Clash Of Interests Research Articles

Russia in the system of functioning models of the modern world market for arms and military equipment

In the context of modern geopolitical conflicts, which have led to complications in the international trade and investment cooperation between countries, there are serious changes in the positions of states in the global export of arms and military equipment (hereinafter referred to as AME). Structural transformations in the international exchange of the AME are also conditioned by the clash of economic interests of individual countries due to globalisation of recent decades as well as by the use of various models of production and export of the AME at the national level. As shown in our article, states of the world are seriously differentiated in their own production of the AME according to the degree of their dependence on imports and foreign suppliers of components and technologies. The fact that countries can be advanced participants in the technological chain or be niche suppliers determines new directions for their international specialisation and, largely, the rules and nature of competition in the modern AME market. As part of the presented analysis of the national specialisation models of states, the competitive advantages and weaknesses of Russia as one of the leading arms exporters in the world are shown. At the same time, the foreign policy and economic risks of strengthening its position in the global AME trade have been assessed. Based on the results of the study, directions for reinforcing the potential of the Russian military-industrial complex in the world AME market have been formulated.

Supplying the Lithuanian Army with Weapons in War Against Bolsheviks and Bermondt-Avalov Formations in 1919 at the Clash of Interests Between the Entente and Germany

Western political, social and economic support to Ukraine in face of Russian aggression has aroused discussion and actualized historical episodes of weapons supply and military assistance. Historical analysis of weapons supply during military conflicts and wars in the past provides a good opportunity to become more familiar with the problem and may give fruitful insights for understanding this phenomenon in its broader sense. After the collapse of Russian Empire and after the end of the World War I Lithuania fought in wars for independence, and received military assistance consisting of weapons, ammunition, clothes, and food from the two opposing parties and former enemies – Allies and Germany.In the current article, the author analyses the question of the weapons supply to Lithuania through the lens of foreign policy interests of England, France and Germany, and explores to what extent the supply of weapons depends on overlapping foreign policy interests of both appealing and providing country. During the War of Independence, Germany supplied armaments, when it needed to stop Bolsheviks and to counterweigh the influence of Poland in Lithuania, but refused to do that when Lithuania intended to promote its own foreign policy interests to capture Vilnius in 1919. The same happened with Allies, who refused to supply weapons to Lithuania despite its appeals in the first half of 1919, meanwhile, Lithuania received weapons from the Entente when it faced direct threat from the remaining units of German Army, which also became dangerous for the vital interests of France and England in Baltics.

The erupting volcano: the role of the Ukraine frozen conflict and ongoing war in transforming international and European order

Purpose The European Union (EU) and Russia are considered to be trapped into security concerns in a form of spillover, in a zero sum perspective, considering each step of the other as directed against another. Such an approach seems to prevail, after attempts of engagements for decades after the Cold War. Rather history prevailed in informing perceptions and currently driving the behaviors toward each other, in other words in othering each other. Design/methodology/approach Discourse analysis Findings The move in Eastern Europe of both parties is perceived with suspicion from both sides, materialized through their policies, culminated in clash of interests and crash of policies between both parts, manifested by Russian aggression in Ukraine in 2014 and recently in 2022 in one side, and the EU response through massive, unprecedented sanctions against Russia. This has created a context that fosters not just keeping a status quo of clash and struggle for influence between them in the region, but also nourishes further securitization of their respective policies toward the Eastern Europe and beyond. In 2014 and more recently in 2022 Russian aggression in Ukraine, the EU and Russia appear to have the same image to each other as they had during the Cold War, or even beyond. Having this in mind, this paper will address those developments, with particular focus on attempts to avoid them, the failure to do so and how they are impacting the EU, Russia and global politics in a form of emerging new world (dis)order. Originality/value This paper is an original paper having a critical approach toward the current conflicts going on in Eastern Europe.

