Children Remember Research Articles

Pemanfaatan Video Pembelajaran Terhadap Kemampuan Kognitif Anak Usia 4-5 Tahun

The study's subject involved 10 children aged 4-5 years and applied qualitative method. The research findings indicated that using learning videos effectively stimulates cognitive development in 4-5-year-old children at TK Damhil UNG Kindergarten. Children's cognitive ability in number recognition is stimulated through a video that introduces numbers 1 to 10. The video helps children remember and store the information in their brains, thus enhancing their intelligence. In terms of color recognition ability, the provided video interprets various colors associated with objects familiar to children, such as plants, fruits, and animals. This helps children understand colors correctly, sharpen their visualization skills, and improve their ability to accurately differentiate and identify different colors. In terms of listening skills, children's abilities are stimulated through a video story about Indonesia, which includes the shape and colors of the Indonesian flag, the national emblem, and the names of presidents. This video stimulates children's thinking, emotions, and motivation to process information, thus enhancing their listening skills. In terms of auditory skills, the provided video contains sounds of various animals.

How Well Do 5- to 7- Year-Old Children Remember the Spatial Structure of a Room?

ABSTRACT Relatively few studies have directly examined children’s memory of object-based spatial structure of room-sized environments. The current study investigated how children remember the spatial structure of a room, and the role of pictorial working memory (WM) and different testing perspectives in this process. In Experiment 1, 80 children aged 5 to 7 years old participated in a memory of spatial structure task, a pictorial spatial WM task, and a verbal ability test. In the first task, participants explored a square-shaped virtual room where each wall was associated with different objects. The virtual room was viewed on a desktop monitor. Then they recalled wall scenes of different perspectives (0, 90, 180 degrees) relative to a reference wall. Results found that pictorial WM predicted memory of spatial structure after accounting for age and verbal ability. Different from perspective taking tasks, children rarely made egocentric errors. Moreover, the memory of spatial structure is perspective independent because there was no difference in performance between the 90 and 180 degrees conditions. We replicated the basic results in Experiment 2, where 77 children completed the same set of tasks except that the virtual room was round-shaped. Furthermore, the developmental trajectories of memory of spatial structure as a function of pictorial WM varied between different experiments and perspective conditions. Together, our study showed that children aged 5–7 years old could retrieve the spatial structure of a room-sized environment from diverse perspectives, which was also susceptible to pictorial WM capacity, perspectives, and geometric cues.

Knowing What I Know Now: Youth Experiences of Dictatorship and Transitional Justice in the Gambia

Abstract This article contributes to the empirical evidence concerning the reception of transitional justice processes and the experiences of youth in contexts of authoritarian rule. It explores how eight students in the Gambia receive, perceive and experience learning about what happened in the past by watching the testimonies told at the Truth Reconciliation and Reparations Commission. Based on conversational interviews, I argue that for the students in this study, the past enters the present as rememory. By recalling their rememories, an imaginative re-construction of the Jammeh past emerges which uncovers how the biopoliticized state functioned in everyday life, how loyalty and obedience to Jammeh was indoctrinated from a young age and how children remember. By paying attention to youth’s rememories and perceptions of the revelations of truth commissions, and the meanings they attribute to these revelations, transitional justice scholars and practitioners can gain a more holistic understanding of how youth experience and make sense of transitional justice processes.

The Use of Creative Movement Method in Teaching Foreign Languages to Very Young Language Learners

The creative movement method is a holistic teaching method that enables children to develop language skills through art not just by looking and seeing, hearing and listening, speaking and talking, but also by conducting various motions and movements – experiencing while playing. Children can learn holistically only when their minds and bodies are an indivisible whole. When all their senses are engaged, children remember and recall information more effectively. The present paper describes the use of the creative movement method in teaching phonological awareness skills in a foreign language (English) to 13 Slovenian preschool children with a mean age of 5.8 years. The aim of the study was to determine children’s success rates in producing words and alliteration after being given the first sound of word (vowels /æ/, /e/, /ɪ/, /ɒ/, /ʌ/) in English, both with and without movement support. Children participated in two 45-minute long teaching sessions (the second took place after two weeks). There was no additional training between each session and the test. The results of the test after two weeks from the last session show that creative movement support proved essential for children in recalling words and producing alliteration in English. The study also includes some guidelines for the method’s use in teaching foreign languages to very young language learners.

