Chinese In Africa Research Articles

AT THE STEP OF A DROMEDARY: INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDY TO INTEGRATE CHINESE AND AFRICAN RELATIONS IN ETHIOPIA BEFORE AND AFTER THE COVID-19

Abstract: The author holds that the aim of this project is to study the Chinese presence in Ethiopia, following the path of the last salt caravans from Danakil to Tigray region in a multidisciplinary documentation. The first part of the research was carried out before Covid-19. In the immediate aftermath there was a civil war that is continuing to rage. New research is currently underway in the post Pandemic to document how Covid-19 and the civil war are changing Ethiopia. The current political situation has made the return to Ethiopia complex. There are two main objectives of the research. The first is based on the sociology of work, which allows monitoring the growth of infrastructure built by Chinese workers and the perception of risk of the Ethiopian population of Tigray in the post-pandemic period and civil war. Thanks to the use of GIS (Geographic Information System) some roads created by Chinese companies that worked in the area have been geo-referenced. The second point is to document the life of the Ethiopian and Chinese population, expanding the discourse of gender anthropology, collecting interviews in situ and online in the post-Covid-19 period. The interviews were made to the Ethiopian population of different ages, genders and social classes. The interviews were also obtained from the Chinese side, to understand the development of their work. A remote interview was conducted in November 2022 which showed the current situation and how much the Chinese presence can affect the restoration of peace between Tigray and the central government in Addis Ababa. Official estimates of the number of Chinese in Africa vary widely; on the African continent there are increasingly heterogeneous groups of Chinese migrants, in terms of: language, dialect, class, education and occupation. On the basis of this and a very general state of the art, it was decided to increase the studies of the development of the Belt Road Initiative and of what surrounds the phenomenon. The civil war started in Tigray in 2020 and still ongoing, makes the project constantly evolving. For the realization of this study, interdisciplinary investigation methods were integrated, such as: landscape archeology, work sociology, gender anthropology and ethnography. Keywords— China, Ethiopia, Work Sociology, Gender Anthropology, Belt Road Initiative

Africans in China and Chinese in Africa: inequalities, social identities, and wellbeing

ABSTRACT Relations between China and African nations have intensified following the ratification of several multilateral and bilateral developmental agreements, especially after the third Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) summit in 2006. In the past decade, the relations have transcended to the micro-level, with important implications for households and individuals. Of note are the varying forms of population migration between the two places for reasons ranging from business ventures, education, asylum-seeking and family making and reunification. Using various primary and secondary data sources, the seven articles in this special issue delve into the wellbeing, social identities and different kinds of socio-cultural and economic inequalities of Africans in China and Chinese in Africa. Altogether, the articles affirm that policies and mechanisms to ensure decent living conditions, enhanced sense of belonging and social equity among Africans in China and Chinese in Africa are critical to the future of China-Africa relations.

Chinese in Africa: ‘Chineseness’ and the complexities of identities

ABSTRACTThis introduction presents background information to a special issue exploring the complexities of the Chinese identity and forms in which ‘Chineseness’ is expressed by Chinese migrants in Africa. Existing literature and media reports on the Chinese in Africa assumes that they are a homogenous group, this introductory article argues to the contrary. The Chinese diaspora in Africa range from descendants of migrants that settled in Africa in the seventeenth century to twenty-first century migrants. This historical and contemporary engagement between China and African countries is essential to understanding the diversity and hybridity of Chinese identity in Africa. This observation provides the basis for the six articles in this special issue. Based on ethnographic observation and in-depth interviews with the Chinese diaspora and locals in Zimbabwe, Ghana, Zambia and South Africa, the articles provide a compelling argument on why there is no single Chinese identity in Africa.

