Coalition Of Interests Research Articles

Characteristics, Legal Nature and Taxation of Management Contracts According to the Macedonian Law

Managerial contracts are essentially synthesis of the power of management and the power of the leadership of the company. The conclusion of management contracts is not a simple and routine task which the contracting parties will easily access or, on the other hand, they will assign that task to other (third) persons. With the adoption of corporate decisions by the company, at the moment of appointment to the management body, and thus becoming a member of the body, rights and obligations determined by law arise. In the process of transferring the status powers to the management body or the manager, the owners of the companies or their representatives inevitably have to share a part of the power with the elected managers. The managerial contract is an act of free entrepreneurial will of the two parties that conclude the contract. Thus, this contract regulates the salary, allowances, participation in profit, reimbursement for expenses, reimbursement for life insurance, insurable income, and other employment rights and obligations. On the other hand, managers as individuals facing professional risk are to create a professionally based coalition of interests of all those involved in realizing the company’s corporate goals and business policy and thereby enable economic growth and development.

The making of consumer patriotism: mobilizing Christmas in Sweden during the Second World War

ABSTRACT During the Second World War Swedish citizens were encouraged to send gifts to military personnel spending Christmas on duty. Orchestrated by a coalition of commercial and military interests as well as unions, women’s and employer’s organizations, the annual Frontline Christmas Gift campaigns blended traditional rituals of gift-giving with patriotic objectives. Analyzing archival documents and press clippings the study shows how this campaign both preserved and adapted consumer practices as well as gendered norms throughout the war. Primarily framing women as the givers and male soldiers as the receivers, the campaign reinforced gender structures and discourses while also subtly adapting them and embedding the whole exercise in Swedish consumer culture. The study contends that the Frontline Christmas Gift campaign not only maintained but also transformed public and private spheres during wartime. By extending the family-centric tradition of Christmas giving to a national level, it strengthened societal bonds and reinforced the Swedish wartime narrative of national unity and preparedness.

The comparative political economy of sustainability transitions: Varying obstacles, accelerants and power in national capitalisms

Sustainability Transition Research (STR) has increasingly recognised the importance of capitalism and the capitalist state in constraining and accelerating the adoption of low-carbon innovations, but has engaged far less with the distinctive forms of national capitalisms. This article highlights the relevant insights of comparative political economy (CPE) that provide a fuller comprehension of the capitalist diversity shaping contemporary sustainability transitions. Specifically, it calls for greater attention to be awarded to the idiosyncratic supply and demand dynamics relating to national growth models, interest coalitions and institutional coordination, and historically-constituted political tendencies of governance. Through these insights, it is argued, the complexities of instigating industrial decarbonisation though the effective application of low-carbon technologies and the geographic asymmetries of transition can be better understood. The importance of these insights is outlined theoretically and demonstrated empirically through an examination of the varying strategic and institutional dynamics characterising sustainability transitions in the contemporary global economy.

“Free Passage” for the “King's True Liegemen”: The Meaning of Free Trade in a Corporate Age, 1555–1624

Abstract Scholars of late have come to reevaluate and appreciate the achievements of merchant companies that fostered commercial networks and established new global trade routes. This research would seem to lend support to historians who have characterized early seventeenth-century calls for “free trade” as mere sloganeering driven by provincial merchants suspicious of the London-dominated corporations. This article challenges this view and argues that free trade ideas had deep roots in early modern political culture. It traces the origins of these ideas to protests in the sixteenth century and shows how a broad coalition of interests drew upon ideas of property rights and the ancient constitution to challenge the new companies. So compelling were free trade arguments that they became a commonplace in the economic debates of an emerging public sphere. A reconsideration of the free trade campaign that is attentive to interactions and negotiations between the Privy Council, Parliament, and the public highlights the ability of the early modern state before the 1630s to readjust the political economy of the commonwealth.

