Chinese Domestic Politics Research Articles

Chinese Financing and Domestic Politics in Sri Lanka—Parallel Evolution across Mid-20th vs 21st Century Episodes of Bilateral Interactions

Abstract: This article studies the parallel evolution of Sri Lanka’s domestic politics and China’s foreign financing in Sri Lanka’s post-independence era through four lenses, namely, political opposition, political gains, economic structure, and institutions. We focus on the bilateral relationship prior to Sri Lanka’s economic liberalization and the aftermath of the middle-income transition and add three major findings to the literature. Firstly, Chinese economic engagements continue to have substantial political opposition in Sri Lanka. But the nature of such opposition evolved from ideology-based to sovereignty-based anti-China sentiments, which heavily correlate with elections. Economic relations with China have continued to evolve as political gains, which helped maintain government popularity in the short-to-medium term and exceeded the costs inflicted by political opposition. Secondly, the nature of the bilateral economic relationship has become more complex, moving from being purely government-to-government to involving multiple actors: Chinese policy banks, state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and the private sector. Thirdly, despite differences, Sri Lanka’s governments have utilized economic relations with China for short-term political gains and to avoid structural reforms, especially in the run-up to Sri Lanka’s sovereign default and unprecedented economic crisis in 2022. We conclude that China’s approach to ongoing debt restructuring will affect domestic politics around China’s engagements and affect how the bilateral economic relationship evolves.

ЦИФРОВИЗАЦИЯ БАНКА КИТАЯ (BANK OF CHINA): ПРОБЛЕМЫ И ВОЗМОЖНОСТИ

The purpose of the study is to consider digital solutions and financial tools that are being introduced into the practice of the Chinese banking sector during its digitalization on the example of the Bank of China. We considered the financial result and competitiveness of the bank, identifeed difficulties in the digitalization. The study used materials from the Bank of China itself, as well as the statistical database of Chinese fintech, and materials from scientific reports. Analysis and synthesis, comparative analysis, extrapolation techniques, and forecasting were used for the study. It is considered how the Bank of China manages to carry out “shock-free” digitalization, maintaining and increasing its client base. The bank’s unique strategy and the challenges of digital transition are analyzed. The conclusion emphasizes the need to maintain the pace of digital development of the bank, despite the difficulties that have arisen in the Chinese economy and domestic politics.

Politics of Memory, Heritage, and Diversity in Modern China

Interpretations and memorialisations of China's long history, in service of political aspirations of the present and towards the future, have long attracted scholarly attention. This special issue addresses how the curation, performance, and consumption of collective memory provide valuable insight into the interplay between the reconstruction of Chinese identity, cultural modernisation, and the shifting role of heritage and memory in Chinese domestic and international politics. Touching on issues around diversity in, for instance, personal/collective memory or community-based/state-led heritage, we consider how state–society relations inform local memory practices. Furthermore, the articles enclosed discuss pertinent and far-reaching impacts of China's cultural-material changes, transformations, and destructions in service of memory re-formation. Investigating the politicisation of heritage and the material solidification of strategically selected representations of the past, we consider how the notion of “memory infrastructure” contributes to an academic understanding of the interaction between history, memory, and politics.