Chinese and ‘self-segregation’ in Africa

ABSTRACTChinese are often said to ‘self-segregate’ in Africa. Chinese ethnocentricity is typically offered as an explanation for the putative non-interaction. Meanwhile Chinese are not compared to other non-indigenous people in Africa, implying unique Chinese self-isolation. Due to China’s semi-peripheral dynamics however, the contemporary Chinese presence in Africa cannot be generalized into a single category. Based on surveys, interviews, and documents, we examine the varied presence of Chinese in Africa, including residential patterns acquisition of local African languages, and socialization patterns, and draw distinctions between Chinese expatriates and Chinese migrants. Factors affecting Chinese adaptation include local political environment, recentness of migration, language barriers, and corporate policies to mitigate crime and conflict. We argue that most Chinese in Africa are not self-isolated and not more isolated in Africa than are other Asian migrants and whites there. Claims of Chinese self-isolation reflect a longstanding, global Yellow Peril discourse that persists despite discrediting evidence.

Can Western Media Overshadow the China-Africa Storytelling? Case Study of the BBC Documentary “The Chinese Are Coming”

The dynamics of the changing global geopolitics have driven China and African Countries more and more close. Guided by their common interests, Chinese and African people through their firm leadership seem to see eyes to eyes on major international initiatives such as One Belt One Road , A.U Agenda 2063 ， U.N Sustainable Development Goals 2030 , etc. However, western media discourses on the China-Africa cooperation tend to reflect a different reality. In fact, Number of reports, articles and documentaries investigating the real motives of the Chinese in Africa have been made so far. Some of the world most influential western media such as BBC have taken the front line to display a western perspective of the China-Africa story. As result, some of the most critical episodes of western made Sino-African documentaries have come out. The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) have made number of documentaries showing case of the Chinese operating in its former African colonies, covering Chinese made huge infrastructure projects, mining... In the 2011 documentary “ The Chinese are Coming”, the BBC journalist JUSTIN ROWLATT met the fearless Chinese entrepreneurs who have traveled thousands of miles to set up businesses in Africa. From Angola to Zambia and D.R. Congo, the documentary goes beyond former British colonies and cover up the former Portuguese and France colonies as well, showing case of a full-scale Chinese involvement on the continent regardless of the language or cultural barriers, political systems, human right standards, etc. The present article reviews the BBC documentary “ The Chinese are Coming (UK, 2011)”, and discusses from an African perspective the documentary’s standpoints vis-a-vis of the China-Africa cooperation. Key words : Western Media; China-Africa Cooperation; BBC; Documentary;

African soft power in China

This paper comprises an account of outstanding performance by some Africans living in China in the practice of their professions, in their studies, in public service, and in their general interaction with the Chinese people and the Chinese state. The paper argues that these activities, recognised as outstanding by the Chinese and widely reported in the Chinese and international media, constitute the building blocks of African soft power in China. The consequences of this argumentation include the fact that if the governments of Africa and China want to promote peopleto-people relations in the third decade of 21st Century Africa-China relations under the aegis of the Forum for Africa-China Cooperation (FOCAC), more of such activities by diaspora Africans in China and diaspora Chinese in Africa must be recognised, promoted, rewarded, and institutionalised within the formal FOCAC framework.

Economic, Political and Resource-Based Models of Chinese Contracts in Africa: An Empirical Analysis

This paper studies the pattern and determinants of contractual projects by Chinese contractors in Africa. Contracts by Chinese in Africa are a dominant component of China’s economic relations with Africa. They exceed China’s foreign direct investment in Africa. While similar to direct investments, contracts are based on some different considerations and are, therefore, subject to different determinants from foreign investment. This work is the first empirical study conducted on China’s contracts overseas. It explores three models: economic, political, and resource based. Of the three, the resource-based model best explains the pattern and determinants of China’s contracts in Africa. The countries abundant in petroleum and minerals tend to have Chinese projects. In addition to natural resources, we also look into the effects on contracts of market size, economic growth, education, investment, inflation, economic openness, exchange rate, regime type, governance, and bilateral relations with China. Our finding indicates that China’s contractual projects are drawn to the African countries that are well endowed in natural resources.

A Diaspora’s Engagement in Changing International Relations : The Case of Overseas Chinese in Africa

Over the centuries, the Chinese diaspora has been significantly engaged and involved in economic cooperation in African countries. This article...