Sectors versus borders: interest group cleavages and struggles over corporate governance in the age of asset management

Abstract Universally invested asset managers like BlackRock have established a dominant position in equity markets around the globe. While extant contributions have explored their voting behaviour and role in shaping corporate governance at the firm level, less is known about their potential to build interest coalitions with other business groups, and their leverage over state-level corporate governance institutions. This article investigates conflict over a far-reaching reform to co-determination in Germany. Qualitative content analysis of over 100 stakeholder statements yields that asset managers forge coalitions with short-term-oriented investors to abolish key tenets of corporatist institutions. However, a domestic countercoalition of financial and non-financial firms prevented momentous institutional change. This article improves our understanding of international asset managers’ preferences and highlights coalition building as a key determinant of the political power of international finance. By aligning the costs of institutional change for incumbents, corporatist institutions continue to act as shields against financialization.

INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF INTERESTS IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY: ECONOMIC AND LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE MODERNIZATION OF THE CORPORATE SECTOR

The article summarizes the main approaches to the institutionalization of interests in the national economy, as well as the economic and legal aspects of the impact of institutionalization on the modernization of the corporate sector. The purpose of the work is to substantiate the concept of the "mechanism of institutionalization of interests" to describe the process of forming a new social order that meets the requirements of the information society. It is noted that the formation of the information society in Ukraine lags behind the leading countries of the world, which, in addition to the war, is largely connected with the low efficiency of the institutional structure of the national economy, which inhibits innovative development. Emphasis is placed on the fact that the slower institutional and cultural changes occur, the cheaper labor is. It is substantiated that the theoretical basis for solving the problem of defining the "mechanism of institutionalization of interests" is the institutional economic theory, the theory of corporate management, and the theory of economy. It is suggested that institutionalization should be understood as socio-economic processes that shape the organization of subjects, turning their interactions into an institutional system, the elements of which turn into a generally accepted practice, which is preserved in an unchanged form for a number of generations, being confirmed in the real behavior of people. It was concluded that the institutionalization of interests in the national economy provides a degree of subordination of individual interests to public interests and affects the modernization of all sectors of the national economy, including the corporate one. A peculiarity for the corporate sector is that the role of institutionalization in this sector is that it is a factor in reducing uncertainty and a basis for forecasting the behavior of business entities. At the same time, the result of the institutionalization of interests can be considered the creation of a clear institutional role structure of interests, approved by the majority of participants in socio-economic relations, in accordance with norms and rules. In this regard, it is emphasized that the mechanism of institutionalization of interests in the national economy is also related to the creation of organizations and institutions that organize the functioning of the relevant institute, management and control of its activities, which again affects the modernization of the corporate sector. Characteristic signs of institutionalization of interests in the national economy are summarized. According to the results of the generalization, it is indicated that one of the criteria for the degree of completeness of the process of institutionalization of interests can be the massive predictable behavior of the bearers of interests in accordance with institutional patterns of behavior. It was determined that the institutionalization of interests in the national economy can be studied in two contexts. First, as a historical process of birth and establishment of new institutions, which allows us to reveal the reasons and conditions for their emergence. And, secondly, as the functioning of institutions within the framework of the socio-economic system in connection with the process of adaptation of the interests of individuals, collectives, sectors, during which mechanisms are formed that ensure stability and sustainability of development. The types of mechanisms of institutionalization of coalitions of interests for the modernization of the corporate sector are systematized. Based on the results of the research, it was concluded that in the interests of the formation of the information society, a transition from strict state regulation to a policy of flexible stimulation of the development and modernization of the corporate sector of the national economy is necessary. At the same time, the state's activities should be aimed at implementing mechanisms and institutions that stimulate interest in innovation and investment in human capital, ensuring social justice and solidarity.

"When a Father Speaks, the Child Cannot Answer Back": Patriarchal Anxiety, Gender Equality, and Malian State Authority

Abstract: In long intertwined constructions of political and household authority, the figure of the domestic patriarch has served as an analogy for the centralized postcolonial state of Mali, even as it clashes with discourses of natural rights stemming from the European Enlightenment. In early twentyfirst-century Mali, anxieties ran rampant among senior men who feared losing their status and privileges. These anxieties came to a head during efforts by the Malian government and civil-society groups to eliminate gender discrimination from Malian family law in the early 2000s. A broad coalition of patriarchal interests emerged to defend senior males' prerogatives against the perceived threats posed by gender equality. This backlash challenged the legitimacy of Mali's governing elite and exposed its weaknesses in the run-up to Mali's 2012 political collapse.