Czy wojna Rosji z Ukrainą wzmocni czy osłabi Unię Europejską? Neofunkcjonalizm versus neorealizm – zderzenie perspektyw i ujęć

The analysis presented to the readers is based on an in-depth study of the content contained in the acts and documents of the European Union and concerning the implementation of the EU strategy in the field of security union in the context of the war in Ukraine. The text justifies and proves that the European Union has taken strategic decisions and actions providing Ukraine with strong support for the general cause economic, military, social and financial resilience, including granting its humanitarian aid. In addition, the EU strongly condemned Russia’s indiscriminate attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure and called on Russia to immediately and unconditionally withdraw all troops and military equipment from all of Ukraine’s territory within its internationally recognized borders. The analysis of the research material presented in the study led to the formulation of the main hypothesis, which is: the war in Ukraine strengthens the EU at the strategic level at the same time leading to a clash of diverse forces and interests, which may result in fragmentation of the system, and thus its local (sectoral) weakening.

Navigating EU-Sweden forestry disputes

This meta-empirical study delves into the conflicts between Sweden and its forestry industry in response to the EU-commission's demands for sustainable forest management. Combining theoretical foundations with empirical analysis of existing research, this study grounds itself in a clear definition of forests as intricate, adaptive, and ever-evolving systems. The central research question revolves around the efficacy of Sweden's guiding principle, "freedom under responsibility," in shaping forest policy and fostering long-term sustainability.To dissect the core of this conflict, two fundamental hypotheses are explored. The first centers on the clash of interests between the Swedish government and forest industry stakeholders, while the second delves into the tension between monetarily valued ecosystem services and those without a market value, a natural market being absent. These questions are scrutinized using a novel method tailored for conflict analysis. A model article and two specific analysis articles are developed, each focusing on distinct facets of forest management, and are subsequently compared to reveal insightful contrasts.This contrasting approach unveils a comprehensive socio-economic framework underlying these conflicts—a framework that often remains concealed due to deeply ingrained patterns of thought and behavior within homogeneous groups. The method's greatest strength lies in its ability to render the invisible visible and the "silent" audible. It clarifies what might be obscured in the model article, bringing the contours of the conflict into sharp relief.The study findings affirm the value and democratic nature of the "freedom under responsibility" principle. However, for it to yield the intended outcomes, substantial and continuous educational efforts directed at relevant forest management stakeholders are imperative. This meta-empirical study highlights the necessity of a robust educational campaign to ensure the principle's success.Moreover, this study contributes theoretical insights that could serve as a foundation for conflict resolution:•Forests are complex, adaptive, and dynamic systems.•Human intervention prompts responses and adaptations within this system.•The choice of management strategies plays a pivotal role in achieving specific outcomes, whether biomass production or the preservation of natural forest characteristics.•The production of forest ecosystem services necessitates active management and does not occur automatically.

Методологические предпосылки исследования роботизации промышленности сквозь призму политико-экономического осмысления неолуддизма

The development of the robotization processes of the industry entails a kind of renaissance of research on the phenomena of Luddism and neo-Luddism. Neo-Luddism is considered in the context of an attempt to describe the reaction of a part of society to technological changes, including large-scale robotization of industry, transforming the social and labor landscape of the modern economic system, although it does not represent a complete concept and requires further scientific understanding. The purpose of this article is to identify, by turning to the political and economic features of the phenomena of Luddism and neo-Luddism, the methodological prerequisites for the study of industrial robotization, in particular the development of directions and tools for improving industrial modernization based on robotization. The use of the subject-activity approach (N.V. Gerasimov) and general scientific methods of cognition in the paper enable to describe the essence of Luddism and neo-Luddism through the prism of the clash of interests of individual social groups. A scientific discussion is presented regarding the impact of robotization of the industry on employment, and potential mechanisms for reducing the social costs of this process. The limits of applicability of these mechanisms and the political and economic grounds for their development and application are shown. It has been proven that the features of robotization of industry of specific economic systems, the effectiveness of directions and tools for improving this process, mechanisms for smoothing out socio-economic consequences and appropriating the positive effects of robotization depend on the existing balance of political and economic interests of social subjects and their groups. The obtained results can be useful in developing mechanisms for robotization of industry in the national economy and identifying potential economic and social risks arrising in this process. Further research of the impact of industrial robotization on employment in national economic systems may be of interest

Student Social Conflict Dramaturgy at Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar

