Civilian Rule Research Articles

Konstitusi Myanmar Tahun 2008: Pembagian Kekuasaan Antara Sipil-Militer pada Masa Pemerintahan Sipil Usdp (2011-2016) & Nld (2016-2021) di Myanmar

This study aims to analyze civil-military relations during the USDP and NLD governments, as well as analyze the democratic transition in Myanmar that led to the division of power during the civilian rule. This research was conducted using qualitative research methods. That is, a method that is used by providing an overview of the problem being discussed by arranging the facts in such a way that it forms a configuration of the problem that can be understood clearly. This approach has an assumption by seeing social reality as an ever-changing condition and is the result of social construction between actors and social institutions. As a result, under the 2008 Constitution, the military in Myanmar remains dominant in security and defense with 25% of legislative seats reserved for the Tatmadaw. This division of power is unequal, resulting in military dominance, as the democratic transition is controlled by the military through a "seven-step roadmap to democracy," without the significant role of the NLD. Civilian control over the military during the 2011-2021 civilian rule was not achieved, with the military having sovereign authority in top-down policies and weak political representation.

GUINEA: Civilian Rule Urged

GUINEA: Civilian Rule Urged

Democratic Conundrum: Introspecting Complexities and Dynamics in Pakistan's Political Landscape

Research Problem: This research aims to explore the main obstacles hindering Pakistan's democratic transition, including weak economic policies, structural imbalances, and military interference, all of which have led to insecurity, conflict, and the oppression of civilian rule. In addition, this research also aims to understand Pakistan's political culture which combines autocratic and democratic ideologies, as well as how political satisfaction with different regimes impacts the acceptance of military regimes and the inability of marginalized groups to express their opinions under authoritarian rule. Research purposes: The aim of this research is to identify and analyze the main challenges facing Pakistan's democracy, including issues of partisanship and segregation practices, as well as to understand historical and current issues that can help identify changes needed to strengthen democracy in Pakistan. Research methods: This research uses a descriptive-analytical approach by collecting data through literature reviews and analysis of official documents, such as government reports and international agency reports. Interdisciplinary analysis is used to understand the impact of historical and socio-cultural factors on the development of democracy in Pakistan. Results and Discussion: The research results show that the main challenges to Pakistan's democracy include fraudulent electoral processes, political centralization, segregation, and biased party politics. The lack of a dynamic civil society and military domination of civilian government are contributing factors to the failure of democracy in Pakistan. Discussions of history and current issues also provide insight into the changes needed to improve democracy in the country. Research Implications and Contributions: This research has important implications for policymakers and stakeholders interested in improving democracy in Pakistan. By understanding and identifying the challenges faced, this research can provide guidance for developing appropriate strategies and measures to strengthen democracy and promote political inclusion in Pakistan.

When Coups Occur: Erosion of Democracy in Thailand and Myanmar.

It is generally accepted that attempts at coup d'état have decreased since the end of the Cold War. But this does not mean that coup attempts will not occur in the future. With the recent two military coups in Thailand and Myanmar, all the continental states in Southeast Asia have entered authoritarian rules. This article explores when coups possibly occurred in the cases of Thailand in 2014 and Myanmar in 2021 that experienced overthrowing the civilian governments and the rise of the military in power. The Early Warning Signals (EWS) recently endorsed to investigation of the likelihood of military coups and qualitative analysis of collected data on factors affecting such incidents were combined to better explain the situations. From this approach, this article found that Group Grievance and Security Apparatus indicators in the Fragile States Index are important factors leading to the occurrence of military coups in the two countries. Also, from the qualitative analysis, a political culture relying on on iconic political leaders in the two countries has been a negative influence that deludes democratization and challenges civilian rule.

