Features Of Democracy Research Articles

Democracy, Free Elections, and Gender Equality as Perceived by Recent Immigrants

This study examines how democracy and its political attributes (such as free elections) and social attributes (such as gender equality) are perceived by people who come from nondemocratic countries and have lived for several months in a democratic society. The data were collected in Quebec using an original questionnaire completed by 127 adult immigrants. The results indicate that recent immigrants from nondemocratic countries primarily view democracy as a society based on the rule of law with strong social control. They consider free elections significantly more important to democracy than the possibility to vote for any political party. Contrary to expectations, recent immigrants view gender equality as essential for democracy, although this importance varies according to sphere. Immigrants’ conceptions of democracy also signify the most salient characteristics of the social and physical environment of the host society as the most important democratic features. The study illustrates the multifaceted nature of the process of forming ideas about democracy among immigrants socialized in nondemocratic societies. Not only is theoretical knowledge about democracy as a political system part of these ideas, but everything observed in a democratic society can be perceived as attributes of democracy. The results indicate that immigrants’ impressions of the social and physical environment in their host society should not be overlooked when analyzing their ideas on democracy. Consequently, the study concludes that a more welcoming society can foster more positive visions of democracy among newcomers from nondemocratic countries.

The principal components of electoral regimes: separating autocracies from pseudo-democracies.

A critical issue for society today is the emergence and decline of democracy worldwide. It is unclear, however, how democratic features, such as elections and civil liberties, influence this change. Democracy indices, which are the standard tool to study this question, are based on the a priori assumption that improvement in any individual feature strengthens democracy overall. We show that this assumption does not always hold. We use the V-Dem dataset for a quantitative study of electoral regimes worldwide during the twentieth century. We find a so-far overlooked trade-off between election capability and civil liberties. In particular, we identify a threshold in the democratization process at which the correlation between election capability and civil liberties flips from negative to positive. Below this threshold, we can thus clearly separate two kinds of non-democratic regimes: autocracies that govern through tightly controlled elections and regimes in which citizens are free but under less certainty-a distinction that existing democracy indices cannot make.

Exploring motivated reasoning in polarization over the unfolding 2023 judicial reform in Israel

This work explored polarization over Israel’s Judicial Reform, introduced in January 2023. We find that the reform divided people into pro- and anti-reform camps, which differed in characteristics such as institutional trust, patriotism, and national identity. For example, the camps disagreed about trust in the government versus the judiciary. In line with motivated reasoning—biased reasoning processes used to reach desired conclusions—people’s pre-existing characteristics motivated polarized views of the reform as a threat to democracy (issue-based polarization) and negative emotions towards opponents (affective polarization). Further demonstrating a motivated process, pro-reform participants (the electorate majority), prioritized majority rule over other democratic features (e.g., minority rights) compared to anti-reform participants. Polarization differentially predicted downstream consequences (e.g., protest methods), indicating that the camps’ reactions were motivated by the extremity of their views and negative emotions. This work extends the understanding of potentially motivated polarization processes and their immediate downstream consequences.

Problematic aspects of the implementation of legal guarantees of human and citizen rights in Ukraine

The article describes the basic rights and freedoms of a person and a citizen, which are inalienable rights and freedoms enjoyed by a person from birth. They form the basis of the legal status enshrined in the state constitution and enjoy the highest legal protection. The most important and complex relations between people and the relations between the state and the person in legal form are regulated by formulating the rights, freedoms and obligations underlying the legal status of a person, which is one of the most important not only legal, but also juridical. also political categories. The most important features of the rights and freedoms of a person and a citizen are: naturalness, continuity, equality, social justification, respect for international standards, state guarantee. The problem of guaranteeing the rights and freedoms of a person by giving them a real character is not only of a practical nature. In the modern context of the development of the rule of law and civil society, it is important to develop a holistic scientific concept of human rights and freedoms, which covers a wide range of theoretical provisions regarding the essence and content of rights and freedoms, their structure and mechanism. Local self-government bodies play an important role in ensuring constitutional rights and freedoms. A real environment for the existence of human rights is possible in the conditions of a democratic state governed by the rule of law. Democracy, rule of law and human rights are inseparable. The rule of law is a guarantee of the reality of human rights in terms of protection from violations by the authorities, and human rights are the main condition and characteristic of democracy, the humanistic and human dimension of the rule of law. The article concludes that the basis of democracy in the state is the guarantee of the rights and freedoms of man and citizen by the Constitution of the state, not only formally, but also in practice. Therefore, taking into account the individual shortcomings of state bodies in regulating the system of human and citizen rights, the number of human rights organizations is growing day by day, both at the national and international levels. At the same time, the article concludes that it is impossible to build a legal state in a society with developed legal nihilism. And respect for the rights of society can be caused only by concern for the same rights of people and citizens.

