Class Party Research Articles

Intergenerational Social Mobility, Political Socialization and Support for the Left under Post-industrial Realignment

AbstractThis article investigates how class of origin and intergenerational social mobility impact left-wing party support among new and old core left-wing electorates in the context of post-industrial electoral realignment and occupational transformation. We investigate the remaining legacy of political socialization in class of origin across generations of voters in the UK, Germany and Switzerland. We demonstrate that part of the contemporary middle-class left-wing support is a legacy of socialization under industrial class–party alignments, as many individuals from working-class backgrounds – traditional left-wing constituencies – have a different (post-industrial) class location than their parents. These enduring effects of production worker roots are weaker among younger generations and in more realigned contexts. Our findings imply that exclusively considering respondents' destination class underestimates the relevance of political socialization in class of origin, thereby overestimating electoral realignment. However, these past industrial alignments are currently unparalleled, as newer left-wing constituencies do not (yet) demonstrate similar legacies.

V. I. Lenin’s Struggle against Anarchism

ABSTRACT In the historical struggle between Marxism and anarchism, Lenin played an important role. In “Anarchism and Socialism,” written in 1901, Lenin denounced anarchism as a petty bourgeois ideology. Lenin defended this view over the next twenty years, as he fought for Bolshevik hegemony in Russia. This article argues that Lenin’s struggle against anarchism was significant for several reasons. First, it clarified the fundamental differences between anarchism and Marxism. Second, Lenin contributed to the victory of Marxism over anarchism, initially, in revolutionary Russia, and after that, within the Soviet era communist movement. Third, Lenin’s struggle offers original insights. For one thing, Lenin delineated the revolutionary limitations of anarchism. He identified the circumstances in which anarchism can empower or weaken the working class. Lenin also established the organisation, struggle, and leading role of the vanguard working class party as an independent distinction between Marxism and anarchism, a distinction that needs resurrecting today.

Multiracial Race Self-Labeling Decisions: The Influence of Gender, Social Class, and Political Party Affiliation

The growing prominence of the multiracial population in the United States is prompting new questions about the importance of social identities on race self-labeling decisions. I review and expand on a growing body of research on this population that focuses on identifying and describing nonracial categories important to shaping racial identities. Specifically, I utilized a national survey of U.S. adults administered by the Pew Research Center to investigate how social identities defined by nonracial categories such as gender, social class, and political party affiliation impact the race self-labels of multiracial people. In addition, I consider factors of racial identity, discrimination, and social pressure and their potential influence on race self-labeling decisions. The findings indicate that gender, social class, and political party affiliation are potential predictors of race self-labeling decisions of multiracial people. After adding the factors of racial identity, discrimination, and social pressure, the results remain significant. In addition, the results for social class and political party affiliation reinforce the actuality that a pervasive racial hierarchy and social stratification system, situated in the context of White supremacy, is embedded within U.S. society.

조선중앙사회단체협의회 논쟁과 합법운동론

Examined in this article are claims and arguments made over the Joseon Central Council for Social Organizations issue and the controversy that ensued over its nature. The objective of such examination is to compare the contents of the argument that surfaced in colonized Joseon for a Unified Socialist Popular Political Party, with how Socialist movements actually progressed in another country, which was in this case Japan.BR From 1924 through 1927, after it was confirmed that a General Election would be held in Japan, suggestions and propositions for a course correction in Socialist movements and political struggles for that aim began to spread both in Korea and Japan. In the wake of such arguments flying around, some of the Seoul-based Korean Socialists and some independent Socialists as well attempted to form the Joseon Central Council for Social Organizations (JCCSO).BR Socialists who supported not only the formation of the council but also its permanent operations also argued that a supreme body (other than JCCSO) that could regulate all popular social bodies in Joseon should be established to represent the Proletariat Class. They envisioned it as either a council of a Unified Coalition of the Proletariat Class, or a lawful, Unified Proletariat Class Party, which could be described as a Unified Socialist Popular Political Party. The aforementioned Joseon Central Council for Social Organizations was considered as a medium that could facilitate the fruition of that unified, lawful Proletariat Class Party.BR They did not deny the necessity of the Communist Party, but they still viewed it as a party only representing certain parts –albeit important parts- of the entire Proletariat Class. Unlike them, the Joseon Communist Party as well as other activists who were strongly against the idea of establishing a permanent body (apart from the Communist Party) argued that the Communist Party was in full representation of the entire Proletariat Class, and it stands for the independence of the Labor Class and the Proletariat Hegemony.BR The supporters of the idea of JCCSO’s permanent establishment show us that there were indeed Socialists in Joseon with opinions different from those who were in favor of the ways of COMINTERN and the Communist Party, which strongly believed that only a Vanguard Party could and should lead the Revolutionary movement.

