Chinese Presence Research Articles

What Lies Behind the Increasing Chinese Tourism Presence in the Northern Mariana Islands?

ABSTRACT The Chinese presence in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI) has increased dramatically in the past two decades. Fuelled by a combination of Beijing’s 2004 agreement on ‘Approved Destination Status’ and relaxed US border policy, Chinese arrivals boomed from the second half of the first decade of the new millennium. This article analyses CNMI’s economic engagement with China in the tourism industry. I argue that US federalization policies forced the CNMI to look for sources of revenue beyond the USA at the same time that China was expanding its outbound tourism. Yet, like the garment industry that preceded it, the Chinese tourism industry remains precarious and could easily fall victim to heightened geo-strategic rivalry in the 21st century.

Chinese in the Linguistic Landscape of Chinese Communities in Malaysia: A Tale of Three Cities

The study of linguistic landscapes (LL) in Malaysia has emerged as a prominent area of research in Asia, predominantly focused on Kuala Lumpur, the capital city. Despite Chinese constituting over one fifth of Malaysia’s population, the presence of Chinese in the LL remains insufficiently explored. This empirical study addresses this gap by examining the visibility of Chinese in the LL of Chinese communities across three Malaysian cities: Penang, Ipoh, and Johor Bahru. By analysing a corpus of photographed public signs from various spaces, this research investigates the visibility of Chinese in the LL both quantitatively and qualitatively. The findings reveal that the visibility of Chinese in the LL of Chinese communities in the three selected cities not only signifies Chinese identity but also serves as an effective means to preserve traditional Chinese culture among Malaysian Chinese. This study underscores the importance of understanding the role of minority languages in the LL within ethnic communities, contributing to a more comprehensive view of Malaysia’s multilingual and multicultural context.

The Political Economy of China’s Presence in Africa

Abstract This paper seeks to examine the political economy of China in Africa to unpack whether this foreign presence represents a miracle or a mirage for the continent. Data was gleaned from books, articles, official documents and the 2021 Afrobarometer Dispatch 489 survey (AD489). The paper argues that China is a rational actor that engages with Africa to advance its national interests. The Chinese presence in Africa has elicited divergent reactions from Africans of different social groups. The non-interference principle of the Beijing Consensus has led African power elites to embrace China as a reliable partner. Yet, the reactions of local Africans are mixed. While some applaud China’s contributions to infrastructure development, others criticise it for employing debt-trap diplomacy to assert hegemonic dominance on the continent, exploit African labour and extract resources. The criticism from Africans has led China to attempt to formulate corporate social responsibility policies, establish environmentally sustainable industries and ensure favourable working conditions.

Structural Transformation Through a Multi-vector Geo-economic Governance? BRI and Upgrading of the Uzbek Gas Industry

Gas is a strategic source of energy and Uzbekistan ranks 11th in the world for mining and 14th for reserves. The article investigates whether and how the BRI and Chinese capital have contributed to Uzbek structural transformation in the gas industry. It argues that although the Chinese BRI seems to adopt an extractive approach to acquire natural resources, its interventions are also an opportunity for multi-directional forms of upgrading in the gas sector, both directly and indirectly. Directly, first the Chinese involvement as a consumer has reconfigured geo-economic power relations around gas. Secondly, there is an unprecedented support by China to national infrastructure development, both as a lender and a producer. Thirdly, China is the main source of machineries to enable energy transmission. Despite these factors, BRI and the Chinese presence are contributing only marginally to upgrading. A coordinated industrial strategy coming from the Uzbek state remains a necessary condition for structural transformation.