Backsliding without Democracy

Abstract This article analyzes the effects of Israel's democratic backsliding on the Palestinian population in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. While research on democratic backsliding focuses on the erosion of liberal democratic features and how this influences democracies’ citizenry, Israel's composite regime offers a unique setting: an established (albeit weakened) liberal democracy ‘within the Green Line’ alongside an established occupation devoid of democratic features ‘beyond the Green Line.’ Exploring this, I analyze how Israel's belligerent occupation has at times been restrained by the ‘democratic side’ of the country, resulting in Palestinians indirectly benefiting from Israel's democracy while not having democratic rights themselves. The article thus demonstrates how Palestinians may be among the first populations to suffer from democratic backsliding while themselves being devoid of democratic rights.

Examining the effects of democratic backsliding on human rights conditions

What is the link between democratic backsliding and human rights? Existing literature has focused almost exclusively on the effect of increasing democratic features on improvements in human rights. In contrast, we know less regarding the impact of decreasing democracy (i.e., democratic backsliding) on a state’s human rights conditions. With the growing influence of antidemocratic movements in many democracies recently, it is imperative that we explore the relationship between democratic backsliding and human rights conditions. We suspect that democratic backsliding has a substantial negative impact on human rights conditions. We posit that countries experiencing a period of democratic backsliding will also experience human rights violations to a greater degree. Additionally, we maintain that the scale of the backsliding matters, wherein states experiencing more democratic backsliding also experience more substantial reductions in human rights conditions. In testing these assertions, we find strong empirical support using a range of data sources and model specifications.

Democracy and Inclusive Growth in Sub-Saharan Africa

This research explores the link between democracy and inclusive growth in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). A fixed-effects model is used to analyse how the Freedom in the World Index (FIW) score, along with other economic, institutional, and demographic factors, affects a composite index of inclusive growth. The findings challenge the simplistic notion that democratic improvements directly lead to more inclusive growth. Overall, the FIW score exhibits a negative association with inclusive growth across SSA. However, further analysis reveals a potential threshold effect. For countries with highly developed democratic institutions (high FIW score), the FIW score is not statistically significant. Conversely, for countries with less developed democracies (low FIW score), the FIW score has a negative and significant coefficient. This latter finding might be due to reverse causality, where economic decline prompts calls for democratic reforms. For future research, it may be necessary to look deeper into the threshold effect and explore alternative measures of democracy relevant to the SSA context. Additionally, analysing the influence of specific democratic features on various dimensions of inclusive growth (economic, social, and sustainability) could be fruitful. Finally, policymakers should consider the specific level of democratic development in each SSA country when formulating policies aimed at fostering inclusive growth. This study contributes to a nuanced understanding of how democratic institutions can be leveraged to achieve equitable and sustainable development in SSA.

Language as a bridge: Exploring the role of Kiswahili in fostering inclusion

The study broadly conceptualises humanities as the study of human interactions, experiences and human transformations which occur at both the individual and collective levels. I argue that at the center of diverse human interactions is the tool of language which plays an important role of bridging the communicative gaps which occur across multifarious communities. In an attempt to make sense of the intimate correlation between the humanities and the democracy project in Africa, I make a case for the study of the role played by language to foster democratic features of inclusivity and diversity. Particularly, the study investigates the role of the Kiswahili language in bridging and connecting individuals, academics, communities, cultures, nations and cultivating a sense of inclusivity. Kiswahili is the most widely spoken and studied African language and this makes it a strategic tool for creating inclusive societies. Specific reference is given to Kiswahili academic Associations across Africa which are formed by students, teachers, lecturers and other stakeholders, with the primary goal of promoting research and the development of Kiswahili in Africa and beyond. Therbon’s framework of inclusivity and the Social Role Valorisation theory are the guiding analytical frameworks of the study. The study reveals various dimensions of inclusion and exclusion in Kiswahili academic associations as well as its underlying intricacies. I argue that while Kiswahili is strategic in promoting inclusive societies, barriers of inclusion still exist as a result of socio-cultural and political institutions. The study provides recommendations and conclusively emphasises the significant role of Kiswahili as a strategic language in fostering inclusivity of African citizenry as well as bridging communication by connecting individuals of diverse cultures, religions, ideologies and languages.