From the Cold War to the Kosovo War

Cet article retrace les différentes approches de la politique étrangère au sein du Parti travailliste (PT) à travers le prisme de sa relation à long terme avec la Yougoslavie, au-delà de la vision caricaturale de la politique du PT et de la Grande-Bretagne comme simples forces de statu quo dans les Balkans. Reposant aussi bien sur des documents d’archives yougoslaves que sur des sources secondaires et sur la presse britannique, l’article montre que l’atlantisme était l’approche dominante dans le PT, du début de la guerre froide jusqu’à la reconfiguration des relations internationales qui a suivi la guerre froide. Les racines de cette orientation se trouvent dans la nature double du PT, à la fois classe dirigeante et parti ouvrier, qui l’a finalement lié aux intérêts géopolitiques de l’État britannique, mais a aussi poussé dans le sens d’une politique étrangère socialiste. Ainsi, pour la Yougoslavie, le PT a pu apparaître comme un interlocuteur privilégié à l’Ouest à une période de refroidissement des relations avec l’URSS, mais aussi comme un allié potentiel dans la lutte pour une politique étrangère indépendante, malgré une dépendance économique à l’Ouest. Néanmoins, les priorités du PT ont changé à la fin de la guerre froide, l’aile atlantiste ayant rapidement adopté une ligne pro-interventionniste en Yougoslavie, dans le sillage des États-Unis. La gauche, qui était auparavant réservée sur la tolérance de la Yougoslavie vis-à-vis de l’URSS, devint la championne des arguments anti-interventionnistes. L’article montre que si les deux côtés avaient eu des liens directs et des expériences en Yougoslavie, les alignements de l’après-guerre froide ont été déterminés par une interprétation locale des affaires internationales.

RUSSIAN MULTI-PARTY SYSTEM IN THE NEWEST DOMESTIC HISTORIOGRAPHY

The study of the Russian multi-party system was laid by the 1990 conference held in 1990 at the Institute of Marxism-Leninism, the most important points of it can be considered the 2003 conference at the Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences in November and the international round table Russian multi-party system and Russian crises of the XXXXI centuries (Moscow, March 27, 2015). At first, the main systemic principles of a multi-party system were called integrity, structurality, hierarchy; conditionality of the development of the system by its relations with the environment, and the folding of the system of political parties was dated from the end of 1905 the beginning of 1906. It was believed that parties expressed the interests of certain social group classes and were associated with the masses. Subsequently, the researchers came to the conclusion that there were no purely class parties either in terms of their social composition or social groups and strata, whose interests were declared in programs and slogans; and a characteristic feature of the Russian multi-party system was that its creator and main character was the intelligentsia. Subsequently, a number of authors insisted on the purely intellectual essence of domestic parties, calling the Russian multi-party system a myth; most authors, noting the leading role of the intelligentsia in the organization and functioning of parties, were associated with certain masses. In general, the Russian multi-party system was significantly different from the multi-party system of developed countries.