The Path of Their Own towards Multipolarity

For the current Indian leadership, multipolarity is a naturally established world order in which the global agenda should be determined by the voices of many actors who are now "middle powers" like India. Both "unipolarity" and "new bipolarity" are unacceptable, including in Asia with the ascendance of China. It is perceived as a rival and a threat due to India's painful defeat in the 1962 war, the growing Chinese presence in South Asia and the Indian Ocean, and the confrontation on the Himalayan border. India is opting for a large-scale expansion of cooperation with the United States, which uses it to "contain" the PRC, but she is doing that without assuming additional obligations and without getting involved in the confrontation of these powers. Simultaneous membership in the SCO, BRICS and the RIC, and relations of a "particularly privileged strategic partnership" with Russia hedge the risks of Washington's assertiveness and keep Beijing from taking drastic steps in competition with New Delhi. India's active "multi-accession" is de-signed not to antagonize anyone unnecessarily, ensuring that through the promotion of national interests it occupies the position of a great power in the status of a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Her efforts to consolidate her role as the main voice of the "Global South" strengthen the basis for cooperation between the diplomacies of Russia and India in establishing a multipolar world order.

China–North Korea Arms Trade from the Perspective of Chinese Scholars

executive summary: This article examines the historical context and evolving dynamics of China–North Korea arms trade and its future scenarios, shedding light on the motivations, methods, and implications of this strategic partnership. main argument An assessment of open-source materials authored by Chinese scholars and experts indicates that, despite international sanctions on weapon sales to North Korea, arms exports play a significant role in enhancing China's geopolitical influence, countering the U.S., and securing a Chinese presence on the Korean Peninsula. Arms exports from China to North Korea are likely to shift from individual products to integrated systems, influenced by the adoption of systems thinking in both the Chinese and the North Korean defense sectors. Additionally, arms trade may evolve toward taking place within China's expanding multilateral frameworks, such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and the Belt and Road Initiative. China may also see a role for North Korea as an intermediary for arms sales to other sanctioned states, mirroring its historical role as an intermediary for North Korea. policy implications • If arms sales from China to North Korea transform into system-based packages, then policymakers should anticipate changes in the nature and coordination of North Korean weaponry, necessitating a reassessment of defense strategies. • If China integrates arms trade into multilateral frameworks, then it is recommended that the U.S. monitor and assess the impact of these organizations on regional security dynamics and consider diplomatic measures to mitigate their securitization. • If North Korea acts as an intermediary for Chinese arms sales to sanctioned states, then robust intelligence efforts and international collaboration should be prioritized to enforce arms control regimes and curb illicit activities. • If Chinese assistance enhances North Korea's military capabilities, then counterstrategies for North Korean systems warfare and advanced technologies will be important for the U.S. so that it can continue to operate effectively in networked environments on the Korean Peninsula.

Geopolitics of Maritime Security in the Indian Ocean: Sino-Indian rivalry and Implications on Pakistan

Maritime sector is considered to be one of the most neglected sector of Pakistan. Contemporary world politics is now based on economy. History tells us those states that were fully aware of strengthening their maritime sector, they ruled the world. Competition over a sea lines of communications in Indian ocean region is increasing day by day.US tilt towards India became a driving force to strengthen collaboration between China and Pakistan. China Pakistan Economic Corridor is one of the significant example of strong ties between two states. China wants to penetrate in middle east along with central Asian states. Recent peace deal media by China with Iran and Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is its significant example. Development of Pakistani Gwadar port is one of the Chinese driving force to execute Chinese presence in the Indian ocean region. On the other hand, US wants to contain China via India. US is reluctant to reduce its presence in the region. 21st century belongs to trade and investment. This paper aims to highlight the geopolitical importance of trade related activities via sea lines of communications. Security of the sea routes along with its geopolitical significance in this security led architecture of the world is also discussed in the paper.

China in the Middle East: strategic priorities and features

The relevance of the research is due to the growing importance of the Middle East region in the economic development In Russof China in the XXI century, and consequently, the spread of economic and political interests of the latter. The purpose of the study is to determine China’s strategic priorities and the main directions of its political presence aimed at balancing threats and opportunities in such a turbulent region as the Middle East. Given the instability of this region caused by the global anti-terrorist struggle of the United States, the specifics of Chinese policy in the Middle East and North Africa are of interest, since it is China’s interests that are being threatened. With the help of the analytical method, the factors influencing the Middle East policy of the PRC have been identified, which, of course, contributes to the transformation of the regional order. The study concludes that the future of the Chinese presence in the Middle East is determined by China’s global strategy, as well as its vision of its role and the future world order as a whole.

