Change In Turkish Foreign Policy Research Articles

Political economy of Turkey’s pivot to Asia

ABSTRACT This article examines Türkiye’s increasingly complex relations with Asia from a political economy perspective, capitalizing on the notions of semi-periphery and sub-imperialism in an era marked by the crisis of globalization and a relative decline of US economic and technological power. It contends that the complexity of Türkiye-Asia relations and associated changes in Turkish foreign policy should be examined within the shifting global and domestic political-economic conditions and the changing relations between countries.

A Political Economy of Historical Change and Continuity in Turkish Foreign Policy

This study aims to analyse historical continuity and change in Turkish foreign policy (TFP) within the framework of Critical Theory as elucidated by Robert Cox. It suggests asking how TFP has been affected by the historical changes in relations of production and world orders. Within this framework, it aims to explain the changes in TFP within the relation between the production, the world order and the form of state. It analyses TFP in three historical periods such as the Interwar Years, Cold War and post-Cold War. It exposes that Turkish state (re)formation and foreign policy making has succumbed to the global capitalist relations of production and corresponding world orders. These two have been the major framework(s) of change and continuity in Türkiye’s 100 years-old foreign policy. Its main argument is that the continuity and change in TFP has shown an interplay of relations between production and world order. It concludes that TFP has been in line with the global relations of production so there has been a clear and substantial continuity; and that the arguable changes have been the repercussions of global relations of production and world orders.

ОТНОШЕНИЯ ТУРЦИИ И СИРИИ В ПЕРИОД ХОЛОДНОЙ ВОЙНЫ И ПОСЛЕ ХОЛОДНОЙ ВОЙНЫ

Syria and Türkiye are two neighboring countries have various cultural and historical ties and even relatives. These ties were formed from the 16th century, when the Ottoman Empire conquered its territory, to the 20th century, when the empire broke up. These ties between Syria, which became independent towards the middle of the 20th century, and its neighbor Türkiye were not enough to prevent some problems. While relations with the Hatay Problem were seriously strained, the water problem made everything worse. The biggest tension between the two countries is related to terrorism that Türkiye has been dealing with for several decades. Because of this problem, the two states had come to a point where they were almost at war with each other. Despite everything, thanks to diplomacy, the problems were overcome and an atmosphere of peace that would last at least a few years was ensured. However, with the events of the early 2010s, it was returned to the beginning. For more than 10 years, relations between the two states are worse than ever, there are no diplomatic relations. Perhaps better relations will not be established in the medium term due to massive refugee flows and military operations. In this article, the relations between Syria and Türkiye, especially in the conditions of the Cold War and after, is examined. Particularly, the water problem, the terrorism issue, the potential clash being replaced by peace at the end of the 1990s, the Arab Spring and its aftermath period are analyzed in detail to understand this complex relation. The Arab Spring, on the other hand, is emphasized in more detail than the others, as it directly concerns our day. Regarding the Arab Spring, attention is drawn to the following three questions: What is Türkiye's perspective on events from past to present, has there been a change in Turkish foreign policy over the years, how are Türkiye-Syria relations affected by the latest developments?

Change in Turkish Foreign Policy towards the Middle East

In the last two decades, Turkey has remarkably transformed its foreign policy towards the Middle East. Ankara with a neo-Ottoman and anti-Western approach has become more evident in the foreign policy practices of Justice and Development Party (known as AKP) government. This article identifies the religious geopolitical imagination of Turkey with civilizationalist and neo-Ottoman visions that have shaped its foreign policy goals and instruments during the AKP government era. The article argues that religious geopolitical imagination is a result of foreign policy change towards the Middle East, which may give a Turkey leading position in the region. Overall, however, the evolution of religious geopolitical imagination can be accounted for not only by foreign policy concerns, but economic interests and domestic political aims also matter. Turkey has applied both hard and soft power approaches to remain in the region, but more focused and balanced soft power capabilities. This rapid change may be the result of internal problems like soaring inflation, plummeting currency, and a decline in popularity of the AKP. This article will give more focus to contemporary developments in Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East region.

Increasing Realism in Turkish Foreign Policy during Post-Davutoğlu Era

This article compares Turkish foreign policy in the post-Davutoğlu era with the previous period and analyzes the changes and continuities in these two periods. In the first years of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) period, the Davutoğlu era, Turkish foreign policy featured soft power and cooperation-based characteristics. While maintaining its proactive and multi-dimensional aspects, there were three crucial changes in Turkish foreign policy in the post-Davutoğlu era. First, the elimination of the Fetullah Terror Organization (FETÖ) network from the state institutions and organizations after the July 15 coup attempt contributed to the effective functioning of the state, more autonomous foreign policy, and successful military operations. Second, Türkiye adopted a new security concept aiming to eradicate the sources of terrorism both within and outside its borders and began to use more hard power. Third, Türkiye increased its capabilities in crisis management in its relations with great powers and managed its autonomous foreign policy. These three changes in the post-Davutoğlu era led to increasing realism, autonomous foreign policy, and the rise of deterrence and the sphere of regional influence.