The Prognostic Value of Common Cardiovascular Biomarkers in the Survival of Patients with DLBCL

Background Diffused large B-cell lymphoma (DLBCL) is a subgroup of highly heterogenous and aggressive hematological malignancy. IPI scoring tools have been used to predict survival in DLBCL patients retrospectively. Moreover, it is indicated that cardiovascular biomarkers can predict long-term survival in myelodysplastic syndrome. To structure a more accurate prognostic model directing survival, we constructed retrospective research in our clinical institution with common cardiovascular biomarkers, for instance, IL-6, Troponin I, BNP, hydroxybutyrate dehydrogenase and creatine phosphokinase. Besides, other risk factors of cardiovascular diseases such as lipids are also taken into consideration. Method We retrospectively researched a total of 284 patients who were first diagnosed with DLBCL from January 2011 to November 2022, among whom 205 patients were sequenced by next-generation sequencing (NGS) before receiving therapy. Characteristics of democracy and clinical data were collected and analyzed. The primary objective is to investigate the prognostic value of common cardiovascular biomarkers in the long-term survival of DLBCL patients. Results A total of 284 patients were enrolled with a median follow-up time of 21.8 months. The inclusive criteria are: patients who are newly diagnosed with DLBCL and clinical data of cardiovascular mark can be retrospect, moreover, to eliminate the influence of cardiac failure we excluded those whose ejection fraction was lower than 30%. There are 78 patients with high levels of BNP (HIGH-BNP group) and 119 patients with high levels of IL-6 (HIGH-IL6 group). In the HIGH-BNP group, overall survival is poorer than the control group (p<0.001, HR=3.07, 95%CI 1.97-4.78). Besides, in the HIGH-IL6 group, the tendency shows similitude, with a lower survival ratio (p=0.025, HR=2.65, 95%CI 1.30-5.40). Among 205 patients who received NGS sequencing, 2270 genes mutation have been detected. the most frequently detected genes are PIM1 (324, 14.3%), KMT2D (73, 3.2%), BCL6 (80, 3.5%), TP53 (63, 2.8%) and MYD88 (57, 2.5%). Conclusion Cardiovascular biomarkers can properly predict DLBCL patient survival.

Landscape architecture as means of forming national identity in public spaces in buffer zones of Ukrainian cultural heritage objects

The article presents the results of the author's study of the formation of national identity in public spaces by means of landscape architecture. It has been presented that public spaces are separated on democratic and totalitarian by the socio-political factor. The most expressive about the manifestation or change of national identity is the urban environment of important public spaces, that are centers of popular assemblies, demonstrations and other collective events. Based on the theoretical analysis of the development of the Ukrainians, the main aspects of the manifestation of national identity in the public spaces are democracy and sacredness. It means giving democratic features to public spaces and creation memorable places. The key symbol of Ukrainian identification – is vegetation as an image of the infinity of life, the strength of the spirit and love for the Motherland. Additionally, in the article, is analyzed intercultural and instinctive perception of landscape scenes. These features correspond to the deep foundations of human perception of the environment: natural forms; zoning; semi-closed space; the presence of greenery and water. The internal filling of space should be carried out taking into account comfort and safety, but with a bias towards national motives. In particular, we have identified such features of the Ukrainian landscape style as: zoning and monoculture; the presence of a stalls and front gardens; abundant autochthonous gardening; and sacred elements of improvement. The newly created concept of an identical space device should be fixed in a special document - the design code of the buffer zone. The design code should contain detailed characteristics regarding the improvement of the buffer zone. The formation of national identity in the public spaces of buffer zones of cultural heritage monuments will contribute to the implementation of safety and security functions without violating the traditional nature of the historical environment.