Will Africa Feed China? by Deborah Brautigam

Reviewed by: Will Africa Feed China? by Deborah Brautigam Donovan Chau (bio) Deborah Brautigam. Will Africa Feed China? New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. xvii, 164 pp. Hardcover $27.95, isbn 978-0-19-939685-6. The Sixth Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) was held December 4–5, 2015, in South Africa. This was the fifteenth anniversary of FOCAC and, therefore, an important occasion to highlight progress in Sino-Africa relations as well as chart a course for the following three years before the next FOCAC meeting. In his speech, President Xi Jinping announced a tripling of China’s financial commitment to Africa, from $20 billion in loans in 2012 to $60 billion in investment. Furthermore, Xi proposed ten diverse areas for continued Sino-African cooperation: industrialization, agricultural modernization, infrastructure development, finance, environment, trade and investment facilitation, poverty reduction, public health, cultural diplomacy, and peace and security. Xi made clear the intimacy of Sino-Africa relations when he said: “China and Africa share a common future. We Chinese and African have forged profound friendship through our common historical experience in our common struggles.”1 As the FOCAC meeting illustrated, by all accounts China is firmly ensconced on the African continent—politically, economically, and strategically—and there is little indication this position will wane. Indeed, since 2001 China’s activities on the continent have garnered widespread international attention. But over the past decade, China in Africa has been in the central spotlight of policy makers, researchers, and journalists around the world. Someone who had been following the Chinese in Africa for decades prior is Deborah Brautigam. Presently Bernard L. Schwartz Professor of International Political Economy and Director of the International Development Program as well as the China Africa Research Initiative [End Page 118] at Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies, Brautigam studied Chinese in Hong Kong and Taiwan and conducted fieldwork in West Africa in the late 1970s and 1980s for her doctoral dissertation on Chinese agricultural aid.2 Brautigam, perhaps more than any other contemporary scholar, has the knowledge, skills, and experience to analyze China in Africa, which she does in her latest book, Will Africa Feed China? A slim, densely packed volume, Will Africa Feed China? is about aid and development as well as China’s rise and its implications for the “poorer regions” of the world, including Africa (p. 10). On the one hand, it is an encapsulation of Brautigam’s previous book-length works (Chinese Aid and African Development and The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa3). On the other hand, it is a unique stand-alone work, as she reveals the “ground truth” about China in Africa, attempting to distinguish between fact and fiction—realities and myths—being portrayed by both the media and think tank community. In particular, Brautigam takes direct aim at four “widespread beliefs”: (1) the Chinese have acquired large areas of farmland, (2) the Chinese government is leading this effort through its state-owned firms and sovereign wealth funds, (3) the Chinese are growing grain in Africa for export to China, and (4) the Chinese have sent (or plan to send) large numbers of Chinese farmers to settle on the African continent (pp. 1–2, 152–159). Tangentially, and to a lesser extent, Will Africa Feed China? is a critique of recent works that reinforce these “widespread beliefs,” for example Howard French’s China’s Second Continent: How a Million Migrants Are Building a New Empire in Africa.4 In eight concise chapters, we learn that “The Chinese are not building a new empire on the continent” (p. 151). Brautigam makes five key arguments to support her claim: (1) Chinese agribusiness has pursued investments in Africa, but this has not translated to significant land acquisitions; (2) Chinese investments often, but do not always, display an active Chinese government role; (3) all actual and planned Chinese agricultural investments are focused on food production for either local or global markets, including, but not exclusively, China; (4) there is no evidence of an organized plan to export Chinese settlers to farm in Africa; and (5) Africans play key roles in Sino-African agricultural relations, whether as...

Kidnapping of Chinese in Africa – What can and what should Beijing do?