Quasi-Democracy and Autocracy as Governance Systems in Nigeria An Examination

Abstract: Both democracy and autocracy are forms of governance systems that have been operated by humankind in the course of organizing society. They differ from one another and can hardly be combined for governance purposes without wreaking havoc in the society that does so. In some societies, there has been evidence that a historical transition from autocracy to democracy took place; the latter has since been consolidated. This is notably true in capitalist social formations. But, in some other societies, such linear transition has not been perfected and consolidated; such societies have often been stuck with autocracy, even when they propagandize democratic rule. Two points have to be raised about these forms of governance based on what has been said so far. In the first instance, because of the inherent differences in the natures of the two governance systems, humankind has arrived at a conclusion that democracy is better than autocracy and that it is historically a progressive development. Secondly and consequentially, a society that has been able to transition from autocracy to democracy should not allow itself to regress. This has not been the case in the Nigerian governance system. At Nigeria's independence in 1960, democracy was explicitly accepted to be an antithesis of colonial autocracy. However, both autocracy and elements of democracy were used and have since been combined for governance. Just halfway into the first decade of independence, the military took over, and alternations between civilian rule and autocracy took place. The paper attempts to clarify both concepts of democracy and autocracy, provide a detailed analysis of governance in Nigeria, and show how the country's debilitating economic structures and other factors have reinforced autocratic nature of governance, whether military or civilian.

Myanmar’s Menu of Electoral Manipulation: Self- and External Legitimation after the 2021 Coup

ABSTRACT One decade after Myanmar’s military regime organized non-competitive elections that unexpectedly commenced a period of political reforms, the military leadership upended this transitional period with a coup based on a narrative of electoral fraud. Cancelling the November 2020 election results which had confirmed the voters’ preferences for civilian rule, the military has begun organizing fresh elections while concurrently leading a war against the population. Building on Schedler (2002) and the debate on authoritarian elections, this article analyses the military’s contemporary menu of electoral manipulation as a comprehensive set of intertwined strategies. It integrates the analysis of various technical elements of the authoritarian electoral process that are often only looked at in isolation. The article deconstructs the military’s election-related narratives as self-legitimation in a region where authoritarian elections are the norm. Despite considerable efforts to forge conditions in their favor and create an aura of legitimacy, however, Myanmar’s military does not appear very imaginative in this undertaking, but employs a retrograde toolbox in a brutal manner. Whether this strategy is successful will not depend on the authoritarian leaders’ skills alone, but also on recognition from domestic, regional and international audiences which the junta’s performance seeks to achieve.

Indonesia’s Approach towards Myanmar’s Crisis: Understanding the Different Perspectives of the Democracy Process in Indonesia and Myanmar and the Role of the Military

The recent military coup in Myanmar has shocked ASEAN countries, causing some to question ASEAN’s trajectory and approach to addressing the democratization issue. ASEAN countries have taken different approaches, as reflected in the UN General Assembly’s call to halt arms sales to Myanmar. Meanwhile, Indonesia, the world’s third-largest democracy, the largest democracy in Southeast Asia, and an ASEAN founding member, has taken the lead. Indonesia brought the issue to the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting on 24 April 2021, resulting in a five-point consensus. However, it demonstrated no actual progress so far. Many scholars, democracy activists, and foreign policy observers consider Indonesia’s role since its success in reforming its military and turning it into a professional after having political domination. Thus, this paper examined different perspectives on how Indonesia encourages democracy in the region. Recent development depicts that Indonesia has subtly challenged the traditional non-interference policy approach. This paper enables Indonesia to maintain ASEAN’s constructive engagement. Indonesia must become a role model as the champion for a civilian rule that will not make Myanmar’s military weaker, less prosperous, or no longer be appreciated as the glue of the country—but vice versa. This paper also recommends intensifying the Indonesian military to military engagement with Myanmar.

Agrotropolis: Youth, Street, and Nation in the New Urban Guatemala

Agrotropolis: Youth, Street, and Nation in the New Urban Guatemala

Managing Diversity in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic National Assembly: Integrated Parties versus Ethno-Regional Balancing

Abstract Since independence, Nigeria has adopted federalism to manage the country’s deep ethno-regional divisions, but federalism has not averted instability and return to military rule in the past. This highlights the need for additional factors and mechanisms to secure and stabilize civilian rule in Nigeria. The country’s ethnic party ban ensures that parties in power have a broad basis across the territory. Theoretically, these “integrated” parties are often argued to foster intergroup compromise and political stability. Yet in our case study of intergroup relations in Nigeria’s National Assembly, we demonstrate that the country’s broad-based parties do not play a strong role in organizing intergroup cooperation. Despite this, the Assembly has not experienced substantial policy gridlock. We argue that instead of integrated parties, ethno-regional balancing (i.e., a practice whereby key positions in parliament are allocated to different groupings) is a much more important stabilizing factor in Nigeria’s federal parliament.