This research aims to analyze and describe the occurrence of student conflict dramaturgy at Muhammadiyah University Makassar, to analyze and synthesize the mechanism of the student conflict dramaturgy process at Muhammadiyah University Makassar, and to design solutions for student conflict dramaturgy Unismuh Makassar. This type of research is qualitative research with a case study approach. The informants for this research were 22 informants. Data was found through field observations, in-depth interviews, and documentation. These data are developed by giving meaning to the data, interpreting, or transforming the data into narrative forms which then lead to findings that nuanced scientific propositions that ultimately reach conclusions. Based on the results of the analysis, it was found that student conflict dramaturgy was developed by the interests of alumni actors, self-actualization, regional symbols, individual differences, and even clashes of interests. The dramaturgical process of student conflict was based on the front stage, then the middle stage continues to the backstage, then normal activities (of Stage) and forms of conflict dramaturgy including, inter-individual conflict, inter-group conflict, political conflict, and the last one is the dramaturgical solution to student conflict at the Muhammadiyah University of Makassar through an emotional approach, mediation, and providing space for actor actualization.

The European Union’s Strategic Test in Ukraine

Russia’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine is the most severe challenge that the European Union faces. The EU has generally responded in a united and robust manner, overcoming the clash of national interests that had previously characterized its policymaking vis-à-vis Russia. The most transformative and significant decision that the EU has made is to treat Ukraine as a candidate for EU membership. However, cracks have appeared in the EU’s unity, and the enlargement process will be long and difficult—and it could be derailed if Ukraine’s territorial integrity is not restored. That will depend on increased European efforts and continued US military assistance to Ukraine, neither of which appear certain.

Конфликт Русской духовной миссии в Иерусалиме и Императорского Православного Палестинского Общества в 1909–1914 гг.: новое прочтение

The article is devoted to the history of the relationship between two Russian organizations: the Imperial Orthodox Palestinian Society (IPPO) and the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem (RDM) at the early XX century.The RDM entered into a struggle with the IPPO for the leading position among Russian institutions in the Holy Land. The problem was aggravated by indetermination of the functions of these structures and their interdependence. The main reason for the conflict was competition for accommodation of the Russian pilgrims and associated income. Another challendge to the IPPO was note of head of the RDM Archim. Leonid (Sentsov) sent to the Holy Synod criticizing the activities of the Society and proposing to allow the RDM to control the schools of the Palestinian Society and the organization of the pilgrimage movement. The discovery of new archival sources provides a more accurat picture of the clash of interests of the Russian organizations in Palestine, the participants in this confrontation and unpublic mechanisms of solving such issues. Russian representatives in Palestine often acted uncontrollably, promoting their own business interests. It was obvious that consolidation of all Russian institutions in the Middle East was necessary, but the question was who would head this system, including controlling the funds sent from Russia to Palestine. The conflict between the RDM and the IPPO was resolved at the highest political level. Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna had more opportunities to influence the Emperor than the bishops of the Holy Synod. This fact predetermined success of the IPPO. At the same time, the Grand Duchess did not seek to weaken the RDM, but, on the contrary, insisted on raising the status of its prior to strengthen the position of the Russian Orthodoxy in the Holy Land.

언어학적 갈등분석과 갈등대화 연구

The purpose of this paper is to explore the classification and causes of conflict, as well as to investigate the potential for conflict research based on linguistic aspects. Conflict and discord are inevitable in our lives because our perspectives and understandings are diverse, making conflict a natural outcome. To achieve this, we seek to understand the characteristics and patterns of conflict discourse and examine the linguistic strategies and features employed in conflict dialogue. Conflict naturally manifests itself in non-verbal forms, but it is more effectively expressed when mediated through language. This is because linguistic symbols can reflect differences in opinions, conflicting understandings, and clashes of interests. The resolution of conflicts is rooted in mutual understanding and effective dialogue, emphasizing the importance of comprehending and respecting the other party's perspectives. From this perspective, linguistic scrutiny of conflict plays a crucial role in understanding and resolving societal conflicts.

Japan’s relations with Myanmar: Subtle politics or just business?

