Claims Of Freedom Research Articles

Religious Expression and Exemptions in the Private Sector Workplace: Spotting Bias

Abstract Courts tasked with ruling on religious freedom claims in the private sector workplace have been faced with the following challenge: too weak a protection of religious freedom and it will become meaningless; too strong, and individual freedom will be stifled. Recently, courts on each side of the Atlantic have, respectively, leant towards each of these two extremes. In Europe, courts have afforded minimalist and, as I will argue, too restrictive a protection to religious interests. Whether out of deference to state constitutional traditions or economic interests, they have often undermined the protection of religious freedom. Conversely, in the United States, the Supreme Court has granted a maximalist and, as I will argue, excessive protection to religious interests. The article will demonstrate the flaws of each approach. It will unravel the main three types of bias that underlie these extreme positions, namely the state, the economic and the religious bias.

LGBT and Pancasila, Between the Essence of Human Rights Protection and the Existence of Pancasila Values and Islamic Law

Speaking of rights, of course we are talking about rights which are fundamentally inherent in human beings. Be it the right of life, the right of welfare, the right to justice, and the right of social security as embodied in the 1945 constitution. LGBT communities want the same thing, get the same rights, with principles of freedom and principles of equality. Not only does the LGBT community want legal protection against its freedom but also the legality of its existence in Indonesia. This article aims to learn the essence of human rights protection against LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) and its conversion to the existence of pancasila values and Islamic law, which is intended to find common points in both, is qualitative in the use of literature study methods (library research). As for the results of this study, LGBT basically has a right to cure abuses, not the claims of freedom to campaign, and to preserve existence in Indonesia. Certainly, one of its restriction reviews or ladsments is a consideration of religious morality that has always held a high regard for human dignity and dignity. There is also a value to maintain, there is a value embodied in the pancasila that gives the message, that every citizen must maintain a value and be irreparable.

A new methodology to extrapolate disease freedom to an area using surveillance results from selected aquatic populations.

According to Chapter 1.4 of the World Organisation for Animal Health (WOAH) Aquatic Animal Health Code, an entire country or zone can be classified as free of a disease only if there is compelling evidence that all susceptible populations within the country or zone are free. However, the methods for achieving freedom are not prescribed in the WOAH standards and guidelines. Within this context, this paper describes a novel methodology to determine if surveillance results can be extrapolated from a study population to a target population. A framework of six criteria was developed to standardize a method for extrapolating surveillance results to other susceptible populations that have not been sampled. Criteria 1 assesses the internal validity for the freedom claim on the source population. Criteria 2 assesses which other susceptible populations have a non-negligible probability of exposure. Criteria 3 assesses whether the risk of infection upon exposure of the source population is the same or greater than each of the other susceptible populations. Finally, Criteria 4, 5 and 6 assess if the other susceptible populations would transmit the infection to the source population or if they have the same exposure pathways as the source population. We illustrate the use of this novel methodology using two hypothetical case scenarios. The presented methodology has the advantage of being applicable either retrospectively or prospectively. When applied retrospectively, it can be used to assess if the surveillance results of the source population can be extrapolated to the target population. When applied prospectively it can be used to design a more efficient surveillance system by selecting source populations from which it is easier to extrapolate surveillance results to the rest of the target population. Conclusions drawn using this methodology depend on the validity of the assumptions made when working through the methodology. We therefore recommend cautious application of the criteria and thorough review of all assumptions.

Misconceptions of Religious Freedom: Toward an Empirical Study of Religious Freedom Awareness

This article offers an overview of the most common misconceptions about religious freedom, with reference to the 2017 UN Report by Mr. Shaheed and the perspectives of other human rights scholars and experts. It proceeds with the operationalization of a selected list of misconceptions about this subject for empirical research of religious freedom awareness. We discuss the primary results from a survey on social perceptions of religious freedom collected from a convenience sample of university students in Northern Italy (N = 1035), offering, first, a new scale of religious freedom awareness (RFA), and second, a consideration of its association with various dimensions of religious freedom and other human rights. The findings show that awareness of religious freedom serves as a robust predictor of endorsement of a broader set of human rights by participants, including those potentially antithetical to religious freedom claims, such as gay and women’s rights. We discuss these findings against a holistic approach to human rights and empirical evidence that other variables (political engagement, passive secularism views, and spiritual identity) contribute to the endorsement of rights culture in Italian society.