A Child Remembers “Big Uncle” Chesterton

A Child Remembers “Big Uncle” Chesterton

Children's representation about travel: A comparison between what children remember and what children desire

Children's representation about travel: A comparison between what children remember and what children desire

Teaching & Learning Guide for: Once Upon a Time: Explaining Cultural Differences in Episodic Specificity

Teaching & Learning Guide for: Once Upon a Time: Explaining Cultural Differences in Episodic Specificity

Evaluation of Educational Abilities in Children with Mild Intellectual Disabilities, First Grade Students, from Special Primary Schols

Abstract Educational process for children with mild intellectual disability in special primary schools in the Republic of Macedonia is realized by special Curriculum for students with difficulties in psychological development, prepared by the Bureau for Development of Education from the Ministry of Education and Science. These programs are developmental, and specially adapted to the abilities and capabilities of students with intellectual disabilities. The special educator observing the individual characteristics of his students should maximally respond to their specific needs and aspirations. The aim of the research was to determine the educational abilities of first-grade students with mild intellectual disability for following the teaching contents of the subjects Macedonian language, Math and Introduction to environment, provided by the Curriculum. Educational abilities of the examinees were especially weak in Math, while in the Introduction to environment they had average abilities and a little better ability they showed in the area of the Macedonian language. Regarding the variables gender and age, educational abilities of the examinees did not differ, while regarding the variable level of general abilities there were significant differences in their educational abilities. Special educators said that most of the examinees were completely or partially able to follow the Curriculum. Curriculum for the first grade students with intellectual disabilities generally corresponds to the educational abilities of these children. Key words: educational abilities, children with mild intellectual disability, first grade students, special primary schools. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.) Introduction The development of children with intellectual disabilities is following the same rules that exist for children from general population. However, going through the developmental phases is a slower and limited process depending on the level of intellectual disability. These children have some specifics that reflect on the duration of each developmental phase, which distinguish them from children without disabilities (1). Because of the limited biological bases in children with intellectual disabilities disproportion in the quantity and quality of the development is often expressed, which is especially present in the field of cognition, motorics, communication and socialization (2). Concerning the cognitive aspects in these children tiredness of attention is primarily noticed, they cannot be focused on doing the aimed activities for a longer period especially those activities that require thinking (3). Unfulfilled selectivity of attention is very characteristic, which affects the knowledge acquisition and the successful learning process (4). One can notice easy tiredness during realization of rational intellectual activities, frigidness of thinking process, and inability for generalization of gained experiences (5). The memory ability is deficient, the greater intellectual deficit, the greater the difficulties in memory will be (6). The memory is selective and emotionally coloured. The child remembers very slowly over many repetitions. Furthermore, the child quickly forgets the remembered contents and what he remembers, and he can reproduce it with great difficulty and in false manner and cannot make a systematization of knowledge. Thinking is superficial and concrete. The thoughts are deprived of depth, and these children are unable to get beyond what is in their sight. Children may not reveal the mutual relationships between objects and phenomena (7). They have serious difficulties in classification and serrations and are unable to adopt conzervation, which means that their operational thinking is on a low level. Abstract thinking is reduced to minimum (3). Children with mild intellectual disabilities in school age have slow progress from preoperational stage to concrete operational stage with a delay of 3 to 4 years (6). …

Reminiscing in the early years: Patterns of maternal elaborativeness and children's remembering

This study focused on individual differences in maternal style and children's developing recall abilities in early memory conversations. Within a longitudinal design, a sample of 56 mother—child dyads was observed while reminiscing, and the children's language skills were assessed when they were 18, 24, and 30 months old. In contrast to mothers classified as “low-eliciting,” mothers in a “high-eliciting” group offered more open-ended elaborative questions, fewer elaborative statements, and more confirmations to their 18-month-olds. Although all mothers increased in their elaborative questioning over time, the stylistic groups that were identified remained distinct. Moreover, children of high-eliciting mothers were providing more memory information, even at the first time point, than were children of low-eliciting mothers, but these differences were magnified at 24 and 30 months. Results of correlational and regression analysis further suggest that children's concurrent language skills, their 24-month recall abilities, and their mothers' reminiscing style when they were 18-months of age each contribute uniquely to the prediction of children's provision of memory elaborations in conversations about the past at 30 months of age.

Children's Adjustment 15 Years After Daycare Abuse

This follow-up study of 42 children abused in daycare suggests that even very small children confirm through their behavior and/or language that something distressing happened to them. Interviews with parents 15 years after the abuse suggest there are periods when children's recollection is persistent as well as times when it is unclear how much the child remembers. Results showed after 15 years, 40% of the children had made a satisfactory adjustment, 40% had made a marginal adjustment, and 20% had made a problematic adjustment.