"When a Father Speaks, the Child Cannot Answer Back": Patriarchal Anxiety, Gender Equality, and Malian State Authority

Abstract: In long intertwined constructions of political and household authority, the figure of the domestic patriarch has served as an analogy for the centralized postcolonial state of Mali, even as it clashes with discourses of natural rights stemming from the European Enlightenment. In early twentyfirst-century Mali, anxieties ran rampant among senior men who feared losing their status and privileges. These anxieties came to a head during efforts by the Malian government and civil-society groups to eliminate gender discrimination from Malian family law in the early 2000s. A broad coalition of patriarchal interests emerged to defend senior males' prerogatives against the perceived threats posed by gender equality. This backlash challenged the legitimacy of Mali's governing elite and exposed its weaknesses in the run-up to Mali's 2012 political collapse.

Shaping planetary health inequities: the political economy of the Australian growth model

ABSTRACT Planetary health equity – the equitable enjoyment of good health and wellbeing in a sustainable ecosystem – is under threat from anthropogenic climate change and economic and social inequities. Driving these major challenges is the global consumptogenic system that encourages excessive production and consumption goods and services that are harming human and planetary health. Growth models lie at the core of the consumptogenic system. This paper examines the sources of economic growth in Australia, the coalitions that sustain this approach politically, and the implications of these dynamics for planetary health equity. Australia’s consumption-led growth model is underpinned by a combination of rising house prices and a permissive credit regime. This growth model is supported by a dominant growth coalition of producer interests, elements of organised labour, and property owners. The growth coalition has been able to successfully generate growth model policy convergence between the mainstream political parties. In turn this growth model, and associated growth coalition, has undermined the pursuit of planetary health equity in Australia by incentivising and driving excessive consumption, greenhouse gas emissions, and economic inequality.

Influence of female and male incomes on food expenditures of Nicaraguan households

Otras investigaciones han explorado si los ingresos del hogar son utilizados de la misma manera dependiendo del género de la persona que los genere. Sin embargo, la mayoría de estos estudios no incluyen dentro del análisis a los hogares con múltiples miembros generadores de ingreso. Este trabajo intenta llenar este vacío en la literatura explorando los cambios en los gastos alimentarios de los hogares generados ante una variación en los ingresos de las mujeres frente a aquellos percibidos por los hombres, tanto en los hogares nucleares con dos generadores de ingresos como en los formados por múltiples miembros generadores de ingresos. Este estudio es exploratorio y utiliza la Encuesta de Medición del Nivel de Vida (EMNV) de Nicaragua de 2014 como fuente de información. Para ello, se estima una curva de Engel de alimentos, utilizando análisis de regresión, que integra la noción de coaliciones de intereses de género como parte de las variables demográficas. No se encontraron grandes diferencias entre las asignaciones del presupuesto del hogar destinado a alimentación frente a los cambios de los ingresos laborales generados por mujeres y hombres. Las características personales analizadas afectan de forma negativa el gasto en alimentación. Por el contrario, las características del hogar, i.e., número de personas generadoras de ingresos y área de residencia, son los principales determinantes del aumento de los gastos alimentarios del hogar. No se encontraron diferencias entre hogares nucleares y múltiples generadores de ingresos.

The evolution of cooperation in spatial public goods games under a risk-transfer mechanism

An interest coalition of sharing benefits and risks, such as cross shareholding between companies, allows them to transfer risks in a competitive business world. In a public goods game, cooperators are at the risk of being exploited by defectors. This paper studies whether such risk-transfer mechanism can induce cooperative behaviors in social dilemmas. We model a public goods game with coalition mechanism in a structured population. The players are categorized by whether they cooperate as well as whether they are willing to form coalitions. Those who are willing (unwilling) to form coalitions with others are called coalitional (traditional) individuals. By exploring the phase transitions of systems, the spatial dynamics of some phases and the evolution of characteristic spatial distributions of strategies, we study the effect of this mechanism on cooperation. The results show that the positive (negative) impact of such interest coalitions on the competitiveness of cooperators (defectors) can be improved as the closeness of interest relationship within coalitions increases. However, this does not mean that a closer coalition can absolutely increase the overall level of cooperation in a more complex four-strategy system. This is related to the transformation from CCs (coalitional cooperators) to TDs (traditional defectors) due to CCs' breaking of the encirclement formed by CDs (coalitional defectors) at a low synergy coefficient, as well as the invasion of TCs (traditional cooperators) to CCs at the boundary separating CCs, TCs and TDs at a high synergy coefficient.