Timothy Snyder: contemporary liberalism’s Elmer Gantry

Critique of Timothy Snyder - historian and prominent public intellectual in US and Europe- in particular works Bloodlands Europe Between Hitler and Stalin 2010 & The Road to Unfreedom 2018 & journal articles - despite quality of research Snyder employs selective use of historical facts analogous to religious fundamentalists selective Biblical literalism -presents a Manichean theory of history – reminiscent of Cold War -democracy versus authoritarianism –a revised Whig theory of liberal progress but amounts to a political/intellectual closure – refer to Sheldon Wolin's theory of inverted totalitarianism and Cold War school of Sovietology. In Bloodlands Snyder presents a picture of not only Nazi-Soviet equivalence but symbiosis- Nazism becomes a response to communism—a false dynamic of history - basis of fascist revivalism in Europe. The Road to Freedom claims Trump owes victory to Putin, but is preoccupied with history of Russian far-right ideologues and events in Ukraine – this is a narrative of Putin's plan to restore Empireconquer Ukraine- destroy European Union – This exercise ignores the complexities of competing notions of nationalism and identity in Ukrainian politics and omits facts which could support a counter-narrative which show an element of Russian response to the escalating expansion of NATO and the policies of the 2014 government of ‘national unity’, in Kyiv - some US foreign policy insiders had warned about this from the 1990s – such a counter-narrative does not necessarily exculpate Putin. Recent research in the US has demolished that claims that Trump was a Russian agent, and that Russian bots and social media postings had any significant reach or effect on the 2016 election result.

The Trafficking of Elisha Webb: Black Freedom Claims in British North America

This article examines the story of Elisha Webb, an African-descended woman who was born free (ca. 1716) on Virginia's Eastern Shore. In 1737, she was illegally sold into slavery and trafficked to Portsmouth, New Hampshire. Webb's efforts to regain her free status, which she successfully obtained in 1742, illustrate the politics of African American legal claims to freedom in early North America. Although individuals such as Webb accomplished vital work in gaining their liberty, too often we have understood their claims to freedom as politically inchoate. By blending microhistory, legal history, and biography, the article reconceptualizes prerevolutionary freedom suits as part of the long trajectory of Black antislavery politics. Cases such as Webb's reframe prerevolutionary freedom suits as arising from a vernacular tradition that provided one point of origin for abolition. Webb's freedom suit makes visible three key areas of this vernacular tradition—the collective, portable, and instrumental legal knowledge in Black communities; the role of networks within Black communities and across Black and white neighborhoods; and the distinctive position of Black women in antislavery work.

Putting OIE international standards into practice, to support countries' claims of freedom from disease and facilitate safe international trade

Putting OIE international standards into practice, to support countries' claims of freedom from disease and facilitate safe international trade

DISMANTLING RACIAL ONTOLOGY: CONSTITUTIONAL ABOLITIONISM AS A SOLUTION TO SOUTH AFRICA’S ANTI-BLACKNESS AND WHITE SUPREMACY

The constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (the 1996 constitution) is typically represented as the ‘best constitution’ in public and academic discourse around the world. In this article, the aim is to argue against this notion. The thesis presented in this article is, how can this constitution be regarded as the best in the world when it has failed to make possible conditions which mark a break from the cultural, social, and political order of colonial-apartheid South Africa? This article then explores a comparative analysis of the racial ontology of conquest pre and post-democracy. The conclusion is that the racial ontology of conquest remained unabated irrespective of the claims of freedom and a ‘new’ South Africa was supposedly ushered in by the 1996 constitution. Consequently, the notion of regarding the 1996 constitution as the beginning of a new South Africa and the end of Black people’s sufferings is outrightly rejected. The concept of constitutional abolitionism is thereafter adopted and placed as a catalyst towards a decolonised South Africa where the racial ontology of conquest would be undone. In giving a proper analysis of constitutional abolitionism as a theory of the constitution, the thought and practice of constitutional optimists and sceptics are also dissected and challenged.