The article examines Japan’s relations with Myanmar at the present stage with an emphasis on their features after the military coup in that country on February 1, 2021. Japan’s ties with the armed forces of Burma, which were created during the Second World War with Japanese assistance, have been preserved for many post-war decades and are still an important factor that predetermined Japan’s special relations with Myanmar. Currently, maintaining informal contacts with the Myanmar military allows Tokyo to claim the role of a “bridge” between Myanmar and Western countries and pursue its own “balanced course” in relation to this country in the face of a clash of geopolitical interests of the main international actors in Myanmar. This coup prompted Tokyo to distance itself somewhat from the ruling regime. However, at the same time, the Japanese Government is pursuing a very flexible policy aimed at preserving its political and economic positions in Myanmar. This is not hindered by the fact that Tokyo’s approaches to Myanmar often conflict with the positions of other Western countries and cause criticism from not only these countries and various international organizations, but also within Japan itself. A powerful pro-Myanmar lobby has been operating in Japan for many decades, personified by the Japan-Myanmar Association. Thanks to the actions of this lobby, as well as the so-called “special relationship” with Myanmar, Japan has become the world’s largest aid donor to this country and one of the leading foreign investors in its economy. Despite the fact that the majority of American and European companies curtailed their activities in Myanmar after the military coup, most Japanese firms, not wanting to lose profitable business, remained in the country, taking a wait-and-see attitude in the hope of the business environment improving. It can be assumed that the rich experience accumulated over many decades in the development of Japan’s relations with Burma/Myanmar, as well as continuing ties with the country’s military elite, will allow the Japanese government to adapt its political and economic ties to Myanmar under any regime in power in this country.

The Source of Clash of Interests and of Conflicts in Eurasia

The Source of Clash of Interests and of Conflicts in Eurasia

Clash of Interests of Turkey and Russia in the Post-Soviet Space

Clash of Interests of Turkey and Russia in the Post-Soviet Space

The Hypothesis of Cultural Differences in Sino-Us Relation with International Political Conflicts

Conflicts and tensions among major powers are often seen as clashes of interests between entities with significant influence. Nevertheless, from a historiographical standpoint, one would challenge the validity of such a simplistic view. The themes of nations that have to be considered full are undeniably formed by comprehensive historical and cultural components. Hence, it is essential to comprehensively evaluate cultural disparities to have a comprehensive understanding of interstate conflicts. This research uses case studies and qualitative methodologies to conduct a comparative analysis of the ideologies and national value identities that underlie Chinese-American interactions during the last decade. It focuses on the cultural distinctions inherited from China and the United States in order to get a deeper understanding of these connections. This research posits that the concept of democracy is firmly ingrained in the cultural and political fabric of these societies, giving rise to divergent ideologies. Numerous pieces of evidence indicate that the cultural aspects of a country significantly influence its political evolution.

Retrospective analysis of scientific and psychological concepts of domestic violence

It is emphasised that in connection with the full-scale war of the russian federation against Ukraine, new risk factors for the increase in domestic violence have emerged, among which the most significant are fear, uncertainty; a sense of helplessness and confusion; socio-economic instability and job loss; forced displacement and loss of a safe environment and established interpersonal space; disruption of family dynamics and relationships; increased alcohol and drug use; easy access to various types of weapons; and the emergence of post-traumatic stress syndrome.
 It is noted that modern science considers domestic violence through the prism of existing approaches that explain the causes of its occurrence and peculiarities of its course.
 The first approach, the socio-cultural approach, focuses on the analysis of social structures, cultural norms and values of society as factors of domestic violence. It focuses on the impact of social factors and structures, as well as family relationships, on the management of the atmosphere of violence. The approach sees the main cause of domestic violence and violence against women as the so-called male dominance in social relations, the lack of gender equality, and the existence of established patriarchal norms that contribute to violence.
 The next individual psychological approach considers concepts that explain violence by human nature and focuses on the study of the personality traits of the perpetrator and the victim. Proponents of this approach emphasise that there are certain innate inclinations and instincts that push people to violence.
 Representatives of the systemic-family approach focus on the study of interaction, communication dynamics, conflict resolution processes in the family and ways of reconciliation that exist between its members. Violence is caused by various physical, moral, aesthetic, and economic constraints. According to scientists, violence is associated with the use of deliberate physical, psychological, financial and material pressure on a person, as most cases of domestic violence intersect with psychological pressure and exploitation.
 Representatives of the sociological approach note that violence is a general social phenomenon and it is a consequence of the clash of various interests manifested at different levels of its development, i.e. violence is socioculturally determined.
 The most widely accepted today is the ecological theory of violence, which explains domestic violence by considering the problem from different aspects through the prism of the mutual influence of four systems on human development: microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem.
 Therefore, despite the war, it is necessary to continue work on prevention and appropriate response to domestic violence, and understanding the essence and content of existing theoretical concepts of violence is one of the components of countering this phenomenon.