The Relations of Middle Eastern Countries with Myanmar: The Challenge of Increasing Influence through Strategic and/or Economic Ties Amid the Persecution of the Muslim Rohingyas

The Relations of Middle Eastern Countries with Myanmar:The Challenge of Increasing Influence through Strategic and/or Economic Ties Amid the Persecution of the Muslim Rohingyas Michael B. Bishku (bio) Introduction Myanmar, known as Burma until June 18, 1989, received its independence from Britain on January 4, 1948, and, unlike India, never joined the Commonwealth. It has been either under direct military rule or that institution's strong influence since 1962. From that time until at least the late 1970s, it was "almost completely sealed off from the rest of the world." General Ne Win's regime "was reluctant to allow any foreigners into the country, and had a passion for keeping foreign influences at a minimum."1 As a result, the country's economic situation deteriorated greatly and Burma began seeking investment from abroad, something that would have adequate success by the early 2000s. Burma's powerful neighbors were the [End Page 22] first approached and were quite receptive.2 As conditions did not improve, by 1988 there was civilian unrest which the military quashed with the use of torture, arrests, and the killings of thousands. While an election was held in 1990 resulting in a landslide win for Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), the military refused to hand over power. Nevertheless, Myanmar, which had been reluctant to join the Association of Asian Nations (ASEAN), an organization of states in Southeast Asia, during the Cold War, was admitted to the group in 1997. Today, even after the 2021 coup by Myanmar's army, most of ASEAN's other members, along with China and India, are the biggest foreign investors in Myanmar, with China and Singapore at the very top.3 Over the years, the United States, Britain, the European Union, Australia and Canada have imposed economic sanctions and arms embargos against Myanmar due to the human rights violations committed by the military, but eased them when political conditions improved.4 Those sanctions, corruption, and bureaucratic restrictions have discouraged some countries from investing in Myanmar. In 2012, Suu Kyi – who had been under house arrest for more than two-thirds of the time between 1989 and 2010 – and members of the NLD were elected to a limited number of seats in parliament, with that institution (and the country) still firmly under the control of the military. Also, in 2012, sectarian violence broke out in Rakhine (formerly Arakan) state – bordering Bangladesh – between Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims, the latter having been persecuted since General Ne Win's regime and effectively becoming stateless in 1982 when the Burmese government did not include them as one of 135 official ethnic groups. Since 2016, there has been an insurgency led by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, in which civilians have borne the [End Page 23] brunt of Myanmar's military actions. Meanwhile, in parliamentary elections in 2015 and 2020, Suu Kyi's NLD won landslide votes, but she was barred from becoming president, as her family members were British citizens; instead, she had to settle for the newly created post of state counsellor, a Myanmar version of prime minister. Although, in December 2019, Suu Kyi denied that the military's actions against the Rohingyas was genocide at the International Court of Justice,5 just over a year later, in February 2021, she was removed from office in a military coup and subsequently convicted of corruption, with other charges still pending. Myanmar is once again facing Western economic sanctions. While Middle Eastern states have periodically expressed concern for the welfare of the Rohingyas and criticism of Myanmar's policy in Rakhine state, the Arab Gulf states nevertheless have shown the greatest interest in increasing economic ties with Myanmar. Following the coup against Suu Kyi's government in 2021, Iran has reportedly provided Myanmar with military assistance. While there has been some academic study of Israel's relations with Burma/Myanmar, especially during the early years when that country was under civilian rule,6 no significant attention has been given to the ties of countries in the Muslim Middle East with Burma/Myanmar, a relationship that has been slower to develop, with the exception of Egypt, whose interests in Asia have diminished...

South America’s military governments during the Cold War: a discussion of inter-state warfare

During the Cold War, dozens of military governments existed in South America. Some lasted only days or weeks, while others lasted years and even decades. The human rights abuses carried out by these military governments have been well analysed, like Argentina’s Dirty War. However, an interesting fact about this period tends to be ignored: inter-state warfare between South American states, even during military governments, was very scarce. The Falklands / Malvinas war is the only case of a South American military government, Argentina, beginning a war against another state, the United Kingdom. There were other incidents that could have caused inter-state warfare during this era, but war was avoided. The only other inter-state war during the Cold War in South America happened in 1981 between Ecuador and Peru, both being under civilian rule. There were (and still are) reasons for South American states to attack one another, particularly to regain lost or disputed territory; however, as this essay demonstrates, war was almost non-existent. This essay will discuss why South American military governments did not attack their neighbours during this turbulent period.