Uma ponte entre colonialismo e ambientalismo

Abstract Dr. Malcolm Ferdinand’s book “Decolonial Ecology: thinking from the Caribbean World” comes at an opportune time and fills a historical gap in the literature on colonialism and ecology. Provocative and daring, the sections masterfully address the themes of ethnic-racial relations, gender, and vulnerabilities. The book is a vital invitation to understand the interrelationships of gender, race, and class in the pursuit of justice and how these interrelationships manifest themselves. The compendium of information provided strengthens the multidimensional coalition of interests to better understand environmental injustice and widespread social inequality associated with a colonial ecology.

Review: Brewing a Boycott: How a Grassroots Coalition Fought Coors and Remade American Consumer Activism, by Allyson P. Brantley

Review: <i>Brewing a Boycott: How a Grassroots Coalition Fought Coors and Remade American Consumer Activism</i>, by Allyson P. Brantley

Strength of incumbent political symbolism at the simular elections of Seram Regency, east part of Maluku Province 2020

This paper aimed to identify and describe the power of incumbent political symbolism in the simultaneous regional elections of East Seram Regency, Maluku Province. Three candidate pairs followed this election: Alkatiri-Arobi Kelian, Rohani Vanath-Ramli Mahu, and Mukti Keliobas (Incumbent) Idris Rumalutur. Observation results show that the incumbent's political opponent, Rohani Vanath, who is the wife of Abdullah Vanath (former Regent, SBT), is considered to strengthen the politics of political dynasties, where political battles are dominated by coalitions of predatory interests and encourage the marginalization of people's power, as emphasized in Yuki's conceptualization. Fukuoka.

Экологическая целесообразность и экономические проблемы топливного перехода автомобилей

The vehicle fuel market are of high interest to many actors. The purpose of this study is to comprehensively identify the environmental feasibility and existing economic problems in the distribution of certain automobile fuels, to identify the fuel transition stakeholders and their influence on ongoing structural changes in the market. The study uses statistical data on the popularity of vehicles and certain fuels, as well as accounting and stock indicators of car manufacturers. Econometric methods, methods of financial statistics were used; regulatory impact analysis and content analysis of regulatory legal acts were carried out. In the course of the work, consumer, environmental and economic characteristics of different types of automobile fuel are systematized. It is shown that the prevalence of both more and less environmentally friendly fuels, both in the past and in the present, is explained primarily by the dominant economic interests of the actors rather than environmental ones. The complexity of coordination of interests in the fuel sphere and the gradual limitation of the possibility of opportunistic influence on the market of coalitions of interests are revealed. The directions of environmental standards adjustment for transport, measures and tools to increase the popularity of certain alternative fuels and reduce the exploitation of personal cars are proposed, with special attention paid to the specifics of the Russian market. The novelty of the study are the definition of environmental feasibility, distribution trends and existing problems associated with automotive fuels, taking into account a broad retrospective, natural and climatic and socio-economic characteristics of countries. Theoretical significance lies in identifying the role of environmental and economic interests in the past and ongoing fuel transitions. Of practical value are recommendations for solving existing environmental problems and ensuring the fuel transition in the world and the Russia, in particular.

Electoral accountability and political competence

Much research contends that candidate competence brings technical or political skill, such that selecting against such attributes seems irrational. However, if special interest coalitions are sufficiently strong, a majority may expect that political expertise will be used to select policies that generate rents for narrow constituencies at the expense of its own welfare. I develop a model in which a majority prefers to elect the less competent politician in order to undermine the incumbent’s ability to pursue the special interest agenda and derive the implications for accountability in this setting. The results demonstrate that the majority’s attempts to reassert control over policy through its retention decisions impede social welfare maximizing reform and distort aggregate welfare by either encouraging ([Formula: see text]) inefficient policy selection or ([Formula: see text]) inefficient candidate selection. Even if politicians choose policies that maximize social welfare doing so may only worsen aggregate welfare by providing voters with more information about candidate competence, which enables the majority to better select inept politicians.