Prison Theatre and an Embodied Aesthetics of Liberation: Exploring the Potentials and Limits

Prison theatre practitioners and scholars often describe the sense of imaginative freedom or “escape” that theatre and drama can facilitate for incarcerated actors, in contrast to the strict regimes of the institution. Despite this, the concept of freedom or liberation is rarely interrogated, being presented instead as a given—a natural by-product of creative practice. Drawing from John Dewey’s (1934) pragmatist aesthetics and the liberatory pedagogies of Bell Hooks (2000) and Paulo Freire (1996), I propose an embodied aesthetics of liberation in prison theatre that adds depth and complexity to claims for freedom through creativity. Reflecting on over twenty years of prison theatre practice and research, I propose that the initial “acts of escape” performed through engaging the imagination are merely the first threshold toward more meaningful forms of freedom. I frame these as the following three intersecting domains: “Acts of unbinding”, which represents the personal liberation afforded by experiences with theatre in prison; “acts of love”, which expresses how the theatre ensemble might represent a “beloved community” (hooks); and “acts of liberation”, which articulates how these experiences of self-and-world creation may ripple out to impact audiences and communities. An aesthetics of liberation in prison theatre can, therefore, be conceived as an embodied movement towards personal and social renewal; an approach that deepens our understanding of its oft-cited humanising potential, and its limits.

Rebecca’s Ordeal, from Africa to the Caribbean: Sexual Exploitation, Freedom Struggles, and Black Atlantic Biography

ABSTRACT In 1832, an elderly enslaved woman named Rebecca told the Protector of Slaves in Demerara (part of colonial British Guiana) a harrowing story that, she hoped, would secure her freedom and that of her grown children. Decades earlier, barely past childhood, she had been sexually exploited by the captain of the slave ship that carried her across the Atlantic. He promised to free her if she bore his child. Her freedom claim, now in the archives of the British Colonial Office, is an extraordinary example of the countless freedom struggles of enslaved women in the colonial Atlantic world. Rebecca's claim committed to the archival record a rare, firsthand account of sexual exploitation during the Middle Passage from the perspective of an enslaved female survivor. Rebecca's legal strategy suggests that West African understandings and practices about sexual relations, kinship, and slavery shaped experiences during and long after the Middle Passage. Our efforts to piece together fragments of Rebecca's life are necessarily speculative and incomplete, but the result spans a remarkable breadth—from her childhood to her old age. Rebecca's ordeal illuminates some of the long-lasting, gendered effects of the Middle Passage and the continued relevance of African culture in the Americas.

The hidden hierarchy of far-right digital guerrilla warfare

The polarizing tendency of politically leaned social media is usually claimed to be spontaneous, or a by-product of underlying platform algorithms. This contribution revisits both claims by articulating the digital world of social media and rules derived from capitalist accumulation in the post-Fordist age, from a transdisciplinary perspective articulating the human and exact sciences. Behind claims of individual freedom, there is a rigid pyramidal hierarchy of power heavily using military techniques developed in the late years of the cold war, namely Russia Reflexive Control and the Boyd’s decision cycle in the USA. This hierarchy is not the old-style “command-and-control” from Fordist times, but an “emergent” one, whereby individual agents respond to informational stimuli, coordinated to move as a swarm. Such a post-Fordist organizational structure resembles guerrilla warfare. In this new world, it is the far right who plays the revolutionaries by deploying avant-garde guerrilla methods, while the so-called left paradoxically appears as conservatives defending the existing structure of exploitation. Although the tactical goal is unclear, the strategic objective of far-right guerrillas is to hold on to power and benefit particular groups to accumulate more capital. We draw examples from the Brazilian far right to support our claims.

What Does Indeterminism Offer to Agency?

ABSTRACT Libertarian views of freedom claim that, although determinism would rule out our freedom, we are nevertheless free on some occasions. An odd implication of such views (to put it mildly) seems to be that indeterminism somehow enhances or contributes to our agency. But how could that be so? What does indeterminism have to offer to agency? This paper develops a novel answer, centred around the notion of explanation. In short, it is argued that, if indeterminism holds in the right places, then the best explanation of the history of the world necessarily cites facts about our agency. Along the way, alternative proposals regarding the significance of indeterminism are considered and, ultimately, rejected in favour of the one developed in this paper.

Kant ve Hegel’in Felsefesinde Özgürlük

The main objective of this article is to understand Hegelian understanding of freedom through a comparison of its Kantian counterpart. I set up this investigation with a consideration of the debate between liberals and communitarians. In the history of political thought, many political thinkers have been occupied by the questions about the priority of right over good and of universal over particular. In order to answer these questions, one needs to have a clear conception of freedom since the claims of freedom and equality are universally accepted political values which should reflect our political institutions contextually. To accomplish this task, first, I will introduce a brief account of Kant’s idea of freedom. It is crucial to know Kantian idea of freedom and how this idea reflects to his political philosophy to understand Hegel’s emphasis on ethical order and particularly state institutions. Second, I will give a brief account of Hegel’s idea of freedom by giving references to his book titled Philosophy of Right. Third, I will introduce two major criticisms that Hegel poses to the Kantian idea of freedom. Finally, I will introduce how Hegel tries to overcome the problems of Kantian idea of freedom through the dialectical construction of the concepts of spirit, freedom and ethnical order.