Renewable energy as a connecting spot between China and Central and Eastern European countries: status, directions and perspectives

BackgroundConsidering energy- and climate-related policies adopted, the European Union and the People’s Republic of China are expected to be on the same trajectory of reducing pollution, aiming for carbon neutrality in 2050 and 2060, respectively. However, although they share a common goal of more sustainable development, their targets and means often collide. The main objective of the study is to identify the main similarities and differences in approaches to energy and climate policies in the European Union and the People’s Republic of China, with special attention given to the scope, past, present, and future of Chinese investments in renewable energy projects in the countries of the Central and Eastern European region, and to reveal the prevailing factors of the (un)successful renewable energy projects in those countries eventually. The methods used are literature review and qualitative content analysis of the European Union’s and the People’s Republic of China’s energy- and climate-related policies according to the prescribed indicators (from 2005 onwards) and in-depth exploratory desk research of cooperation in renewable energy projects between the People’s Republic of China and 14 Central and Eastern European Countries (from 2014 onwards).ResultsThe study showed that despite the significant alignment of the European Union’s and the People’s Republic of China’s energy- and climate-related policies on a normative level, renewable energy cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and Central and Eastern European countries on a practical level is moderate. This state of play mainly results from political factors, such as rising levels of Sino-scepticism and the overall deterioration of the European Union–People’s Republic of China relations.ConclusionsThe study showed that political rather than economic or legal factors had a great impact on the Chinese presence in the domain of renewable energy in the countries of the Central and Eastern European region. However, the significant alignment of the European Union’s and the People’s Republic of China’s energy- and climate-related policies and dedication to common energy transition targets offer room for improving renewable energy cooperation. Overcoming political and economic divergences imposes a condition for achieving better cooperation in the renewable energy domain.

Векторы экономического сотрудничества Узбекистана и Китая

Located in the center of Central Asia, Uzbekistan has become an important link in Beijing’s transport and logistics projects developed within the framework of the Chinese “One Belt, One Road” initiative. After Sh.Mirziyoyev came to power in the republic in 2016, there was an intensification of cooperation between the two countries, which contributed to the transformation of China into the main trading partner and investor of Uzbekistan. Based on the results of meetings between the leaders of the People's Republic of China and the Republic of Uzbekistan in 2023-2024. agreements were concluded that significantly strengthened the Chinese presence in the Uzbek economy and humanitarian sphere. Currently, one of the priorities of economic cooperation between the two countries is the electric power industry, with a special role being given to China’s assistance in the development of “green energy” in Uzbekistan. The growing dependence on China, and not only economic, limits the multi-vector foreign policy that Uzbekistan and other Central Asian countries have proclaimed.

Melting Ice, Rising Tensions: China's Arctic Presence and Implications for the United States

The Arctic Ocean Region is experiencing a transformation and is remoulding abruptly from an ice-covered region to an economic zone, influenced by the rising Global temperatures. This transformation has unplugged new avenues for maritime activities as well as intensified the Geopolitical dynamics. This study investigates and analyzes the rising tensions prompted by the increasing presence and activities of China in the Arctic region and the potential implications for the USA. Adopting a Qualitative approach, this research analyzes and examines the PRC's involvement and activities in the region along with the Arctic Policies of the PRC and the United States. The study explores the complex interplay of interests and motives of both powers and potential implications and challenges arising from the growing Chinese presence of the USA in the strategically important region.

Chinese in Minangkabau: A Typological Study of Chinese Ethnicity in Padang City

This study aims to analyze the typology of Chinese ethnicity based on aspects of religious life and Chinese ethnic organization in Minangkabau. In West Sumatra, the presence of ethnic Chinese can be found in the Kampung Pondok sub-district, South Padang District, Padang City. For the people of Padang City and its surroundings, this residential area is often called Kampung Cino. The most prominent evidence to date is the See Heen Kiong Temple. So far there is not much literature that discusses the typology of Chinese ethnicity in the city of Padang, so an effort is needed to complement the existing literature. This study used a case study qualitative research method, the Chinese ethnic group studied in Padang City. Data obtained by means of documentation. This study found that there are two typologies of ethnic Chinese in Minangkabau. First, based on religion, Chinese Muslims in the ethnic Chinese Muslim community in Padang city are members of the Indonesian Chinese Islamic Association (PITI). Second, based on ethnic similarities.
 