The politics of ageing: how to get policymakers to support lifecourse policies

Abstract Background Given that there is not much evidence that ageing imperils the finance and provision of health care, why do so many policymakers act like it does? Methods We break conventional wisdom down into myths and realities, identifying the evidence against them. Results A first myth is that ageing produces unsustainable health care costs, which in turn, creates intergenerational conflict over public policy. A second myth is that older people behave as a single group, always pursuing policies that benefit themselves. The final myth is that decisions about policy are made by politicians who pander to that elderly block. The first reality is that most of the problems ascribed to inequality between generations (intergenerational equity) are actually problems of inequality within society as a whole that span across age groups (intragenerational equity). The second reality is that policies that address these broader inequalities are built on the life-course perspective, which focuses on identifying the policies which can make people happier and healthier at all ages by drawing on the context and circumstances under which aging occurs. The third reality is that it is possible to construct coalitions of politicians and interests that can develop and support sophisticated life-course policies that lessen the burdens of ageing and health on everybody. Conclusions Intergenerational inequality is not, and need not be, a significant problem for rich countries. It is substantially a product of current and past intragenerational inequality, and in fact inequality between generations often goes with inequality within generations. Intergenerational conflict is a distraction from policies that promote greater equality within and between generations, and talk of an ageing crisis is frequently just another version of longstanding arguments against public social investment from cradle to grave.

Induced seismicity or political ploy?: Using a novel mix of methods to identify multiple publics and track responses over time to shale gas policy change

To date, little research has investigated how public perceptions of policies to ban or restrict fossil-fuel extraction change over time; yet this topic is of crucial importance as countries worldwide seek to transition towards ‘net zero’ economies. This study addresses this gap by focusing on public responses to the 2019 moratorium on shale gas extraction in England, using an analytical framework comprising awareness, interpretations and opinions, and a mixed-method approach combining national survey, social media and local case interviews. Findings show high levels of awareness and support for the moratorium, yet differences between coalitions of interest based on ideology, scale and demographics. Social media analyses reveal a peak in public response across several days during a general election campaign in which different parties took divergent positions on shale gas. Public support for the moratorium – and induced seismicity as the primary reason for its introduction - was evidenced by the national survey, yet coincided with scepticism about its timing, extent and motivation, as indicated by social media activity and local case interviews. For some publics, the moratorium was a ploy to ensure electoral support, embedded in public distrust. This study indicates the merits of a mixed-method approach to understand the psychological and institutional context of public responses to policy change as it unfolds over time, and discusses the longer term implications of politicised attitudes for energy transitions.

Pestis: The Collective Challenges of Epidemics

Currently, COVID-19 is perceived as an epidemic, a new «plague», referring to the matrix metaphor of the pestis expressed in the series contagion – death – fear – isolation. This article aims to understand the multiple collective challenges posed by plague epidemics. The analysis of these challenges may contribute to the reflection on several dimensions that shape the COVID-19 pandemic threat. Individuals interpret the different pasts aiming to solve the problems they face in the present. The collective challenges that the political and medical «management» of the plague place are shaped by circumstantial coalitions of diverse interests, enabling the recognition, demarcation, and legitimisation of actions regarding its public management and control, materialised in concrete health policies, such as the development of several specific devices (isolation, health cordons, lazarettos, quarantine), thus intervening in the configuration of «collective management» of epidemics. Received: 20 November 2020 / Accepted: 22 March 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021

The Public Interest and the Information Superhighway: The Digital Future Coalition (1996–2002) and the Afterlife of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act

The Digital Future Coalition (1996–2002) was an unprecedented public interest coalition on internet and copyright policy with much fartherranging effects than has been recognized previously. Uniting commercial and noncommercial stakeholders to push back against intellectual property maximalism on the nascent internet, it altered both treaty and legislative language, entered a trope (“balance”) into national discourse on copyright policy, blocked US copyright protection for databases, enhanced popular engagement with fair use, and set the stage for the Right to Repair movement. This historical research was accomplished primarily by interviewing representatives of the Digital Future Coalition (DFC) and opposing groups, as well as one ex-official, and by consulting a hithertountapped private archive of documents relevant to the prehistory and 1996–2002 history of the DFC.