Internationalist Aesthetics: China and Early Soviet Culture by Edward Tyerman

Reviewed by: Internationalist Aesthetics: China and Early Soviet Culture by Edward Tyerman Emily Wilcox Edward Tyerman, Internationalist Aesthetics: China and Early Soviet Culture. New York: Columbia University Press, 2022. 353 pp. Hardcover ($140.00), softcover ($35.00), or e-book. In Internationalist Aesthetics: China and Early Soviet Culture, Edward Tyerman examines works of Soviet literature, performing arts, and film that, in his words, "mediated" China to Soviet audiences during the 1920s. He focuses on the period between 1924 and 1927, a high point of Comintern engagement in Chinese domestic politics before Chiang Kai-shek's anti-Communist purge in April 1927. Through this material, Tyerman successfully explores larger questions about the history of socialist internationalism and how cross-cultural solidarity is pursued through aesthetic choices in artistic production. The central figure in Tyerman's narrative is Sergei Tretyakov, once a Futurist and a founding member of Left Front of Arts, who "from 1923…emerged as a central figure in the left avant-garde in Moscow" (22) and became one of the leading voices on China in the Soviet Union in the 1920s. Tretyakov first visited China in 1920 while fleeing the Japanese occupation of Vladivostok on his way to Siberia. From early 1924, Tretyakov spent 18 months teaching Russian at Peking University, during which time he began writing extensively on China for Soviet readers, publishing more than 130 articles on China over the next four years. After returning to Moscow in 1925, Tretyakov also engaged in creative projects in a variety of other media that sought to bring "new knowledge of China" (23) to the Soviet masses. Works by Tretyakov form the core of Tyerman's analysis, placed in conversation with closely related projects that either present contrasting approaches or contextualize Tretyakov's work within larger discourses. Part of what makes Tretyakov interesting as a central figure in this study is that his work complicates understandings of Soviet representations of China in the 1920s as Orientalist. Discussing two essays by Tretyakov—"Whence and Whither" (1923) and "Loving China" (1925)—in the introduction, Tyerman explains that Tretyakov's self-stated aim was to promote "a new sense of the world" through "the overcoming of exoticism" in representations of China (23–24). Tretyakov openly critiqued stereotyped and fantastical views of China, which he analyzed as a form of commodity fetishism and reification. Tyerman shows how Tretyakov's work employed avant-garde aesthetics to develop an alternative to Orientalist perception: what Tyerman calls an "internationalist aesthetics" of solidarity, equality, and commensurability. According to Tyerman, this internationalist aesthetics also had "a specific political function: connecting Soviet and Chinese subjects within a single revolutionary present" (21; emphasis original). This new approach to China, Tyerman shows, was part of a larger critique of cultural Eurocentrism, which some Soviet writers described as a barrier to the globalization of revolution. It was also, Tyerman demonstrates, part of a new prioritization of the senses and direct bodily experience among the Soviet avant-garde. Building on Jacques Rancière's concept of the "distribution of the sensible" (20), Tyerman argues that Tretyakov used an avant-garde emphasis on bodily knowing and the senses—particularly sight and sound—to portray China as a dynamic, contemporary society. Internationalist Aesthetics thus contributes to recent conversations about the senses in literary and cultural studies. [End Page E-9] Internationalist Aesthetics is primarily a work of literary and cultural criticism, and it will appeal most to readers interested in early Soviet literature, performance, and film studies, as well as those interested in China's international representations, Sino-Soviet relations, the global avant-garde, and the politics and aesthetics of socialist internationalism. What I found most stimulating was Tyerman's readings of diverse approaches to internationalist aesthetics. In chapter 1, Tyerman contrasts firsthand accounts of China by two traveling Soviet writers, Tretyakov and Boris Pilnyak, who both espoused internationalism and used "experiments with observation, aural experience, and translation as methods for producing knowledge about China" (71), but with differing results. In Tretyakov's poem "Roar China" (1924), whose vivid blend of "factographic" writing and affective sonic imagery forms a high point of the chapter, we find a rousing acoustic portrayal of China on the...

Does External Threat Unify? Chinese Pressure and Domestic Politics in Taiwan and South Korea

Abstract Since 2009, China's growing geopolitical assertiveness has triggered or exacerbated conflicts with many of its neighbors. External threat is often believed to produce domestic cohesion, such as bipartisanship or a rally-‘round-the-flag effect. However, this study uses the cases of Taiwan and South Korea to show that political parties have sometimes united around a response to Chinese pressure but at other times have been sharply divided. Despite Beijing's aggression toward Taiwan since 2016, the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party remain at odds over cross-strait policy. In contrast, South Korean conservatives and progressives united in response to Chinese economic sanctions over the deployment of Terminal High Altitude Area Defense. I argue that a country is less likely to unite against a foreign threat when a “formative rift” in its history divides political groups over national identity issues and causes them to perceive the threat differently, as in Taiwan but not South Korea. This study is based on a multilingual analysis of Taiwanese and South Korean political parties’ statements on China policy. Its findings contribute to scholarship on how international factors affect domestic politics and our understanding of China's rise.

