Clauses In Text Research Articles

Analysis of Speech Function and Mood System of WhatsApp’s Terms of Service

This study is aimed to find out the kinds of speech function realizations in Whatsapp’s terms of service and to find out mood types in each clause in WhatsApp’s terms of service. It is analyzed through identification of clauses Mood structures then being classified into four kinds of speech function; Statement, Question, Command and Offer.
 There are two kinds of clauses. They are 186 clauses of Terms of Service and 150 clauses of Privacy Notices. The mood types found in the text are 139 declarative clauses and 23 imperative clauses on text of Terms of Service. There are 123 clauses of declarative and 18 imperative clauses on the text of Privacy Notices. There are 262 declarative clauses in text, 41 imperative clauses. It means that declarative clauses are the most dominant in the text. The speech functions found are 262 (86, 46%) statements {divided in 139 in Terms of service and 123 in privacy notices}, command is 41 (13, 53%) {divided in 23 in the Terms of service and 18 privacy notices.
 It can be concluded that the Terms of service and privacy notices are giving information and ask the reader to do something to the users of WhatApps’s applications. WhatApp’s Terms of Service were dominated by declarative as mood types and all of them used statements as speech functions. Privacy Notices were dominated by declarative as mood types and statements as speech functions. It means that WhatsApp’s Terms of Service mostly give information than demand service and privacy notices mostly give the information and contains of demand of users.
 
 Keywords: Speech functions, mood types.

Multi-Channel CNN Based Inner-Attention for Compound Sentence Relation Classification

Relation classification is a vital task in natural language processing, and it is screening for semantic relation between clauses in texts. This paper describes a study of relation classification on Chinese compound sentences without connectives. There exists an implicit relation in a compound sentence without connectives, which makes it difficult to realize the recognition of relation. The major challenges that relation classification modeling faces are how to obtain the contextual representation of sentence and relation dependence features between clauses. To solve this problem, we propose a novel Inatt-MCNN model to extract sentence features and classify relations by combining multi-channel CNN and Inner-attention mechanism. This network structure utilizes CNN to extract local features of sentences and Inner-attention to capture sentence-level feature representations for this relation classification task. Besides, since the Inner-attention is based on Bi-LSTM, the global and long-term dependence semantic information can be well obtained in Inatt-MCNN to promote the model performance. We conduct experiments on two public Chinese discourse datasets: the Chinese compound sentence corpus (CCCS) dataset and the Tsinghua Chinese Treebank(TCT) dataset. Compared with the previous public methods, Inatt-MCNN model has superior performance and achieves the highest accuracy, especially on the CCCS dataset.

Measuring populist discourse using semantic text analysis: a comment

A quantitative index for measuring populist discourse based on the number of times references are made to the own and the other group has been proposed by Aslanidis (Qual Quant, 2017. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11135-017-0517-4). The references to the two groups are found in the actor part of the clauses in texts. In this contribution, it is argued that the clause contains a lot of additional information not on the frequency of occurrence of populist speech, but regarding the how or the why of populist speech. In this text, this is used for a comparison of populist and non-populist statements in speeches by a Prime Minister.

Annotations of Connectives and Arguments in Malayalam Language

Discourse relations in natural languages link clauses in text and compose overall text structure. Discourse connectives are an important part of modeling the Malayalam discourse structure. We followed the annotation procedure of Penn Discourse Tree Bank and worked on tagging of discourse connectives and arguments of Malayalam text and also report the senses of relation. We present our work on annotations of Malayalam discourse connectives and arguments which helps to know more about the discourse connectives and their appearance in case of semantic rules in Malayalam discourse. Discourse connectives may or may not be explicitly present in the relation. In our work, we focus on the annotation of both explicit and implicit connectives and arguments in Malayalam text and showed encouraging results.

Modality analysis: a semantic grammar for imputations of intentionality in texts

Modality analysis is a text analysis methodology that affords comparisons of how people from distinct cultural contexts differ in their accounts of why one or more of their numbers find specific activities possible, impossible, inevitable, or contingent. The technique is built around a two-part semantic grammar, the application of which involves the identification of modal clauses in texts, the classification of these clauses according to their modal forms, and the identification of rationales associated with the clauses’ modalities. We show that with sufficient training the method affords high interrater agreement. After providing a few tips on data-collection strategies, results are presented from a modality analysis of editorials sampled from the Arab newspaper, Al Riyadh, and the Hindi newspaper, Hindustan. The analysis illustrates how modal expressions can be used in locating well-known (e.g., Islamic and Hindu) cultural characteristics from among the vast quantities of discourse that societies continuously generate.