Concept of Transformation of the Economic System of the Republic of South Ossetia: Main Directions of Implementatio

The article examines the problems of the economy of the Republic of South Ossetia and proposes the main directions for implementing the development concept in order to intensify the growth rate of the economy; increase its efficiency and improve all components of the social sphere; the key tasks of further political activity of the Republic of South Ossetia were identified, and the directions of structural transformations of the Republic’s economy were analyzed. The collapse of the USSR contributed to the appearance on the political map of the world of a number of unrecognized republics, the formation of which was a consequence of the clash of interests of major geopolitical entities. Over time, these republics contributed not only to changes in the economies of the main initiators of their creation, but also changed themselves, thereby undermining the existing order for years, destroying the structure and forms of ownership that had been established for decades, contributing to the decline in production. The states of the post-Soviet period that were newly formed after military conflicts have fewer opportunities both for the development of human capital and for expanding foreign economic relations and actively attracting investments. Taking this, into account new tools and mechanisms are needed to effectively stabilize the socio-economic situation of these regions and a gradual transition to self-development. The formation of unrecognized or partially recognized territories contributes to the emergence of rather complex problems that require their deep understanding, appropriate study and implementation of very flexible national and economic policies; in any other case, these territories are very difficult to preserve, which was confirmed by the events in Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023, as a result of which this state formation ceased to exist, which caused a deep resonance among the entire world community. In this study we will consider in more detail the main ways of restoration and planned development of the Republic of South Ossetia, as well as the main directions of the concept of transformation of the economic system of the Republic of South Ossetia.

British Edition of the Monroe Doctrine versus ‘Com- munist Militarism’: Collisions between the USSR and the UK in Eastern Countries in the mid-1920s

The new US foreign policy concept in the Western hemisphere introduced by the American President J. Monroe in December 1823 has become a milestone both in the country’s history and in the theory and practice of international relations in general. For Great Britain, the principles of the Monroe Doctrine acquired new relevance after the end of the First World War. The prospect of unfettered Bolshevik expansion into British colonies and dependent territories in Asia and Africa became a matter of particular concern for the UK ruling circles. It was this threat that forced the military and political elites of Great Britain to turn to the experience of their overseas counterparts and develop a set of measures that can be described as the British edition of the Monroe Doctrine. These measures were directed right against the Bolsheviks’ attempts to revolutionize the national liberation movement and to use it to undermine the ‘colonial rear’ of the imperialist powers. British decision-makers interpreted these attempts as a Bolsheviks’ endeavor to revive the foreign policy practices of the Russian Empire and denoted them as ‘communist militarism’. It is through the lens of the collision of the British edition of the Monroe Doctrine and the concept of ‘communist militarism’ that this study examines the dynamics of the Soviet-British confrontation in Central Asia in the mid-1920s. Special attention is paid to the struggle that took place between the two countries in Iran (Persia), Afghanistan, northwest India, Xinjiang and Tibet. This competition for influence over local rulers took a variety of forms: from information and propaganda campaigns to rivalry in the field of infrastructure and logistics projects. At the same time, it was accompanied by a constant clash of interests of various factions within the USSR and Great Britain, which prevented them from pursuing a coherent policy in the region. Together, these circumstances endowed the Soviet-British rivalry in Central Asia in the 1920s with a number of unique features that does not allow it to be interpreted as just yet another round of the ‘Great Game’.