The Limits to China's Peaceful Rise – Deep Integration and a New Cold War

AbstractThis article challenges the dominant view that China has risen, and that its economic ascent has created a restless empire poised to overturn the liberal international order. This author argues that China's deep integration into the global economy from the early 1990s onward, as necessitated by both Chinese domestic politics and America's grand strategy of drawing China out, has eventually set the country on a path of dependent development and has made China not a solid superpower candidate, but rather a fragile great power. It is ironic that it is the empire‐sized country's entrapment in semi‐peripheral development, rather than its economic‐technological ‘rise’, that has inevitably led to the return of great power rivalry and the coming of the new Cold War.

Demystifying the Belt and Road Initiative: China’s domestic and non-strategic policy?

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a central policy of the Chinese government. The initiative is directly associated with President Xi Jinping, who first put forward the BRI in Kazakhstan and Indonesia in 2013, initially as One Belt One Road. Different from repetitive literature that concludes the BRI as China's global strategy, this article makes a contribution to argue that the BRI is China's domestic and non-strategic policy. To justify this argument, this article analyses how the BRI has been embedded into aspects of Chinese domestic policy by revealing its nexuses with Chinese domestic economy, politics and ideology. To deepen the understanding of the BRI's connection with the Chinese economy, this article explores the link between the BRI and China's supply-side structural reform. Meanwhile, this research demystifies the BRI as a global strategy and the difference between joining and rejecting the BRI to prove the BRI's non-strategic essence. In the end, this article discusses the BRI's far-reaching geopolitical influence.

A "China in the World" Paradigm for Scholarship.

In this introduction to the special issue, we use the expression “China in the world” paradigm to define scholarship that purposefully migrates across the traditional borders of comparative politics and international relations in the study of China. We argue that such a paradigm represents a view that many issues of Chinese domestic politics are now issues of international politics; as a result, domestic politics in a globalized contemporary China often cannot be sufficiently understood without considering international consequences. More than this, the paradigm is about scholarly attentiveness to the fact that the politics in China that we study also shapes how the rest of the world views China. We describe the paradigm and its antecedents in the scholarly literature. We then illustrate, with reference to three momentous events that captured public attention around the world in 2020, the paradigm’s usefulness as a perspective to scholars reaching out to engage intellectually on contemporary affairs in an environment in which global responses to China require nuanced knowledge as all parties seek to avoid dangerous pitfalls. We conclude by summarizing the five articles included in the special issue and the broader implications of the “China in the world” paradigm.

The “Techno-Turn” of China’s Official Discourse on Nationalism

This article explores a recent tendency in the official Chinese discourse on nationalism—the government more actively employs Chinese achievements in science and technology to boost national pride and regime legitimacy. This “techno-turn” focuses on China’s construction of megaprojects, its active role in international techno-economic business, and its development of cutting-edge scientific research and technologies. This transition in the official discourse on nationalism contains several rationales along material, policy, and ideological dimensions, and uses sophisticated propaganda tactics. It also faces constraints and challenges—some derived from conflicts with reality, and others derived from internal logical imbalances. The turn marks a new stage in the development of contemporary Chinese nationalism, in which official nationalism absorbs elements from popular nationalism. This ideological transition may influence both Chinese domestic and international politics—it may lead to China’s more confident engagement in international affairs, but may also generate uncertainties in relations between China and the West.

A Political Crisis, Long-term Trends and the Chinese Communist Party under the Magnifying Glass

The COVID-19 pandemic has reached far beyond the immediate public health crisis to significantly affect global political and economic structures. Informed by a political science perspective, the author examines how the virus serves as a magnifying glass, accelerating and making more visible long-term trends in Chinese domestic and foreign politics, and why Chinese studies expertise is crucial for shaping Europe’s response to these trends.