From classroom to conscription. Leadership emergence in childhood and early adulthood

Research on leadership emergence has mainly focused on adulthood and relied on retrospective accounts of childhood factors. Based on a prospective cohort study of 7719 boys born in 1953, of which 5928 were later drafted, we explored individual differences in leadership emergence in childhood and early adulthood. The data set consisted of register data from different time points and a survey of the cohort in the 6th grade. As expected, cognitive ability, tallness and muscular power were decisive for assessment of military officer suitability. However, we also found a moderate to strong impact on this assessment score from social class, leadership aspirations in childhood, birth order, self-regulatory skills in school, parental support, and previous participation in extracurricular activities. Similarly, social class, cognitive ability, developmental experiences, and birth order were important for nominations as class party organizer in the 6th grade. Delay of gratification was not associated with these nominations at all and was neutralized by cognitive ability in relation to officer suitability. The results strongly support a life-cycle approach to leadership emergence.

Jacobins, Bolsheviks, and the Dream of Revolution: October 1917 in the Trajectory of a Brazilian Metalworker of African Descent

Jacobins, Bolsheviks, and the Dream of Revolution: October 1917 in the Trajectory of a Brazilian Metalworker of African Descent

Republican Tradition As the Organizational Ideal and Tools for Its Implementation in Modern Political Parties

The detailed analysis of all four components of the republican tradition has allowed us to determine the conditions under which they can be fully realized in modern political parties as the organisational ideal. In the course of our research (its results are presented in a number of publications), we ran a diagnostic of Ukrainian political parties; analysed the external and internal environments; defined the prerequisites for the construction of successful ideological political middle class parties in Ukraine within the framework of the republican tradition as the organizational ideal; identified key issues that thwart this process and formulated our own conception of their solution. This made it possible to develop a strategy for restructuring Ukrainian political parties that includes their vision; a variable structure constructed for them – i.e. a dynamic network; and the order of deployment of political organizations on its basis, the concept of their activity, and the principles of financing.

The pizza party

Each month, this section of the Problem Solvers department showcases students' in-depth thinking and discusses the classroom results of using problems presented in previous issues of Teaching Children Mathematics. The March 2015 problem challenges students to determine how many pizzas they need to order for a class party. During this investigation, students have the opportunity to explore the meaning of division and to examine, compare, and connect additive and multiplicative strategies that may be used to solve this division problem.

A reversed double movement in Brazil: the (controversial) evolution of the Partido dos Trabalhadores’ education policy since 1980

Karl Polanyi identifi ed a double movement which took place during the bour- geoisie hegemony when, instead of liberalism, it has made use of interventionism to perpetuate its domination over the working class. Several studies have tried to update his analysis by identifying the double movement nowadays. Nevertheless, the aca- demia has not addressed the possibility of a reversed phenomenon where the working class would make use of liberalism to perpetuate itself in power. Th is paper aims at analysing the Brazilian case where the Partido dos Trabalhadores, a proxy for the work- ing class, has implemented pro-market policies in higher education. Whereas the party has not passed through structural reforms such as the British and German working class parties, it has drastically changed its approach to policy-making and campaigning since its origin in 1980. Th e study concludes that a reversed double movement may occur when the working class is in charge of the government.

Looking for social class and civil society in political discourse in Portuguese democracy (1976-2006) - content analysis approach

Political discourse gives an important clue to the importance of key concepts with ideological political relevance, in the political system. That is the case of social class, religion and political parties, considering their role in political and electoral terms. The social class concept has been long and widely debated in political sociology. Its importance in political language and discourse is the key issue of this research. The focus of this study is the importance of social class, considering the segmentation of different civil society groups as expressed in political discourse. The aim is to analyse political speeches made by the most important political actor in the nation, the President. Our scope of analysis covers the timeline since the first stages in Portuguese democracy following the Revolution of April 1974, and extends until 2006. Content analysis technique will be used to address it. The expected results point towards the loss of importance of social class, as a traditional key concept, which evolved in quite extensive ways, in its application to contemporary political messages. This study tends to converge with the mainstream literature that has elaborated on the structural and permanent loss of importance of social class in politics, including in electoral terms.