Mikirecco of Shekacho: Rethinking The Indigenous System of Governance and Uncovering Its Democratic Features

Mikirecco of Shekacho: Rethinking The Indigenous System of Governance and Uncovering Its Democratic Features

Public Deliberation or Popular Votes? Measuring the Performance of Different Types of Participatory Democracy

ABSTRACT There is a growing body of empirical research on democracies with strong or weak deliberative and/or direct democratic features. But how do these features affect the performance of a country? How do participatory types of democracies differ considering system performance, democratic performance, and social performance? Which type is more successful? Although these questions are most crucial and pressing in democracy research, they remain mostly unexplored. Our explorative study is a start to fill this gap. It analyzes which participatory types of democracies perform better: countries with less or more deliberation, countries with less or more direct democratic elements, countries that score high or low on both features. Based on several datasets and applying different statistical tools, we show that the associations between these types of democracy and performance are multifaceted. The most important finding, however, is clear-cut. Democracies with strong deliberative as well as strong direct democratic features perform better than other democracies. Combining deliberation with direct democracy seems to be the optimal formula to guarantee high social, system, and democratic performance. However, many questions remain open and we discuss the need for future research.

혁신교육에서 교사의 리더십에 적용되는 복잡성원리에 대한 탐색적 접근

The purpose of this study is to explore teacher leadership in innovative schools by applying it to the principle of complexity. In order to achieve this research purpose, we analyzed and explored the characteristics and principles of innovative education, teacher leadership in innovative schools, and teacher leadership in innovative schools applying complexity principles. As a result of the study, teacher leadership in innovative schools is different from traditional and authoritative teacher leadership, and when teacher leadership in line with the characteristics of innovative schools is applied to the principle of complexity, the characteristics of democracy, subjectivity, spontaneity, interaction, change orientation, sharing, and re-creation. In addition, the exercise of leadership as a teacher in the learning field where various situations exist could be applied in line with the characteristics of complex principles such as positive feedback of confusion and unstable situations, shared growth and development through self-organization and co-evolution of teachers and students. Through these results, this study presents complexity theory as a principle to explore the process of leadership to accommodate various environmental changes and successfully demonstrate teacher leadership by applying the principle of complexity.

Teachers’ Perceptions of Their Schools’ Democratic Character

ABSTRACT This study investigates teachers' perceptions of school democracy within a low-stakes accountability context. While previous studies have focused on teachers' perceptions of school climate and citizenship norms, we know less about factors associated with their perceptions of democracy in their schools. Through a multiple regression analysis of survey data, we investigated possible predictors of teachers' perceptions regarding their schools' democratic character within Norway's low-stakes accountability system. In this study, theories on professionalism and educational and democratic leadership serve as an overarching framework. Results suggest a positive relationship between teachers' experience of trust, support, and an inclusive relationship with their principal/leadership team and perceptions of democratic features in their school. Moreover, the higher the importance teachers place on teaching skills and values related to democracy, the more democratic they perceive their schools to be. Finally, findings indicate that education for democracy is embedded in collaboration structures at the school level.

(DIS)ENABLERS OF DEMOCRATIZATION OF SECONDARY SCHOOL GOVERNANCE IN ZAMBIA

This study sought to explore the functioning of school governing bodies (SGBs) with a view to understand how SGBs enable or disenable democracy in selected secondary schools in the Southern Province of Zambia. The study utilized a qualitative research approach and was underpinned by the conceptual framework of decentralization. The sample comprised members of SGBs (2 chairpersons, 2 head teachers, 2 parent governors, and 2 teacher governors). Data collected from interviews were analyzed thematically, while observations and document review data were analyzed using content analysis. The study established the existence of both enabling and disenabling elements in SGBs. The study concluded that the SGBs were, in the main, democratic and had implemented the principle of decentralization with participation by all eligible stakeholders. Despite the presence of democratic features, certain undemocratic elements were identified in the SGBs. The study further revealed that the SGBs’ lack of adequate preparation impacted negatively on effective delivery by members, and this was in part attributed to some of the disenabling elements found among SGBs. The study, among other things, advocates for the training of school governors if they are to act more democratically.