‘코로나19’ 발병과 방역을 통해 본 중국 국내외 정치: 언론 내용을 중심으로

코로나19는 중국에서 발병되기 시작하였고, 그 전파력은 팬데믹이 되었다. 중국 정부는 방역 과정에서 중국방식으로 대처했고 어느 정도 효과를 봤다. 그러나 중국의 방역과정과 국제사회의 팬데믹과 관련된 주 장 사이에는 이견이 많다. 이러한 측면에서 중국의 코로나19 방역 문제에 관련된 중국 국내외정치의 연관 성과 국제사회의 반응을 분석해 보는 것은 가치 있는 일이라 본다. 특히, 현재 국제사회와 중국의 관계는 서 로 협력적이지 않고, 미국과 중국의 관계도 무역ㆍ안보ㆍ과학기술 및 국제협력영역에서 대립하고 있는 상 황에서는 더욱 그럴 것이다. 이에, 코로나 19 발병과 방역과정에 나타난 중국 국내정치 현상과 그 대외전략 을 연결하여 분석하는 것은 중국 국내정치와 대외관계의 상관성을 이해하는 데 도움이 될 것으로 보인다. 결과적으로 중국 국내정치 상황과 대외전략을 분석해 보면, 중국 공산당은 국내정치에 대외관계를 효과적 으로 활용하고 있는데, 이는 공산당 일당 통치가 가능한 환경에서 나오는 중국 국내외 정책의 상호관련성 때문으로 보인다.

Chinese Domestic Politics and the Internationalization of the Renminbi

Chinese Domestic Politics and the Internationalization of the Renminbi

China in the Post-Xi Jinping Era May Well Be Different

China in the Post-Xi Jinping Era May Well Be Different Lance L.P. Gore (bio) The United States and China are parting ways. The United States, along with the West in general, has abandoned the hope that China would become more liberal and democratic once it becomes more affluent. That hope had undergirded the United States' engagement policy for more than three decades. It was the primary argument of the Clinton administration for giving the green light for China's accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001. But it has become widely accepted that the engagement has failed. With dissipated hope, tough policies to confront China in every conceivable way are proposed with a vengeance. "All-government" or even "all-society" responses to the challenges posed by China's rise are advocated in the United States and elsewhere. The ideological thrust of this new "containment" is unmistakable in the bipartisan consensus in US Congress, which recently passed the "Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act" and the "Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act" with overwhelming majorities. Taiwan is once again held as the beacon of democracy for Chinese societies. The United States has reiterated the commitment to Taiwan's defence against the communist threat from the Mainland, whereas barely a decade ago it talked about giving up on Taiwan in exchange for the group of two (G2) cooperation with China. In its thinly veiled Indo-Pacific strategy, America is rebuilding its old Cold War treaty alliances and forming new partnerships against China. In short, the world is facing the prospect of a new Cold War—a war between competing world orders, political and economic systems and visions for humanity. It is precipitated by a dramatic left turn in Chinese domestic politics under the stewardship of Xi Jinping, general secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Riding on the rapid rise of China on the world stage, especially following the 2008 financial crisis, China has gained confidence in its own "road, theory, system and culture"—the so-called "four confidences" espoused by Xi ever since he took over. The 19th Party Congress offered "the Chinese alternative" to developing countries. Liberal democracies, in particular the United States, feel threatened by the resurgence of a communist state almost three decades after the collapse of the Eastern bloc. Old anti-communist urges are being revived and "Cold Warriors" are drawing new battle lines against China. [End Page 3] The incipient new Cold War is, however, based on the assumption that China will continue on the current trajectory, with its values, ideological outlook and an authoritarian political system inherently incompatible with liberal democracy. The United States sees China posing a serious threat to the liberal democratic ideal, a threat which has to be contained if not defeated like the former Soviet Union. The new Cold War is also expected to be a long drawn-out battle because China's 2018 amendments to the Constitution of the People's Republic of China (PRC), which now includes a new official ideology dubbed "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era" and has dropped the term limits for the state president and vice president, suggest that China would stay on its current course for a long time to come. In this special issue, the articles put this assumption under close examination. The starting point is the belief that the trajectory of Chinese politics, and any other politics for that matter, is not cast in stone by Xi's policies and political line during his tenure. While Xi may dominate the political agenda for a long time to come, other senior leaders could also influence policies in a variety of ways and the post-Xi Jinping era will arrive eventually. The likely changes and continuity in the post-Xi era would have tremendous bearing on the course of US–China relations and the direction of world history, which would be determined, to a great extent, by the characteristics of the post-Xi generation Chinese leadership and the sociopolitical context in which they operate. This special issue identifies and examines the characteristics of the political elite most likely to succeed Xi and his cohort...