1963년 박정희 군사정부의 민정이양 과정과 미국의 개입

This study explores the U.S. intervention in the transition to civilian rule from General Park Chung-Hee’s military government, and its aim is to determine the dynamics of the Korean political scene at the time, thereby reconstructing the history of the 1963 restoration of civilian rule.BR Park seized control through a military coup d’état on May 16, 1961. The Kennedy Administration promised to endorse the military regime and offer all possible economic aid if the coup group conducted a smooth transition from the military government to civilian rule. In 1963, the transition to civil rule was initiated, and the SCNR had been split, as the factional dispute between the Kim Chong-Pil faction and the anti-Kim faction imploded, caused by strife for control over hegemony. The U.S. government withheld additional aid, using it as leverage to purge Kim. After Kim was virtually expelled from the country, Park announced that military rule would be prolonged if the people advocated for an extension in a national referendum. In response, the U.S. government issued a moderate public statement, suspending economic assistance and attempting military reduction as a hardliner. As a result, the proposal to suspend the referendum was soon announced as Park’s April Statement, and the U.S. government, which was aware of it in advance, remained silent. Meanwhile, Kim planned to return around August, but he could only return home after the presidential election because of the U.S. intervention.

Peace Education as a Catalyst for Sustainable development in nigeria

Over the last two decades of Nigeria’s transition from military to civilian rule, the country has experienced series of conflicts, crises and crashes. The repeated inadequacies of the government to tackle this menace has disillusioned many Nigerian citizens. It appears the efforts made by the government are not good enough. The thrust of this paper is to look at peace education as a catalyst for sustainable development in Nigeria. The paper looks at the concepts of peace and peace education, strategies for peace education, sustainable development as well as peace education and sustainable development in Nigeria. The paper concludes that Nigerians must embrace peace education in all facets of our daily life until lasting peace is attained in the country.

Building relational peace: police-community relations in post-accord Colombia

ABSTRACT As an important pillar of building sustainable peace after protracted violent conflict, security sector reform (SSR) has the objective to prepare state security actors, who often have been active conflict participants, for work within the frameworks of democracy, adherence to human and civil rights, and civilian rule. A major component of SSR is the re-training and re-education of local police to improve their relationship with the local communities. This relationship has often been severely strained by human rights abuses committed by police against community members during the conflict, and it continues to be put to the test in fragile post-accord environments by persisting high levels of violence. However, research on how to improve that relationship, particularly from a bottom-up perspective, remains scarce. This study analyses the dynamics of the relationship between the police and communities in the transition period from war to peace in Colombia, a country tormented by continued violence even after the signing of the 2016 peace agreement that was to set an end to the country’s decades of internal conflict. Based on semi-structured interviews conducted during the fall of 2019, it applies the theoretical lens of the relational peace framework that approaches peace in terms of relationships between different sets of interdependent actors. The findings indicate that the relationship between the communities and the police has not reached satisfactory levels of relational peace, suggesting a set-back in security-related peacebuilding. The paper concludes with recommendations, including from interviewees, on how to improve that relationship.

Two Decades of Democracy in Nigeria: Between Consolidation and Regression

The year 1999 marked a watershed moment in the political history of Nigeria with the transition from military to civilian rule and the beginning of the Fourth Republic. Two decades later, the country has not only witnessed the longest period of civilian democratic rule but has also achieved a milestone with the alternation of power between the two dominant political parties. The augury, however, points to a democracy oscillating between consolidation and regression. This paper therefore interrogates two decades of democratisation in Nigeria in the context of the two main parties, the conduct of elections, and the level of representation of marginalised groups, particularly women. The paper contends that while it may be uncharitable to discount the incremental gains since the return to civil rule, the country is far from attaining the status of a consolidated democracy.