‘New politics’, new media – new political language? A rhetorical perspective on candidates' self-presentation in electronic campaigns in the 2013 Israeli elections

Political campaigns running during the Israeli general elections of 2013 saw a rapidly growing use of new media. According to reports, most of the electronic campaign activity focused on candidates' or their respective party's Facebook page. This article explores the rhetorical dimensions of electronic campaigns and particularly focuses on the formation of the public image of three candidate, all of whom were identified with the promise of a ‘new politics’: Yair Lapid, head of the newly formed ‘middle class party’ Yesh Atid; Shelly Yachimovich, head of the Israeli Labour Party; and Naftali Bennett, newly elected head of the religious Zionist party, Habayit Hayehudi. The rhetorical analysis uncovers three discursive strategies used by all three candidates: informality, meta-textuality and narrativity. These discursive strategies transform the campaign microblogs into personal ‘campaign diaries’ used by the candidates to account for ‘behind the scenes’ anecdotes, impressions and insights. The analysis shows that candidates used personal Facebook microblogs to strengthen their image as authentic and complex characters, rather than mediated personas engineered by campaign managers. This article argues that such political images were strategically designed in order to support the campaigns' promise to break from the ‘old politics’ and warrant the candidates' commitment to the ‘new politics’.

Skład socjalno-klasowy KPCh w świetle 18. Kongresu

The 18. Congress of CPC (November 2012) was a great event in the political life of China and it had the influence on the world policy. It is reult of dynamic uprising of the economy and modernisation in China after last moree 35 years (second economy), also the position and rolle of PR of China in the international life. The main idea of 18. Congress is the conception of scientific development. The political and ideological force of China is CPC. What is a class-social character of contemporal CPC, its social-class composition, its new leaders, what was the CPC evolution from working class party through peasant party to allnational party, it`s the main questions of papers. The last problem is the prospect of socialism in China.

Evaluation of implementation of a healthy food and drink supply strategy throughout the whole school environment in Queensland state schools, Australia

This paper reports on the evaluation of the Smart Choices healthy food and drink supply strategy for Queensland schools (Smart Choices) implementation across the whole school environment in state government primary and secondary schools in Queensland, Australia. Three concurrent surveys using different methods for each group of stakeholders that targeted all 1275 school Principals, all 1258 Parent and Citizens' Associations (P&Cs) and a random sample of 526 tuckshop convenors throughout Queensland. Nine hundred and seventy-three Principals, 598 P&Cs and 513 tuckshop convenors participated with response rates of 78%, 48% and 98%, respectively. Nearly all Principals (97%), P&Cs (99%) and tuckshop convenors (97%) reported that their school tuckshop had implemented Smart Choices. The majority of Principals and P&Cs reported implementation, respectively, in: school breakfast programs (98 and 92%); vending machine stock (94 and 83%); vending machine advertising (85 and 84%); school events (87 and 88%); school sporting events (81 and 80%); sponsorship and advertising (93 and 84%); fundraising events (80 and 84%); and sporting clubs (73 and 75%). Implementation in curriculum activities, classroom rewards and class parties was reported, respectively, by 97%, 86% and 75% of Principals. Respondents also reported very high levels of understanding of Smart Choices and engagement of the school community. The results demonstrated that food supply interventions to promote nutrition across all domains of the school environment can be implemented successfully.

Blue collars striking the Red Flag: formal and descriptive representation of the working class in the Belgian House of Representatives 1946–2007

In this article the effect of ideological changes in political parties (catch-all process) and in their recruitment patterns (professionalization) on the party affiliation of working-class politicians is investigated in Belgium, both for Members of Parliament (MPs) and for candidates. The disappearance of the link between the working class and social-democratic parties due to enlargement of the parties’ focus coincides with a decline in formal and descriptive representatives of that class in such parties. This could be problematic for the substantive representation of working-class interests. The relatively high number of working-class representatives in extreme right parties do not necessarily defend all working-class interests.