China no âmbito da mudança climática. Negociações exteriores e políticas domésticas

El cambio climático, derivado del creciente calentamiento global, ya se siente en diversas partes del planeta. La cooperación entre los Estados es necesaria para que las emisiones de gases del efecto invernadero disminuyan, controlando el aumento de la temperatura global. Las negociaciones sobre cambio climático presentaban la división entre países desarrollados y en desarrollo, sustituida por el nuevo modelo en París 2015. China es actor central en las negociaciones y el mayor emisor global. Las emisiones chinas se derivan en mayor medida del sector de energía, basado en el carbón y en el petróleo. El país indicó sus metas voluntarias en Copenhague 2009, lo que es entendido como evolución en su política climática. En el año 2015, antes de la cop 21, el país comunicó la Intención Nacional Designada (ndc), reducción de intensidad de emisiones entre el 60 % y el 65 % en relación con el año 2005, y un 20 % de la matriz energética basada en energía renovable, ambas hasta el año 2030. El cambio climático recibió atención en las políticas domésticas chinas, sobretodo en la reformulación de la matriz energética. El país apoya el principio de la responsabilidad común, pero diferenciada, para mantener su política externa climática. El riesgo del cambio climático está presente en el país, que adoptó a partir de 2007 políticas nacionales sobre el clima. El objetivo del artículo es realizar el levantamiento de las acciones de China sobre cambio climático, tanto en el ámbito interno como internacional, en el período hasta el Acuerdo de París 2015.

China in the World: A New Paradigm for Scholarship

In this introduction to the special issue, we use the expression “China in the world” paradigm to define scholarship that purposefully migrates across the traditional borders of comparative politics and international relations in the study of China. We argue that such a paradigm represents a view that many issues of Chinese domestic politics are now issues of international politics; as a result, domestic politics in a globalized contemporary China often cannot be sufficiently understood without considering international ramifications. More than this, the paradigm is about scholarly attentiveness to the fact that the politics in China that we study also shapes how the rest of the world views China. We describe the paradigm and its antecedents in the scholarly literature. We then illustrate, with reference to three momentous events that captured public attention around the world in 2020, the paradigm’s usefulness as a perspective to scholars reaching out to engage intellectually on contemporary affairs in an environment of dangerous responses to China’s global profile. We conclude by summarizing the five articles included in the special issue and the broader implications of the “China in the world” paradigm.

Confucius and Chinese Philosophical Impact on Modern Korea and Japan

The purpose of this conceptual paper is to understand the role of Confucianism Chinese philosophy in influencing modern Korea and Japan. This paper found that Confucianism had a significant impact on current modern world. However, it has been a selective application. Confucianism still has vital value within the modern times; this paper examined to expound the modern significance of Confucianism, In particular, it is clear that Confucianism has had profound influence on world politics and foreign policy. The major focus was on the impact of Confucianism on modern world politics and foreign policy. In the field of international relations and foreign policy analysis, it is well known that ideas are always critical to any changes of a country’s foreign policy. The author examined the influence of Confucianism Chinese philosophy on Chinese domestic politics and modern politics. The analysis covered recent arguments about the role of Confucianism from several leading contemporary thinkers. Korea and Japan spent much time culturally and politically under the influence of China, Which brought Confucianism to these countries? Korean, as well as Japanese communication is heavily influenced by Confucian traditional values. It is demonstrated that those values are changing. But they seem to be better preserved in Korean society based upon the educational system of teaching moral values, nationalism, and arrested Cultural Revolution.