 

Chinese Migration to and within Europe: Continuity and Renewal in the Light of Demographic Factors and the Impact of Covid-19

Abstract Under the changing demographic effects of Chinese migratory waves in Europe and in the global context of the Covid-19 pandemic, Chinese migratory patterns to Europe as well as the lives of migrants and their descendants in European countries have been renewed since the 2010s, both in material and symbolic or emotional ways. This special issue includes five articles shedding new light on the patterns of Chinese migration to Europe, and on the dynamics of their everyday lives in and beyond the European countries. As the special issue editor, I first argue that Chinese overseas, as an important part of global China, offer a privileged site of study for understanding Chinese society from inside and outside. Then, based on the literature review on Chinese migration to and within Europe from the 1980s to post-2020, I introduce specificities of contemporary Chinese migration to Europe and the Chinese presence in European countries, and highlight four main demographic features: the growth in the population of descendants, the aging of the first-generation migrants, the massive arrival of students and skilled migrants, and the feminization of migration. Thirdly, I provide an overview of the five articles included in this special issue. Finally, I conclude the introduction by underlying the contributions of this volume, the theoretical frameworks that they borrow and consolidate, and new avenues for research opened up by this special issue.

Renarrating China-Africa relations: perspectives from new Chinese immigrants in Zimbabwe

ABSTRACT Drawing on China’s rising population outflows and the theory of everyday geopolitics, this study discusses how the daily international encounters of emerging Chinese immigrants (re-)write international relations. The study was conducted through fieldwork with new Chinese immigrants in Zimbabwe and reveals two findings. First, Zimbabwean political elites have been knitting a geopolitical discourse through the well-known nationalism and patriotic histories between China and Zimbabwe constructing ‘successful and mutually beneficial’ Zimbabwe-China relations. However, this elite geopolitical discourse has been facing great challenges among ordinary people in post-2000 Zimbabwe due to the influx of Chinese immigrants. Second,the new Chinese immigrant have been becoming key players in (re-)narrating Zimbabwe-China relations for their unbalanced trade relations with locals, inappropriate behaviours, their precarities, and investment in local public services. This migrant group not only incurs a Sino-phobia sentiment in post-2000 Zimbabwe, but also contributes to the maintaining of the public opinion on the Chinese presence here, articulating a complex and diverse set of geopolitical discourse. This study provides persuasive evidence that everyday practice has a stronger role in knitting together geopolitical discourse than traditional narratives and provides insights for transnational geopolitics to examine heterogeneity, complexity, and diversity of the geopolitical players in more details.

Between highways and fintech platforms: Global China and Africa’s infrastructure state

In this paper, we juxtapose two different sectors of China’s economic presence in Africa: transport and digital infrastructure. Using the case of Kenya, a country that hosts several flagship corridors funded by Chinese loans and where Chinese “digital champions” have been active for two decades, we highlight some of the differences and similarities between these two forms of China’s going-out capitalism in the continent.Our argument is that these ‘varieties of capital’ are conterminous, and they operate through both strategic and contingent overlaps within the same ‘state-market nexus’ and at the interface with programmes and goals of the African ‘infrastructure state’. To illustrate this point, we draw on a comparative research effort inspired by a growing body of scholarship that has been labelled under the tag of ‘Global China’ and by a political economy reading of ‘the market-in-state’ system. This paper thus contributes empirically and conceptually to de-essentializing the Chinese presence in the African continent by recognizing the contextual agencies that shape it—the ambitious developmental agendas of the African state, in particular—as well as the interplay between its different corporate forms.