Religious institutionalism: a feminist response

People who are committed to religious freedom are generally also committed to protecting the conditions for the cultivation of religious life. Because of the deep linkages between religious belief and practice and religious institutions, it can seem natural and straightforward to move from championing religious freedom to championing religious freedom for religious institutions themselves. Members of the Supreme Court of Canada indicated their readiness to make this move in a 2015 case involving a Catholic secondary school in Quebec. In this article, I challenge the idea that according religious institutions section 2(a) protection in their own right is either a natural or a straightforward consequence of a commitment to collective religious freedom. I describe the intellectual history and characteristics of religious institutionalism and summarize the claims of its principal Canadian proponent. I then outline several ways in which religious institutionalism clashes with our basic constitutional commitments. Finally, I develop several prongs of a feminist response to religious institutionalism. I highlight the normative character of questions about the constitutional status of religious institutions, the gendered nature of the relationship between religious institutions and individual rights-holders, and the organic and dynamic features of religious institutions. I argue that we must approach institutional religious freedom claims cautiously and resist any interpretation of section 2(a) that would entrench and shield from internal resistance a singular, institutional religious voice.

Fichte y la ilustración: de la defensa de la libertad de expresión a la exhortación al pensamiento autónomo

The aim of this article is to examine Fichte’s attitude toward what can be considered the kernel of the Kantian Enlightenment program, that is, the ideal of emancipation through the autonomous exercise of one’s own reason. To this end, I analyze two works written and published a little more than a decade apart: the Zurückforderung der Denkfreiheit (1793), in which Fichte fervently defends the Enlightenment as the goal towards which humanity progresses, and Die Grundzüge des gegenwärtigen Zeitalters (1804 and 1805), where he expresses a harsh criticism of his own time, the Enlightenment era. I will show that despite the evident change in his attitude towards the Enlightenment, Fichte not only adheres to the Kantian Enlightenment program but also radicalizes it. This can be seen, according to my interpretation, in the claim for unlimited freedom of expression and in the priority he awards to oral communication over written communication. To conclude, I raise the possibility that Fichte defends a positive Enlightenment that, unlike the negative and empty one he rejects, remains faithful to the end of emancipation and autonomous thought, and achieves it by effective means.

Le libertà delle città italiane nel tardo medioevo: qualche riflessione

La historia de la libertad en las ciudades italianas de fines de la Edad Media se enfrenta a una "gran narrativa" que interpreta la experiencia política de las ciudades con una tradición comunitaria como una experiencia extraordinaria de la libertad republicana, a partir de algunas convicciones sólidas: que las Comunas habían sido una expresión plena de la libertad de los ciudadanos, que la degeneración de las luchas entre facciones había llevado a su crisis, y que los regímenes señoriales habían marcado el final de la libertad allanando el camino para las invasiones extranjeras de finales del siglo XV. El paradigma central de la "gran narrativa de la libertad" es la identificación de las experiencias políticas de las ciudades italianas de tradición comunal con el sistema político republicano. Sin embargo, esta identificación parece ser una "comprensión previa" interpretativa que no se refleja en la documentación. Tenemos que volver a investigar el significado de las libertates en las ciudades italianas de finales de la Edad Media, sustrayendonos a una carga ideológica tan pesada, para comprender la variedad de los significados premodernos del concepto de libertad centrado principalmente en la reivincidación de libertad como ausencia de dependencia o un régimen político arbitrario. Metodológicamente se trata de comenzar de nuevo a partir del análisis de la documentación y de una exégesis afinada del lenguaje de las fuentes, que revela la extraordinaria variedad de significados y declinaciones asumidas por la noción de libertad en las ciudades italianas entre los siglos XII y XIV.

