, a far cry from the previous administration's 23 and thus a greater budgetary burden for a nation that is buffeted by grinding poverty. …