Contesting China in the Maldives: India’s foreign policy challenge

ABSTRACT India’s foreign policy in South Asia has recently suffered revisions following increased Chinese presence in the region. Since 2007 the Maldives has also witnessed a tremendous change in its foreign policy from the ‘India First’ to the ‘India Out’ campaign. Islamic fundamentalism is on the rise in the Maldives and is impacting its foreign policy choices. China has shown great interest in the Maldives. While the Maldives has signed a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with China and recorded enormous Chinese investments in various projects, the Indian ground in the island state has shrunk in the last decade. This article discusses how the Maldives has realised its geostrategic significance in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and how India has succeeded in restoring its traditional clout in Malé after the return of President Ibrahim Solih in 2018. It also discusses the Indian role in the Maldives during the pandemic and the signing of several Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs), maritime security understandings and partnerships with the United States in the Indo-Pacific in view of groupings such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF). Also examined is how the sharing of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision (FOIP) has brightened the scope of India’s relations with the Maldives.

The Dream Factory: Chinese Presence on a Nigerian University Campus

ABSTRACT The Chinese presence in Africa is usually analysed through a soft power framework that benefits China at the expense of host countries. But this article argues that the Chinese presence at the University of Lagos, one of Nigeria’s premier universities, benefits both Nigerians and Chinese. For the former, signs of this presence generate dreams of migration and economic freedom; for the latter, they inspire dreams of cultural and economic influence. However, this interaction has not had a significant impact on Nigerian attitudes towards China, which are complex and variegated. The data was gathered through interviews with students and instructors at the University of Lagos’s Confucius Institute and the direct observations of the researcher over a six-month period between 2021 and 2022.

India and Western Indian Ocean Regionalism

With the world system moving from a bipolar to a multipolar structure, and the world agenda shifting from narrow high-politics to lowpolitics, there is a need to critically examine the impact of emerging countries on regionalism and the regional systems of the Global South. Uplifted by its economic growth, India is exerting to play a more active role beyond its immediate neighbourhood by developing critical partnerships with regional and extra-regional players. As a result of India’s expanding ties with the Vanilla Island countries, India has recently been accepted as an observer in the Indian Ocean Commission. While France has traditionally dominated this region due to its shared history, China has also been increasingly asserting its position here. Against the backdrop of Chinese presence continuing to shore up as well as the mounting tension between the USA and Iran over the Mozambique Channel, the competition between these powers could spill over into the region and impact the peace, stability, and ongoing constructive cooperation efforts. This essay takes India as a case study, and attempts to determine the impact of India’s assertive policies in the region. By examining the theoretical constructs of regionalism, the paper examines the impact of India’s increasing assertiveness in the region, and its impact on WIO regionalism at a theoretical as well as empirical level.

A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT ON THE ROLE OF RAW ACTIVITIES IN SRI LANKA AND ITS FUTURE CHALLENGES

This article is an investigative attempt in analyzing the history of RAW activities in Sri Lanka from the very beginning. Based on the geopolitical needs of India, RAW formulated its policy towards Sri Lanka, which consisted of sabotaging and destabilizing island’s polity. This article emphasizes Sri Lanka’s failure in ignoring the geopolitical ambitions of its closest neighbor and also this article traces how Sri Lanka drifted away from its non-alligned foreign policy, which led to antagonize India. However, the focal point of the article critically examines how current plans of RAW would be challengeable to achieve in Sri Lanka with the growing influence of the Chinese presence. The content of the article compares the RAW activities in past and present under the gamut of the geopolitical shifts in South Asia.

Współpraca wojskowa Chin z państwami Ameryki Łacinskiej w XXI wieku

The aim of the article is to analyze the conditions and various dimensions of military cooperation between China and Latin American countries in the twenty-first century. The article consists of three parts. First of all, the author outlines Sino-Latin American relations in a broader perspective, presenting the conditions and goals of the Chinese presence in Latin America and the Caribbean and synthetically discussing the most important areas of political and economic cooperation. In the second part, he analyses the conditions and significance of military cooperation, pointing to the factors conducive to the development of cooperation, what is more, he motives and role of China’s military diplomacy in the Latin American region. In the third part, there are presented the most important forms of cooperation. The author focused on defense ministers’ and military commanders meetings, training, joint exercises and arms trade. The author’s priority goal is to show the evolution of military cooperation between the Middle Kingdom and Latin America and its importance for the balance of power in the region.