Diversification of Nigeria Economy and National Development 2005-2012

Economic diversification has been the only solution to Nigeria’s economic challenges with the country in control of diversely untapped natural and human resources. This work has contextually x-rayed some much more considered theoretical paths of economic development through economic diversification and placed the blame for Nigeria’s economic backwardness on political will and lack of commitment to national course of political leaders. Since the diverse policy process of the government had yielded little or no sustainable results, even when the emphasis is to utilize the potentials in non-oil sectors to benefit ever-increasing population. Nigeria is relatively diversified but the positive impact of real diversification through surplus economic gains has not been achieved. A holistic approach to development was adopted in the theoretical framework used in this work that positively affects state, people and their relationship nationally and internationally. The thrust of the theory encourages free trade policy, efficient competition and democratic features to liberalize productivity through various guided legislation in line with Globalized Quality Standard. The research design was descriptive of the observed trend in the economy. It also analyses similar scholarly data collected for accuracy in exposing greatly a multi-sectoral approach in planning, dealing with interdependence using input-output matrix with reference to pre-independence and post-independence era of the national economy. This study looked at the positive intentions of some interventionist programmes and policies of the Government which were short-lived. Few years’ aggregate contribution and sectoral real GDP rate were stated. Recommendations were effectively based on keen interest in multi-sectoral diversification of an economy being the sub-structure that determines the effectiveness of super-structure.

What type of democracy do Chileans want?

Chile is undergoing perhaps the most dramatic reformation of any contemporary democracy and will adopt a wholly new constitution in the coming two years. Against this backdrop, in this Research Note we investigate which democratic features Chileans prefer. To so do, we field a conjoint experiment with a large quota sample of Chileans. Results reveal that Chileans have several distinct preferences over democratic features that are currently subject to change. We also find that these preferences are largely indistinguishable within demographic subgroups. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of our findings in light of Chile’s ongoing processes of democratic reform and lessons for other democracies.

THEORETICAL AND LEGAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE INSTITUTION OF ADMINISTRATIVE GUARDIANSHIP AS A WAY TO OVERCOME SOCIAL INSECURITY

Of great theoretical and political-practical importance are the special basic state-legal laws that are included in the block of objective reality of the subject of the theory of state and law. The subject of the theory of state and law in the general scientific doctrine of the discipline is considered by leading scientists ambiguously, but most authors say that a strong state should always take care of its citizens. Such state concern as an element of social protection occupies an independent place among the main democratic features of the Russian Federation. The State, represented by its authorized bodies, provides citizens with special benefits, privileges and incentives, which is confirmed by regulatory acts. One of the elements of the subject of the study of the theory of state and law is the study of the range of problems related to the theoretical and legal foundations of the institute of administrative guardianship. Administrative guardianship has a number of specific features that indicate its important and global significance, especially for an active society. The relevance of the topic is primarily due to the gap in the existing doctrinal practice. It is with regret that we have to state the fact that the absolute majority of the studied educational and scientific literature ignores administrative guardianship. A proper understanding of the mechanism of the institution of administrative guardianship, as well as its practical application, helps to avoid possible problems in the future. The author made an attempt to study the institution of administrative guardianship through the prism of its characteristic legal components. The author draws attention to the fact that at present, due to the current difficult epidemiological situation, people need real support from the state: assistance in finding employment, providing free medical services, payments and other social guarantees provided by the institute of administrative guardianship.

Jan Kuklík, René Petráš, Minorities and law in Czechoslovakia, 1918–1992, Karolinum Press, Prague 2017, pp. 302

The reviewed monograph by Jan Kuklík and René Petráš entitled Minorities and law in Czechoslovakia, 1918–1992, Karolinum Press, Prague 2017, is dedicated to the legal situation of national minorities in Czechoslovakia in the years 1918–1992. Although it constitutes a useful guide to appropriate legislation, the authors show some tendency to emphasise the democratic features of state policy towards minorities in the interwar period and lessen the significance of some of its flaws

Admins, mods, and benevolent dictators for life: The implicit feudalism of online communities

Online platforms train users to interact with each other through certain widespread interface designs. This article argues that an “implicit feudalism” informs the available options for community management on the dominant platforms for online communities. It is a pattern that grants user-administrators absolutist reign over their fiefdoms, with competition among them as the primary mechanism for quality control, typically under rules set by platform companies. Implicit feudalism emerged from technical conditions dating to early online networks. In light of alternative management mechanisms with more democratic features, it becomes all the more clear that implicit feudalism is not a necessary condition.