Masterpiece Cakeshop's Homiletics

Viewed closely and comprehensively, Masterpiece Cakeshop, far from simply being the narrow, shallow, and modest decision many have taken it to be, is a rich, multi-faceted decision that cleaves and binds the parties to the case, carefully managing conflictual crisis. Through a ruling for a faithful custom-wedding-cake baker against a state whose legal processes are held to have been marred by anti-religious bias, the Court unfolds a cross-cutting array of constitutional wins and losses for cultural conservatives and traditional moralists, on the one hand, and for lesbians and gay men and their supporters committed to civil and equal rights, on the other. The Court’s central anti-religious-discrimination holding doesn’t only potentially benefit opponents of such discrimination in other cases. This holding also has boomerang-like tendencies that should make it useful for those who would level anti-discrimination claims on a variety of other grounds. Liberal and progressive audiences might thus reconsider their aversions to the decision for this reason alone. What’s more, Masterpiece Cakeshop’s “shadow rulings,” described in detail here, dole out notable victories to cultural conservatives, traditional moralists, and lesbians and gay men alike. Officially declining to adjudicate the merits of the baker’s artistic freedom claim under the First Amendment, the Court’s opinion expresses openness and sympathy, but ultimately substantive doubt about it. In these respects, and notwithstanding suggestions to the contrary, Masterpiece Cakeshop is full of substantive lawmaking. Having tracked that lawmaking to its textual limits, analysis turns to the opinion’s final passage, which, on one level, importantly recapitulates the opinion’s constitutional rulemaking, instructing courts and governmental actors one last time on how to handle cases like this one in the future. On another level, the passage is a compass pointing to lessons in moral politics that the opinion offers to the partisans of the Kulturkampf. One version of the Court’s moral-political teaching involves instruction in a moral politics of respect and friendship. This may be practically politically viable, leaving aside whether it will in fact be accepted. A more ambitious version of the opinion’s moral-political teaching involves a moral politics of sibling love that’s certain to be widely and emphatically rejected. Reconfigured in aesthetic terms, however, the moral politics of sibling love may receive a more nuanced hearing: widely dismissed as an undertaking appropriate for politics, but received with perhaps different sensibilities on an aesthetic plane. If it’s presently uncertain and undecidable whether Masterpiece Cakeshop will prove to have been a major legal event, whatever is ultimately made of it, it covers plenty of ground, doing plenty of legal and extra-legal work, in the here and now.

In the Shadow of Dred Scott: St. Louis Freedom Suits and the Legal Culture of Slavery in Antebellum America by Kelly M. Kennington

Reviewed by: In the Shadow of Dred Scott: St. Louis Freedom Suits and the Legal Culture of Slavery in Antebellum America by Kelly M. Kennington Austin Allen (bio) In the Shadow of Dred Scott: St. Louis Freedom Suits and the Legal Culture of Slavery in Antebellum America. By Kelly M. Kennington. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2017. Pp. xv, 290. $54.95 cloth; $28.95 paper) Kelly M. Kennington’s In the Shadow of Dred Scott analyzes the 287 freedom suits that African American litigants pursued in St. Louis between 1810 and 1860. The city’s location along major transit routes running east, west, north, and south and its presence on the border between slavery and freedom gave rise to a variety of fact situations that, if litigated, may have established a freedom claim. St. Louis also hosted a black community that understood the law’s potential for negotiating the terms of enslavement and a legal profession willing to pursue freedom suits. But African American litigants formed the driving force behind those suits and Kennington argues that their participation in these cases shaped St. Louis’s legal culture. Missouri policy toward freedom suits experienced two major periods of transformation. One followed statehood in the 1820s. The other [End Page 221] occurred in the late 1840s and 1850s and resulted in the Dred Scott case. Most of Kennington’s sources, however, fall between these two periods, so she approaches her topic thematically. After discussing the setting of antebellum St. Louis, Kennington explores enslaved people’s decision to bring suit. The city’s black community developed a consciousness about the right to sue for freedom. Potential litigants tapped into this knowledge and weighed their options, determining whether legal action offered a better option than, say, running away. If they decided to sue, black litigants exposed themselves to significant risks. Enslavers might retaliate with violence or by removing them from the city or selling them to someone in another state. Missouri law made provisions against such activity, but the safeguards did not always prove sufficient. Litigants in freedom claims also had access to a legal profession willing (or, in some cases, required) to take up their cases and see them through. Freedom suits in St. Louis generally turned on some combination of three claims. Litigants asserted that they were born free and thus were illegally enslaved. Or they claimed to have been freed by will or some other agreement with an enslaver. Most often, however, they claimed that residence in free territory—usually in nearby Illinois— rendered them free. And the city’s freedom claimants appeared to have been successful. Kennington notes that thirty-eight perecent of the suits initiated in St. Louis resulted in freedom. Another thirty percent did not. (She could not determine the outcome of the remaining thirty-two of cases.) In the Shadow of Dred Scott makes two historiographical contributions. One is specific to the study of the Dred Scott Case, which has generally focused on the handful of Missouri freedom suits that made their way to the state’s Supreme Court. Kennington’s study provides the best account of the social and legal context (as well as the inherent risks and personal dimensions) in which Dred Scott emerged. Second, the book contributes to a growing body of work on black litigants in the South. Kennington builds on Ariela Gross’s Double Character: Slavery and Mastery in the Antebellum Southern Courtroom (2000) that studies the way in which enslaved people influenced the [End Page 222] legal process, usually by leveraging their status as property to exert an indirect pressure on the legal system. Much like Kimberly M. Welch does in Black Litigants in the Antebellum South (2017), however, Kennington focuses on more direct forms legal action in which African Americans asserted personhood. She emphasizes that claimants in St. Louis freedom cases foregrounded their character as persons and portrayed their treatment as property as a grievous wrong. In the hands of these claimants, the law became a powerful mechanism for African American agency and resistance to slavery. There is little to criticize in this book. In the Shadow of Dred Scott is a fine piece of scholarship. Readers might wish...