Etude contrastive des syntagmes nominaux démonstratifs dans des textes traduits du français en norvégien et des textes sources norvégiens

A contrastive study of demonstrative clauses in texts translated from French into Norwegian and in Norwegian source texts. Translation strategy or translationese? This study, which is based on a corpus of non fictional texts, aims at describing how the use of demonstrative clauses differs in texts translated from French into Norwegian and Norwegian source texts. The target texts contain 30% more demonstrative clauses than the source texts. The study shows that in many cases demonstrative clauses in the target texts correspond to other types of expressions in the source texts. The target texts add information that is implicit in the source texts and the use of demonstrative clauses can therefore be considered as the result of an explicitation strategy. The study also reveals a stylistical difference in the use of demonstrative clauses in French and Norwegian. These clauses are often used in French to introduce new information about a referent, a discourse strategy which is much more seldom used in Norwegian. It is therefore reasonable to conclude that the frequent use of this particular type of demonstrative clause in texts translated from French into Norwegian can be described as an instance of translationese.

Null Subjects, Switch-Reference, and Serialization in Jabem and Numbami

Null Subjects, Switch-Reference, and Serialization in Jabêm and Numbami Joel Bradshaw Abstract Analysis of null vs. overt subject NPs over successive clauses in texts from Numbami and Jabêm, two Austronesian languages of Papua New Guinea with rich subject-agreement morphology and rich verb serialization, reveals that optional null subjects normally signal subject retention across clauses while optional overt subjects signal switches. Comparison of these discourse-level switch-reference systems with clause-level verb serialization in the same languages, and with morphological switch-reference systems in neighboring Papuan languages and distant Austronesian languages reveals considerable functional overlap between canonical switch-reference systems and canonical verb-serialization systems, but with null subject NPs signaling similar types of continuity in both systems. Optional null subjecthood marks not just subject continuity across successive clauses at the discourse level, but also actor continuity, just as obligatory null subjecthood on noninitial verbs marks continuity of actors, patients, and other thematic roles across successive serialized verbs at the clause level. 1. Introduction. This study examines the occurrences of null vs. overt initial subject NPs in successive clauses in texts from Jabêm and Numbami, two Austronesian languages of Morobe Province, Papua New Guinea. Both languages are SVO and have rich and uniform systems of prefixes that uniquely identify the person and number of the subject of each verb. Null subjects in clause-initial position are thus very common and normally signal retention of the subject (and actor) of the prior clause, while overt subject NPs signal a switch in clausal subject (and actor). That much is fairly easy to demonstrate, but the analysis is complicated by two intersecting phenomena. (1) Both languages are especially rich in serial verb constructions (SVCs) that allow SVC-internal subject-agreement switches between successive verbs. Like other clause types, Numbami and Jabêm SVCs allow subject NPs to be either overt or null in initial position, but allow no other overt subjects anywhere else in the same clause. Each succeeding verb in an SVC can introduce a new thematic [End Page 270] role (patient, goal, location) in object NP position, but it cannot place a competing entity in a role already assigned earlier in the clause. Thus, a null-subject sequence such as 'we-carry taro we-carry bananas' (with pronominal prefixes here signaling subject agreement) cannot be analyzed as a single SVC-despite actor continuity- because it contains two competing patients ('taro' and 'bananas'). The same goes for 'we-carry food we-go inland we-go seaward', because it contains two competing goals-of-motion. But 'we-carry food we-go we-put it-lie house-inside' is a fine SVC because the whole sequence shows continuity of actor ('we'), patient ('food'), and location ('house-inside')-as well as continuity of tense, polarity, illocutionary force, and so forth. (2) Both Numbami and Jabêm have long been in contact with Papuan languages that have canonical switch-reference (SR) systems that morphologically mark subject continuity (ss) and discontinuity (ds) in the medial verbs of clause chains. Such clause chains may sometimes show levels of cohesion that approximate those of SVCs. In fact, some SVCs and clause chains are close translation equivalents. Attention is thus devoted to sorting out the differences among tracking subject relationships within SVCs, within SR clause chains, and within stretches of independent clauses.1 1.1 Data Sources. Jabêm (sometimes spelt Yabem or Yabim) is already among the best-recorded languages in Melanesia. Dempwolff (1939) undertook a grammatical description as his last publication. Zahn (1940) provides a thorough pedagogical grammar, with abundant exemplification. Zahn earlier produced a (1917) Jabêm-German dictionary, and Streicher has produced both a (1937) German-Jabêm dictionary and a (1982) Jabêm-English dictionary. Since Jabêm was a church and mission-school lingua franca used since the turn of the century throughout Austronesian-speaking areas of Morobe Province, there are also abundant materials in the language: primers, texts about a variety of traditional and modern customs and scientific beliefs, historical accounts of World War II, traditional and biblical tales, hymnals and liturgy, the entire New Testament and most of the Old Testament (Streicher 1982:657-658). The Jab...