Marx, Marxism and the British Working Class Movement: Some Continuing Issues for the 21st Century

For Marx the British working class was both a practical inspiration and a challenge. Britain's was the world's first majority proletariat and in the 1840s was also the first to create a mass working class party. Yet in the second half of the 19th century British trade unions changed direction, allied themselves with bourgeois political parties and worked within the assumptions of the existing system. Marx's explanation of this transformation is, the article argues, of continuing importance for our understanding of working class consciousness—with its key elements carried forward by both Luxemburg and Lenin in their critique of the revisionism of the Second International. The main intent of the article is to use more recent examples of working class mobilization in Britain to show the continuing relevance of this analysis. It focuses in particular on the issue of the relationship between the working class and a Marxist party. In doing so it draws on the Soviet school of Vygotsky and Leontiev to argue for a dialectical and materialist understanding of the development of working class consciousness in which the role of a Communist Party, in Marx's terms, remains critical.

How Parties Shape Class Politics: Explaining the Decline of the Class Basis of Party Support

Why has the association between class and party declined over time? Contrary to conventional wisdom that emphasizes the fracturing of social structures and blurring of class boundaries in post-industrial society, it is argued here that class divisions in party preferences are conditioned by the changing shape of the class structure and the effect of parties’ strategic ideological responses to this transformation on the choices facing voters. This thesis is tested using British survey data from 1959 to 2006. We demonstrate that increasing class heterogeneity does not account for the decline of the class–party association, which occurs primarily as a result of ideological convergence between the main parties resulting from New Labour's shift to the centre.

Abe Isoo and Kawakami Hajime in Interwar Japan — Economic Reform or Revolution?

This article explores the views of two eminent professors of economics, Abe Isoo (1865-1949) and Kawakami Hajime (1879-1946), regarding their socialist economic theories for easing poverty in Japan during the interwar years (1918-1939). Prior to this period, Abe believed the cure to capitalism’s ills lay in a combination of socialist economic reforms (sangyo demokurashii) and individual spiritual refinement. Kawakami, at that time a bourgeois economist, prioritised the spiritual revolution of the rich over any socialist-type economic reform. Thus, although convinced of the need for a different approach to eradicating poverty, they nevertheless agreed in the need for gradual change rather than radical reform (Gavin East Asia An International Quarterly 24:1, 30). The year 1928 marked a significant turning point both for Japanese social movements and in the lives of Abe and Kawakami. That year heralded Japan’s first national election under the new Universal Male Suffrage Law, and saw the police exercise their extended authority as they undertook a nationwide round-up of students and intellectuals suspected of left-wing tendencies (the March 15 Incident). Also in that year, Abe and Kawakami resigned from academic posts to dedicate themselves to alleviating the privations of the working class. Abe, by then well known as the father of Japanese socialism and as a Christian pacifist, became a symbolic figure for Japan’s working class parties, although he later came to support the government during WWII. Kawakami, who was forced to resign from his post during the round-up, “washed his hands of bourgeois economics”, became a prominent spokesman for Marxism in Japan ([28], xi, pp. 76, 169). This article will reveal that both Abe and Kawakami’s social and economic theories changed during the interwar period, so that Abe came to see imperial sovereignty as crucial to socialist economic reform, while Kawakami came to see it as a minion of the capitalists and advocated institutional and political revolution.

A Unique Pedagogical Approach to Voting and Public Goods

AbstractFourth grade students at a public elementary school in Houston, Texas, participated in a one-week exercise intended to mimic the process of creating a public good through a democratic process. The exercise involved students in four separate classes designing a class party with different characteristics (theme, music, and food) through a voluntary but personally costly voting procedure. The students then held the party that they had created. A formal assessment of learning objectives and a debriefing were also part of the exercise. Some ideas investigated include the disconnection between the actual party's characteristics and the revealed preferences of the students during the debriefing—a lesson of collective action—and the satisfaction and learning outcomes experienced by a minority of students as the result of being political activists and having their preferences realized in the makeup of their class party.