Stressing Memory: Long-Term Relations Among Children's Stress, Recall and Psychological Outcome Following Hurricane Andrew

We examined relations among stress, children's recall, and psychological functioning following Hurricane Andrew. Thirty-five children from mixed socioeconomic backgrounds were divided into low-, moderate-, and high-stress groups and were interviewed about the hurricane immediately after the storm and 6 years later. Our primary interest, stemming from previous work, was in the emotional and cognitive content of their recall. At the initial interviews, children who were more stressed included less positive emotion and fewer cognitive processing words and provided less free recall and less information overall. In contrast, children who initially recalled more information showed better psychological outcome immediately following the hurricane. Six years later, children who had been more stressed initially included more negative emotion and more cognitive processing words, but provided less information during free recall. Children who had initially used more positive emotion words and recalled more information showed better psychological outcome 6 years later. Implications for children's remembering and coping with traumatic events are discussed.

Pictures and Their Colors: What Do Children Remember?

Abstract Theories regarding children's reliability as witnesses suggest that children are more likely to confuse memories from different sources especially when the sources are highly similar. To investigate the developmental aspects of source retrieval, we measured brain electrical activity from children and adults while they retrieved content and source information. Similar brain responses among the age groups were found when participants were asked to retrieve content information. However, retrieval of source information improved with age and was accompanied by different patterns of brain potentials. The results implicate immaturity of frontal lobe structures in children's difficulty in retrieving source information.

What Is the Meaning of Meaningful Purpose in Children's Remembering? Istomina Revisited

In a classic study, Istomina (1977) found that preschool children remembered more items when remembering served a meaningful purpose then when it was for the purpose of reporting recall to an adult. Istomina's findings have not been replicated in several recent attempts; however, we argue that these attempts have not focused sufficiently on the purpose of remembering. We report a study in which we asked parents to present a set of pictures of 10 grocery items to their 4-year-old children (with the same order of items and number of presentations) in one of two conditions: Either, the remembering fit into a clear functional goal (making a sack lunch), or remembering was itself the goal (in a memory test). In the lunch condition, children were told that they were to remember the items so that they could get them from the "grocer" on the other side of the room in order to make a sack lunch. In the test condition, children were told to remember the items so that they could tell an adult what they were. Children remembered more items when the remembering served the goal of making lunch than when the purpose was simply remembering the items to tell someone else. We discuss the findings in the context of the other replications, some of which created fun activities to contrast with a test condition but often did not embed the remembering as a necessary way of reaching a meaningful goal. We also discuss the likelihood that across differing historical periods and cultural settings, the activities that are meaningful for young children are likely to vary.

Smoke and mirrors: the devastating effect of false sexual abuse claims

Preface Acknowledgments Pt. I False Allegations of Child Sexual Abuse An Overview of False Allegations: Anyone and Anywhere The Origins of False Allegations: Rumors Running Out of Control False Allegations and Guesswork Interviewing Children or Indoctrinating Them? Misinterpretations, Misunderstandings, and Videotapes Sometimes They Just Lie: False Allegations as Fabrications The Persuasiveness of Play Therapy: Children Remembering What Their Therapist Thinks Pt. II Claims of Repressed Memories Adults Recalling What They Forgot to Remember? Repressed Memory Claims: Scientific Fact versus Science Fiction Creating Repressed Memories: Imagination Inflation Clients Suing Recovered Memory Therapy Parents Suing Recovered Memory Therapy Myopic Guilds and Flawed Evidence: Professional Organizations Defending Their Reputations Changing Psychotherapy Notes Index

How Children Remember What They Have Eaten for School Lunch: Same Day Versus Previous Day Recall

Although achievement of many of the Healthy People Year 2000 nutrition objectives will be determined by dietary assessment, methods for assessing diet are weak, especially for children. Children's self-reports of diet are necessary because parents do not know what children eat at school. Self-reports rely on memory, which is subject to error. Research concerning memory and dietary assessment is limited. The purpose of this study was to compare how 4th-graders remember items and amounts eaten at the school lunch the same day with how other 4th-graders remember items and amounts eaten at the school lunch the previous day. Students from 1 6 classes at 3 schools were randomly selected, observed eating lunch, and interviewed within 2 hours after eating (n = 89) or the following morning (n= 16). Interviews were audio-recorded and included free report, cognitive aspects of free report, prompted report, and cognitive aspects of prompted report. For analyses, responses obtained during each of the two cognitive phases (free, prompted) from same day interviews were grouped according to item, detail, and amount, and categorized into 14 categories of responses (preferences, smell/taste imagery, texture imagery, visual imagery, usual practice, food-related events, read label, read menu, behavior chaining, amount eaten, weight of container, physiological cues, other, unable to verbalize). The process was repeated for next day reports. Chi-square analyses were conducted with the individual student as the unit of analysis. Usual practice was more commonly used during next day than same day recalls for items freely reported (81 % vs. 40%, p<.003), and for items reported after prompting (25% vs. 0%, p<.01). Preferences was reported by more students during next day than same day recalls for amounts freely reported (73% vs. 39%, p<.04). Food-related events (e.g., spill or stain on clothes or body) was more commonly used during next day than same day recalls for details freely reported (14% vs. 0%, p<.02). Texture imagery was more common during next day than same day recalls for details reported after prompting (15% vs. 3%, p<.05). Read the menu was more commonly used during next day than same day recalls for details reported after prompting (31 % vs. 10%, p<.04). The inability to verbalize how the information was remembered was more common during same day than next day recalls for items freely recalled (24% vs. 0%, p<.03). Enhanced understanding of how children remember what they have eaten may aid in the design of cues to improve the accuracy of children's self-reports of diet. More accurate dietary self-reports could facilitate assessment of the Year 2000 nutrition objectives.