The influence of Confucianism on Chinese politics and foreign policy

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to understand the role Confucianism has in affecting domestic and foreign policy which is accomplished by looking at historical trends and contemporary developments and arguments posed by leading scholars. This paper finds that Confucianism has had a significant impact on current Chinese policy; however, it has been a selective application. In particular, the Chinese Government has focused on the traditional Confucian moral framework and the mandate to rule, which has allowed the Chinese Government to work toward further securing their right to rule and enhance a more assertive foreign policy abroad.Design/methodology/approachThis study based on historical, theoretical and empirical discussions.FindingsIt is clear that Confucianism has had profound influence on Chinese politics and foreign policy. As rulers in the past of Chinese history, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has also utilized Confucianism to enhance nationalist sentiments among the people. Confucianism, therefore, has been served as the codifying ideology to further secure the CCP’s right to rule domestically, and to enhance a more assertive foreign policy abroad. With confidence, one can argue that Confucianism will continue to serve as a leading source of ideas in China for its effort to pursue modernization.Originality/valueThis paper focuses on the impact of Confucianism on Chinese politics and foreign policy. In the field of international relations and foreign policy analysis, it is well known that ideas are always critical to any changes of a country’s foreign policy. That is to say, a country’s politics and foreign policy would be heavily influenced not only by the changes of tide in contemporary world politics, but also heavily influenced by its traditional thinking and heritage. In this paper, the author will examine the influence of Confucianism on Chinese domestic politics and foreign policy. The analysis will cover recent arguments about the role of Confucianism from several leading contemporary thinkers. It will also make some brief comparisons between China and other East Asian societies, including Japan and Korea.

Between a Rock and a Hard Place: Border Minorities in China’s Foreign Relations with South Asia

ABSTRACTThis article takes a closer look at how China’s government deals with border minorities in the foreign relations with its neighboring South Asian states. To secure its periphery, China has been known to push its neighbors to support border security, including repressive measures against refugee populations which could potentially threaten China’s domestic peace by inciting or supporting secessionist movements. This study highlights the roles of the Tibetan and Uighur minorities in the relations of China with adjacent states in South Asia. For the Tibetan minority, the article will analyze Sino-Nepalese as well as Sino-Indian relations; concerning the Uighur minority, Sino-Pakistani relations will be highlighted. These case studies promise to be interesting also because of the range of relationships between China and these countries, Pakistan being a relatively close ally, Nepal a buffer state in which China and India compete for power, and India being at least a competitor state, if not arch-enemy—given still existing border disputes. India and Nepal house the first and second largest Tibetan refugee populations worldwide, respectively, while only a small Uighur population lives in Pakistan. Expected results should show the relative importance of border minorities and therefore, Chinese domestic politics in foreign relations with the selected cases.

Xi Jinping: the game changer of Chinese elite politics?

ABSTRACTAmidst China’s emergence as a global power, Xi Jinping is pushing through a range of ambitious reform plans that are reconfiguring both Chinese domestic politics and foreign policy. A fierce anti-corruption campaign has led to the dismissal of a large number of powerful figures, while a major effort has begun to bring party, state, and military power within Xi’s control. Many observers have interpreted these moves as radically altering the rules of game of elite politics, if not creating a personalistic political system. Our analysis shows that Xi’s corruption fighting and power centralisation represent part of his state-building project, in order to enhance the party-state’s capacity for the pursuit of governance objectives. We identify three rules regarding the Party’s power succession that would provide a critical test regarding how radically Xi is prepared to alter the Party’s key norms. The outcome of the 19th party congress in late 2017 would make it clearer whether Xi is in an effort to further institutionalise Party politics or turning the regime into his one-man rule.

THE DOMESTIC SIGNIFICANCE OF CHINA’S POLICY TOWARD EGYPT, 1955–1957

In the wake of the 1955 Asian-African Conference in Bandung, Indonesia, China’s Communist government developed close relations with Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. China’s conciliatory diplomacy toward Egypt and other non-communist countries in the Arab world has long intrigued historians, who have interpreted this campaign as a way to break out of diplomatic isolation and gain political influence in the Middle East. Such an interpretation neglects the relevance of Sino-Egyptian relations to Chinese domestic politics, especially the Communist Party’s interest in incorporating Muslims into its vision of the Chinese nation. By using relations with Egypt to present China as a staunch supporter of global Islam, the government encouraged all its citizens—and Muslims in particular—to reaffirm their allegiance to Chinese nationalism and the Communist government that championed it.