Implementing History Education as Strategic National Framework for Strengthening Intergroup Relations

The main objective of this study is to examine the increasing socio-political, cultural and economic problems that have militated against the progress of African continent, and demonstrate the extent to which the re invigoration of history in school curriculum can strengthen development practice in the continent. Africa generally has been plagued by several social problems ranging from insecurity, ethnic-religious conflicts, post-election violence and a number of other socially motivated crises. Thus from the western African region to the south, Central Africa; East and North, the evidence of conflicts have been reported. The conflicts arising from clash of group interests, and particularly, among contending forces and several belligerent groups have unarguably, been the bane of economic and political development. To most critics, the arguments have continued to hinge of the relegation of history subjects in schools-high schools and tertiary institutions such as universities, polytechnics, among others. The multiplier effect of this is the huge gap that has been created between the past and contemporary age where a vast majority of the people are unarguably isolated from the mainstream culture of unity and common African cultural heritage. Again, with the rising wave of globalization and Information and Communications Technology (ICT), the orientation of the average African child is more or less greatly influenced by western culture and exposure. What we now experience in most African societies (Nigeria inclusive), is a system where people are hardly conscious of the Pan-African spirit of brotherhood which finds expression in collective interest as well as love and care. The consequence of this development is fast staring the continent in the face, while the sub-region constantly gravitate with numerous challenges raging from lack of community bonds, conflicts, violence, terrorism, kidnapping(as in the case of Nigeria);child trafficking, banditry, proliferation of small arms and light weapons; drug peddling ,among others. This paper is an exploration of some of the strategies that can be employed in order to mitigate social problems that have continued to fester among groups and sections of the African society using history subject as a point of departure. The study is essentially an archival work, and hence, relies on existing works of experts for its investigation. The method of data collection is therefore secondary in nature. The paper recommends that to effectively contain the challenges confronting the continent, there is the urgent need to reinforce the teaching and learning of historical narratives having to do with African culture and principles, especially among teenage population in African schools. This way, the much sought-after nation-building, peace, stability and viable inter group relations would be realized.

Community and People in Catholic Thought, 1830–1870

AbstractFar from being limited to denunciations of modernity, nineteenth-century Catholic thought had a programmatic and visionary side. This article deals with the models of community put forward by Lamennais in L'Avenir, Antonio Rosmini, Luigi Taparelli d'Azeglio, and Wilhelm Ketteler. These writers reimagined the foundations of public life against the claims of self-interested individualism and state omnipotence. Three theses in particular capture their vision of the future polity: 1) societies, which were not “mechanisms,” needed Catholicism as animating spirit; 2) political representation should be “organic”; and 3) whereas the liberal elites imposed their vested interests on the common people, the Catholic polity reflected their needs and beliefs. The four writers envisaged a community of the gentle and caring, which, like the family, was hierarchical, self-governed, local, and supportive. In contrast, it was argued that the people had no voice under liberalism because the elite's values were not the people's and because the political system was a mere arena for the clash of special interests. This was a communitarian and populist Catholicism, prizing self-government, denouncing parliamentary politics, and siding with “the people.”

THE LATEST SOCIOLINGUISTIC SURVEYS IN UKRAINE AS A DATABASE IN LINGUISTIC AND CONFLICT STUDIES

The object of this research is sociolinguistic surveys as a source of information in resolving linguistic conflicts, which we understand as a clash of national and linguistic interests of representatives of different language communities due to the inequality of language statuses within a bilingual or multilingual society. The subject of the study is the language issue in Ukraine, which has been used by political elites during election campaigns throughout the years of independence to mobilise their electorate and speculate. According to many researchers, the language issue in Ukraine is directly related to the definition of national identity, so sociolinguistic surveys include questions about national identity, among other things. The purpose of this paper is to try to determine the correlations between the political and ideological agenda in the country and the results of the polls. Of course, the Russian aggression could not but affect the language issue in the country. Along with the influence of official political and ideological discourses, the so-called agency is beginning to influence language policy in the country, as language activists or agents are involved in language disputes, which has been the subject of separate scientific studies in European and domestic works. Results. By comparing the results of sociolinguistic surveys throughout the years of independence, scholars are trying to identify social trends in resolving language conflicts. However, political elites continue to use the language issue to divide society, despite the fact that sociolinguistic data show that the language issue was secondary for Ukrainians, at least in the pre-war period. Conclusions. Even the optimistic results of the surveys, which do confirm the existence of certain, but not so significant, differences between the linguistic orientations of different parts of the Ukrainian population, do not provide guarantees of conflict-free coexistence on linguistic grounds, since competition between political elites can again present the language issue as a conflictogenic one and people’s views as polarised and uncompromising through the construction of relevant political and ideological discourses.