The political deduction and building political security In Sudan post of 2019


 
 
 
 The political deduction in political security issues has become one of the topics that related with the attention of researchers and specialists. On the philosophical level, the deduction based on a certain reason to be as the basis for proving a specific issue that cannot be tackled by the existence of contradictions between two extremes - paradigm (Security and Instability). So that, the future of political security in Sudan is still instability, although the international community's ability to impose their Comprehensive Peace Agreement since February 2005, and according to the requirements of what included in the clauses of the agreement to complete the procurement of democratic transition period, as for the Sudanese opposition forces and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement which are represented the real partners of power. So, the ability of the National Congress Party at that time could have power to consolidate its inclusiveness as a dominant political party.
 From the another hand, the possibilities to infer the dimensions of political security in Sudan are ready to restore the army’s control over the political life, but with the need to maintain the settlement of critical political issues according to a new criteria that take into account the demands of civil forces; However, the civilian leadership was still inactive by as a result of internal divisions and rivalries within, so that the local, regional and international pressures remain to be the only source of strength to achieve a kind of consensus and satisfaction to overcome the critical period and accomplish what can be achieved for the benefit of the political security for Sudan, at the present and future alike. Finally, the absence of mechanisms for managing the divergent interests between civil and military leaders may lead to an unstable civil-military alliance, and they concern about losing of the whole absolute privileges and powers that they enjoyed during the past three decades for the rule of former President Omar al-Bashir, leaving the civilian leadership in 2019 to be as a drastically situation in its inability to form a united front that pushed towards neutralizing the military’s authority or resorting to confront a new period as a returning of violence as what happened in the past. As for the multiplicity of factors affecting on the political security crisis in Sudan, it meant that there is no real solution to subsequent crises in the future, so that the possibility of shifting towards civilian rule remains the only way to manage differences. And the differences between civilians and military alike might erupted at any reason or incentive.
 
 
 

Transitional Democracy in Emerging Societies, A Comparative Analysis between Taiwan and Nigeria

It has been a quarter-century since when both Taiwan and Nigeria achieve civilian rule in 1996 and 1999 respectively. Nigeria experienced a setback by men in uniform amidst a beautiful beginning of its existence, and lasted for tens of years. Perhaps, the story is not much different from the rest of the African nations. Similarly, for decades, Taiwan encountered serious political turmoil, in fact, a crisis under a dominant overarching power of one party system. My research investigates democratic transition in Taiwan and Nigeria on a comparative basis. Nevertheless, the study proposes to examine some of the major factors that caused and brought about the transition as a living experience in these two different economies. This study will however, try to compare the political transitional process in these nations and its effects to the lives of their respective citizens and to the region they belong to. Egregious political legitimacy of absolutism in both Taiwan and Nigeria in pre-1990s generates direct reflection of democratization in these two emerging economies. The study concludes that the revolutionary wave that opens a new beginning in the European history, followed by the fall of Berlin Wall, lifting the Iron Curtain only to record the end of the Cold War, ousting communist regimes across Eastern Europe were among other forces that propelled democratic transition to replace tyranny with democratically elected leaderships in many parts of the world including in Taiwan and Nigeria.

Electoral Violence in Nigeria’s Fourth Democratic Experience: A Survey of South-South Geo-Political Zone

Incontestably, election constitutes the central process of instituting a government in any democratic system through the competitive vote of the electorate. This competition can either be peaceful as obtainable in most developed democracies, or it could be violent, as prevalent in most African States, including Nigeria. Since the return of civilian rule in 1999, the electoral process in Nigeria has been replete with violence as groups engage in the struggle to capture state power. This paper explored the prevalence of electoral violence in Nigeria between 1999 and 2019 with evidences from the South-South geo-political zone. Observably, the juiciness of political offices has raised the premium of politics such that competition for political power becomes ruthless and normless in Nigerian, thus making electoral contests akin to warfare in which lives and property are lost and destroyed. The paper ascribed the recurring and high level of political violence in the country to over-zealousness and desperation of political gladiators to win elections or remain in office at all cost. From the investigative and analytical outcome, the paper recommended, inter alia, a reduction in the financial attractiveness of political offices, handing down of stiffer penalties to perpetrators of electoral violence by the government so as to deter others from demonstrating such acts in the future as well as effectively educating the citizens on the dangers of electoral violence and its effects on democratic stability in the country.