Null Subjects, Switch-Reference, and Serialization in Jabem and Numbami

Null Subjects, Switch-Reference, and Serialization in Jabêm and Numbami Joel Bradshaw Abstract Analysis of null vs. overt subject NPs over successive clauses in texts from Numbami and Jabêm, two Austronesian languages of Papua New Guinea with rich subject-agreement morphology and rich verb serialization, reveals that optional null subjects normally signal subject retention across clauses while optional overt subjects signal switches. Comparison of these discourse-level switch-reference systems with clause-level verb serialization in the same languages, and with morphological switch-reference systems in neighboring Papuan languages and distant Austronesian languages reveals considerable functional overlap between canonical switch-reference systems and canonical verb-serialization systems, but with null subject NPs signaling similar types of continuity in both systems. Optional null subjecthood marks not just subject continuity across successive clauses at the discourse level, but also actor continuity, just as obligatory null subjecthood on noninitial verbs marks continuity of actors, patients, and other thematic roles across successive serialized verbs at the clause level. 1. Introduction. This study examines the occurrences of null vs. overt initial subject NPs in successive clauses in texts from Jabêm and Numbami, two Austronesian languages of Morobe Province, Papua New Guinea. Both languages are SVO and have rich and uniform systems of prefixes that uniquely identify the person and number of the subject of each verb. Null subjects in clause-initial position are thus very common and normally signal retention of the subject (and actor) of the prior clause, while overt subject NPs signal a switch in clausal subject (and actor). That much is fairly easy to demonstrate, but the analysis is complicated by two intersecting phenomena. (1) Both languages are especially rich in serial verb constructions (SVCs) that allow SVC-internal subject-agreement switches between successive verbs. Like other clause types, Numbami and Jabêm SVCs allow subject NPs to be either overt or null in initial position, but allow no other overt subjects anywhere else in the same clause. Each succeeding verb in an SVC can introduce a new thematic [End Page 270] role (patient, goal, location) in object NP position, but it cannot place a competing entity in a role already assigned earlier in the clause. Thus, a null-subject sequence such as 'we-carry taro we-carry bananas' (with pronominal prefixes here signaling subject agreement) cannot be analyzed as a single SVC-despite actor continuity- because it contains two competing patients ('taro' and 'bananas'). The same goes for 'we-carry food we-go inland we-go seaward', because it contains two competing goals-of-motion. But 'we-carry food we-go we-put it-lie house-inside' is a fine SVC because the whole sequence shows continuity of actor ('we'), patient ('food'), and location ('house-inside')-as well as continuity of tense, polarity, illocutionary force, and so forth. (2) Both Numbami and Jabêm have long been in contact with Papuan languages that have canonical switch-reference (SR) systems that morphologically mark subject continuity (ss) and discontinuity (ds) in the medial verbs of clause chains. Such clause chains may sometimes show levels of cohesion that approximate those of SVCs. In fact, some SVCs and clause chains are close translation equivalents. Attention is thus devoted to sorting out the differences among tracking subject relationships within SVCs, within SR clause chains, and within stretches of independent clauses.1 1.1 Data Sources. Jabêm (sometimes spelt Yabem or Yabim) is already among the best-recorded languages in Melanesia. Dempwolff (1939) undertook a grammatical description as his last publication. Zahn (1940) provides a thorough pedagogical grammar, with abundant exemplification. Zahn earlier produced a (1917) Jabêm-German dictionary, and Streicher has produced both a (1937) German-Jabêm dictionary and a (1982) Jabêm-English dictionary. Since Jabêm was a church and mission-school lingua franca used since the turn of the century throughout Austronesian-speaking areas of Morobe Province, there are also abundant materials in the language: primers, texts about a variety of traditional and modern customs and scientific beliefs, historical accounts of World War II, traditional and biblical tales, hymnals and liturgy, the entire New Testament and most of the Old Testament (Streicher 1982:657-658). The Jab...