The year 2012 began with more news on kidnapping of Chinese workers in African states, the latest and highest numbers being in Sudan and in Egypt. As our Weekly Briefing reported, Chinese road workers were kidnapped by rebels in Southern Kordofan, an oil-rich, rebellion-racked state of Sudan. China's Vice Foreign Minister, Xie Hangsheng, expressed that he was “deeply shocked" by the abductions and China sent a Foreign Ministry-led working group to Sudan to assist the rescue of the 29 workers. Another group of 25 Chinese taken hostage in Egypt was freed the same week. The hostage-taking was not directed against Chinese actions. Rather, conflict groups used international hostages that they could easily get hold of. It is more than likely that we will see more incidences of kidnapping or other dangerous situations for Chinese in the nearer future. What does this mean for Chinese investments and Chinese policies? Linked to the incidences described above, the Chinese Foreign Ministry warned Chinese nationals and overseas companies to be more wary of safety risks, strengthen preventative measures and contact China's diplomatic missions in emergency situations, reported China Daily. In fact, in the Chinese publications monitoring China-Africa relations, we have seen a number of more cautious statements after the civil war in Libya led to the evacuation of around 34,000 Chinese, which was, in the first place, a scary experience for those directly affected. It also, however, was a costly exercise with presumably included great losses of investments, too. In other words: There are two dimensions in this increasing number of incidences: the individual and the political.

Introduction: Chinese in Africa

Introduction: Chinese in Africa

The Yellow Man's Burden: Chinese Migrants on a Civilizing Mission

In the aftermath of the 2004 Boxing Day tsunami, both the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) and "ordinary people" pledged donations to the afflicted regions.1 Triumphant headlines in the People's Daily likewise made a statement about China's rise from aid recipient to aid donor. Not coincidentally, the expanding scope of projects financed by China abroad, mainly in Africa and South America but also closer to home in Burma, Cambodia and Laos, attracted considerable attention from Western media in 2005.2 From Guyana to Nigeria, China has emerged as a key source of state-led investment in infrastructure projects without the good-governance and human-rights strings that are attached to financing through international development structures, and Chinese companies have become a visible presence as major builders of roads, pipelines, bridges, hospitals, harbors, stadiums, water-supply facilities and so on.3 In the Sudan, Chinese state-owned enterprises have invested US$3 billion in the oil industry and helped to build a 1,540-kilometre pipeline and a refinery.4 In July 2005, censured by the UN for evicting 700,000 people from their houses, Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe traveled to China for a US$300 million loan (he was denied it). In Northern Laos, Golden Boten City, a new Chinese real estate development, with international airport included, is being advertised to investors as a "developing space beyond belief. The brochure of the Golden Boten City Group assures potential investors that Although now there are just 1500 people living in 3 villages in Golden Boten City, you should believe that thousands of people will gather here in a beautiful morning or an autumn evening. They [will] live and develop here with various occupations and identities, to form a huge community, and a modern society.5 Similar signs of Chinese architectural modernity are fast squeezing out British colonial memories from Pakistan's hill stations and Sierra Leone's coast. In the institutionalized world of international development, in which states earmark aid budgets to be channeled through institutions such as the World Bank, such projects would be classed as private investment or, at best, as private aid. Yet in China-where aid and debt relief, though increasing, are far less significant than state subsidies for overseas construction projects6-both officials and managers discuss them in the language of development. While the roots of development discourse in China and in international organizations are shared, as are their proclaimed goals of aiding the economic and human progress of recipient societies, their emphases are rather different. The discourse of international development has, in the past decade, veered away from the previous, strongly criticized, unilateral emphasis on economic indicators and structural models originating in the West, and towards a socially and culturally "sensitive" framework-though just how much difference that shift has made on the ground is a matter of debate.7 Chinese accounts of "contributing to development" abroad do not share these recent scruples: they typically remain purely economic and are set in contexts that, from the perspective of the now-professionalized "international development community", appear highly unusual. The idea of exporting development centering on investment, trade and migration (for Chinese road projects are built by Chinese workers, and Chinese-sponsored farming projects typically bring both Chinese workers and technical advisors) is quite different from that practiced by today's international organizations, though perhaps not that different from earlier, colonial projects, in which the ground-level agents of modernization tended to be indentured laborers and traders imported from India and, again, China. Central to Western-originated international discourse is the separation of aid from investment: the idea that development aid is a not-for-profit affair, and accusations of profit-making can discredit donors. …