Historical Foundations and Enduring Fundamentals of American Religious Freedom

The eighteenth-century American founders believed that religion is special and deserves special constitutional protection, and that all peaceable faiths must be drawn into the constitutional process and protection. The founders introduced six constitutional principles for the protection of religious freedom: freedom of conscience, free exercise of religion, religious pluralism, religious equality, separation of church and state, and no state establishment of religion. Since the 1940s, the United States Supreme Court has upheld these religious freedom principles in more than 170 cases, albeit unevenly of late. Moreover, in recent years religious freedom has come under sharp popular and academic attack, particularly as religious pathologies have come to light and religious freedom claims have clashed with sexual liberty claims. This article calls for a return to the first principles of religious freedom for all, at home and abroad, and for a new balance between religious freedom and other fundamental rights claims.

"Cosmic Style" Discourse In Fashion: Presentation Of Personality’s Freedom

Introduction. In the article cosmic in the fashion of ХХth c. as a system of rich in content symbols, principles of construction of suit, that expresses aspiring of young people to the personal freedom is investigated. The aim of the study is to enlighten the individual's freedom and self-presentation as a discourse of cosmic style. The object of research is the cosmic as a system of meaningful symbols, the principles of costume design in the given period of time as an actual component of fashion. The question arises, in what way the youth's desire for freedom found expression in the space style? Why and how, in fact, this style was in fashion not only able to express young people's desire for freedom, but also to give it a proper expression? Hence, the tasks the study is to identify the fundamental changes of the creators of cosmic made in the system of modern costume as a figurative system, contributed into its democratization and personalization. Research Methods. In accordance with the aim and tasks of the article, a sociocultural approach was applied, which best allows to reveal the content of the topic. The complex of methods, in particular analytical, system-logical, phenomenological, cultural-semantic analysis, was used too. Research Results. In the second half of the XXth c. fashion in a variety of directions and styles demonstrates unprecedented polyphonicity in the aesthetic expression of man. Most facilities which the fashion of this period began to operate, in the first time was presented and offered within the framework of cosmic style. By the in a civilized manner-semantic analysis of artefacts an author exposes fundamental changes that the creators of space brought in the system of modern suit as a vivid system, his democratizations and personalisations promoted. Discussion. Philosophical understanding of the phenomenon of fashion, the dynamics of changes in styles, their proposed meanings since the end of the XXth c. has attracted increasing attention of researchers. The philosophy of fashion is a separate direction both in cultural studies and philosophy. Thus, accumulated material and research methods allow us to move to a more detailed cultural and philosophical analysis of the peculiarities of the manifestation of man's desire for freedom in fashion, its styles and directions. This topic is very broad, so the article attempts to partially cover it, namely in the context of cosmic style. Conclusions. The cosmic of the 60's gave the youth an adequate form of outward expression characteristic of its desire for freedom, self-affirmation, uniqueness, a form that perfectly corresponded to the non-conformist attitude of the youth, its dynamism, and desire to live brightly and freely. The young people of 1960s searched new-style of life, new forms, for creation of the external appearance which would express personality vision of himself in the world. The creators of cosmic gave these searches and aspirations of adequate form. In obedience to the spirit of time, they began widely to draw on accomplishment of high-tech in the field of materials. Influence of development of high-tech is shown in the field of production of materials on deep changes not only in a clothing but also in a lifestyle. It is underlined that scientific achievements and innovative technologies, connection of them with the creative searches of designers was given to the young people clothing and style, adequate to their aspiring to expression and claim of personality freedom.