Buhari’s Personality and Its Influence on Nigeria’s Foreign Policy Agenda under Civilian Rule (2015-2019)

Leaders' inputs shape foreign policy at the highest echelon of a State decision-making apparatus. President Buhari is the 15 th Head of State of Nigeria (2015-2019) and is in charge of the Nation's foreign policy. Hence, this study emerged to assess the influence of his personality on Nigeria’s foreign policy under his first civilian rule (2015-2019). In doing this, the study adopted a qualitative method, descriptive design, primary and secondary, and the role theory to arrive at its findings. This study revealed that Buhari’s personality traits were shaped by his military background, childhood upbringing, life and leadership experiences. Such manifested in Buhari being a disciplinarian, a conserve and reserve person, slow to take decisions but committed to them when they are taken, and suspicious of lavish living. This translated into Nigeria’s foreign policy Agenda of ‘Anti-Corruption, Security and the Economy’ under his first civilian rule. His personality was also a plus for Nigeria’s Foreign policy in pursuing these agendas. The international community accepted his antecedence and personality as representing a trusted leader with integrity to work with as a global partner

The Art and life of Alàgbà Fálétí – A Pic torial, Art and Artifacts Exhibition in Honor of Alàgbà Adébáyọ̀ Fálétí (1921- 2017) curated by Akinsola Adejuwon and Seyi Ogunjobi

Alàgbà Adébáyọ Fálétí to generations both in “town and gown” is a Yorùbá ̀ iconic cultural statement. His life was a window to different historical epochs in Nigeria. A life that spanned and recorded historical trajectories of early colonial, decolonisation, independent movement, First and Second World Wars, and Nigerian Civil War, Military and Civilian Rules experiences of Nigeria, is worth studying. The Institute of Cultural Studies, Obafemi Awolowo University Ile Ife in recognition of the deep engraving of the footprints of Fálétí in the sands of Yorùbá, indeed African times, called for befitting academic and cultural activities. Among these are this art and artifacts exhibition, a Colloquium, a Playlet and Documentary Film Show. Fálétí’s intense dedication to the promotion of the Yorùbá ọmọlúàbí cultural ethos and his deployment of his God-given talents and acquired capabilities in the promotion of Yorùbá literary and visual arts, history, poetry, orature, cinema and indeed 1 This is a review of the 2-week pictorial, art and artifacts exhibition in Honor of Alagba Adebayo Faleti in 2017 at the Institute of Cultural Studies, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria, curated by Akinsola Adejuwon and Seyi Ogunjobi.
 
 Reviews 192 Akinsola Adejuwon African arts in general, is not lost on all Fálétí enthusiasts. Furthermore, his remarkable service as Senior Art Fellow at the Institute of Cultural Studies OAU completes the Institute’s resolution to capture the worthy legacy in the appropriate location even with the inauguration of an Alàgbà Adébáyọ Fálétí ̀ Library, Institute of Cultural Studies. Within a lifetime of close to one century, Fálétí delivers perhaps unique classical Yorùbá messages in words matched with action, first to Africa and then the world. This review looks at the pictorial and art exhibition covering the world of Alàgbà Adébáyọ̀ Akande Fálétí. It is an assessment of a thematic display of selected pictures and objects which probably placed the observer within the environment and with people Fálétí related with. The images, pictures, artworks and objects in the display were segmented into five major parts. These focused mainly on Alàgbà Fálétí’s parentage, early childhood, education within pristine Yorùbá-driven legacies of the Ọyọ̀ -́ Yorùbá type, Family life over-written from data flowing from core Yorùbá ethical and artistic ‘motherboard.’ Represented also are years of adolescence and expressions of early youthful forays under various tutelary influences, variegated working periods, writing and acting plus public service careers. Alàgbà Fálétí’s childhood coincided with the period when the British Colonial Government had taken over administration of entire geographical space known as Nigeria. In spite of introduction of foreign culture and customs into Nigeria by the Europeans, Yorùbá culture remained resilient. Hence, we could imagine that the childhood of Alàgbà Fálétí was not radically different from Samuel Johnson’s description of features of Yorùbá childhood as characterised by ‘freedom’ (Johnson: 2009, pp.98-100). These facets of life are arranged in a flow of one hundred and thirty-two frames of pictures and images appropriately hanged on the gallery wall boards, awards, artworks and objects displayed on individual stands. The montage produced by the flow of images on exhibition probably rallied to install both the titular and tutelar toga of ‘Alàgbà’ on Fálétí. Perhaps this also developed from a character evincing deep and cultured qualities over the last century. Qualities projectable only from such roundly home-grown dignitary. An all-round Yorùbá man from the core to the marked skin on his face.