Group Therapy for Women Survivors of Childhood Sexual Abuse

Sexual abuse of a child is a special form of trauma. As McCarthy (1986) has reported, it probably begins at a much younger age than the child remembers, so that he or she grows up accepting that this is part of life. It is an important part of the environment which affects the child's psychic development. It usually occurs against the background of a cold, sick or absent mother, and a family in which there is little true affection or understanding. It is often accompanied by physical abuse. There may also be an element of psychological abuse which has been called `soul murder' (Shengold, 1979; Miller,1983; Hall, 1987). But even without this-there will always be confusion in the child's mind, `How CAN he do this to me, when he is a grown-up, respected by the other grown-ups, and should love and protect me?' or, `How can my parent ALLOW him to do this to me?' The mystification is increased if the perpetrator is the one person in the family who has given the child any genuine affection.

Children's ability to remember activities performed and imagined: Implications for tistimony

This study examined the ability of six year old children to remember activities performed or imagined when they are done alone or interactively with another person. Results suggest that children remember activities performed better than those imagined, both immediately and after an eight week delay. Activities performed interactively with another person were remembered better than those performed alone after the delay. Children provided fewer responses to open-ended than to specific questions, but their responses to open-ended questions were more likely to be correct. Responses to questions about events that did not occur were quite good initially but accuracy decreased significantly in response to follow-up probes.

Time and again: Effects of repetition and retention interval on 2 year olds' event recall

How and what very young children remember is a central question for understanding the course of memory development. In this research, we examined the effects of two factors on 2-year-old children's ability to recall novel events: repetition of the experience and time since experience. Twenty 24-month-old and twenty 28-month-old children participated in unusual laboratory play events. Half of the children returned after a 2-week delay and again after a 3-month delay (repeated experience condition); the remaining children returned only after 3 months (single experience condition). Memory was assessed by asking children to reenact the events. Recall was generally accurate, and there were no significant effects of age. All children recalled more information about the activities associated with the event than about the objects. Surprisingly, children in the repeated experience condition recalled as much about the events at the 3-month retention interval as at the 2-week retention interval. Further, children in this condition recalled more information at the 3-month retention interval than children in the single experience condition, suggesting that reexperiencing an event may guard against long-term forgetting.

Young Children's Remembering in Different Contexts: A Reinterpretation of Istomina's Study

WEISSBERG, JILL A., and PARIS, ScoTT G. Young Children's Remembering in Different Contexts: A Reinterpretation of Istomina's Study. CHILD DEVELOPMENT, 1986, 57, 1123-1129. 2 important questions in the study of children's memory development are, At what age do children use deliberate strategies to aid recall? and What effect does the task context have on remembering? A study conducted in 1948 with Soviet children is often used to support the claims that children younger than 4 years of age do not use voluntary remembering, and that children recall better in play situations than in tasks where they are told to remember information. The present study improved on Istomina's experimental methods but failed to replicate her results. Children from 3 to 7 years of age were given 6 items to remember either in a direct lesson format (i.e., explicit memory requirement) or as part of games involving grocery shopping or puppet birthday parties. Recall improved with age, and subjects at all ages remembered more in the lesson than game contexts. Children who rehearsed items recalled more words than nonrehearsers. The effects of age and context on recall appear due to the fact that more children rehearsed items in the lesson than the game condition, and more older than younger children rehearsed words spontaneously. Children's understanding about the clarity of memory goals, the need to act, and understanding the instrumental value of rehearsal may have facilitated recall, while uncertain task goals, distraction, and processing load may have suppressed recall for young children, especially in the game condition.

Young Children's Remembering in Different Contexts: A Reinterpretation of Istomina's Study

Young Children's Remembering in Different Contexts: A Reinterpretation of Istomina's Study