Türkiye'nin Yunanistan'a Yönelik Dış Politikası: Avrupalılaşmadan Anti-Avrupalılaşmaya

This paper aims to examine Turkey’s foreign policy toward Greece in the post-1999 era. It argues that the direction and changes in Turkish foreign policy toward Greece are impacted by the Turkey-EU relations. To examine these arguments, this study raises the following questions: What are the changes in Turkey’s Greece policy after 1999? and what role has the EU played in these policy changes? This research utilizes Börzel and Risse’s three-step Europeanisation framework and the de-Europeanisation and counter-conduct concepts to evaluate the Europeanisation and de-Europeanisation of Turkey’s Greece policy. By doing so, it contributes to the Europeanisation and the growing de-Europeanisation literature in general and the literature on Turkish foreign policy towards Greece in specific.

Party Competition Over Turkish Foreign Policy: Understanding Policy Revisions of the Rival Parties

Why do parties change policy positions? Theories of party competition analyze this question by looking at how parties respond to their voters, to their rivals, to the lobbying groups, or to the results of the past elections. The research on the motives of change in Turkish foreign policy (TFP) partially accounts for such factors from the domestic level. This article is interested in the relative impact of party competition over TFP. To this end, it analyses and compares foreign policy positions as presented in the successive election manifestos of the mainstream Turkish political parties. The analysis rests on all the pre-election party programs of the ruling Justice and Development Party, the Republican Peoples Party and the Nationalist Action Party in the period from 2002 to 2018. The article solely concentrates on sections of these parties’ election programs that are devoted to foreign policy. First, it examines transformations regarding parties’ general framings about TFP visions and then analyses party policies and adjustments regarding Turkey’s relations with the West, Middle East, and other regions. The article also examines the level of the resemblance of parties’ foreign policy proposals with their rivals’ proposals from the previous electoral period. The findings of this article are expected to help understand parties’ choices for particular foreign policy positions, as well as, contribute to the existing discussions on the magnitude and determinants of change in TFP.

From Border Security to National Security: Change in Turkish Foreign Policy Towards the Middle East After 2016 (A Realistic Perspective)

The Turkish Republic ended the twentieth century without any significant role in the Middle East. From the end of World War One until the end of the 20th century, Turkey adopted a foreign policy based on isolation from its Arab region and a role that does not exceed its Western allies in international affairs. The Turkish foreign policy could be described as a policy aimed at achieving the security of great powers in the region. However, when the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in Turkey in 2002, and its attempts to redefine Turkey's role in the area and to formulate a new foreign policy towards its Arab region and to adopt what was known as the "Zero Problems" policy. But Turkey could not abandon the political constraints imposed by its commitments Especially towards the United States of America. The article (From Border Security to National Security: Change in Turkish Foreign Policy towards the Middle East after 2016 - Realistic Perspective-) adopted the Realistic Theory of International Relations as a basis for analyzing the change in Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East issues after 2016. The article based on the assumption that the failed coup attempt against Turkey on 25 July 2016 has become a pivotal turning point in the political history of the Turkish Republic in general, and especially in Turkey's foreign policy. For the first time in nearly a century Turkey Foreign policy aimed at achieving its national security beyond its geographical borders.

Continuation and change in Turkish foreign policy towards Syria After (2011)

This study entitled (The consistency and shifting of the Turkish foreign policy towards Syria after 2011) is discussing on the Turkish foreign policy which has been shifting since the formation of Turkish state in 1923. There are many internal factors behind the Turkish foreign policy shifting such as; political leaders’ role, political party’s ideology, and military institutions.An enormous shifting in Turkish foreign policy has taken place since the AKP had holding power in 2002, especially moving political concern toward the Arabic countries replacing of the western countries. After Syrian uprising in 2011, Turkish foreign policy has been shifting toward the country because of geopolitical issue among two countries will effect on each other. In other word, any change in Syria will influence on Turkey.Meanwhile, Turkey behavior on Syria crisis has been inconsistent since the uprising in the country. As a result, the relationship between two countries Turkey and Syria negatively has been shifting in some areas; politically, diplomacy, economic, military and security.The reason behind Turkish behavior on Syria is related to Turkish fear on its national security, geopolitics and national interests with superpowers. However, there are some issues have been suspended between both countries due to Turkey maintains on such issues; water, Iskenderun, Syria unity, ethnics and sects.

Turkish foreign policy under Erdogan: A change in international orientation?

There have been significant changes in Turkish foreign policy under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, in particular since the 2016 military coup attempt. The changes have resulted in a strong focus on national security, an assertive style in policy implementation, a preference for transaction-based relations, and a quest for more strategic autonomy. Two main arguments are made: First, these features of policy represent both change and continuity when compared with earlier periods in Turkish foreign policy. The novelty under Erdogan is primarily in how the features are combined. Second, the changes do not represent a shift in Turkey’s overall international orientation.

The Internal-External Dialectic: The Political and the Economic in the Foreign Policy of Turkey’s Refah Party

The primary objective of this study is to examine the dialectical relationship between internal and external factors which shaped the foreign policy approach of the Welfare Party (Refah Partisi, the RP) in Turkey in the 1990s. To grasp the class characteristics of the RP, the relationship between the RP and the state within the power bloc, and its relations with global capitalism, this study addresses the connection between neoliberalism and political Islam in Turkey. To achieve this goal, the study focuses on social relations of production, relations at the state level, and international relations which shaped the foreign policy of the RP. Accordingly, it examines the dialectical relationship between the political and the economic which shaped the material basis of the RP and its foreign policy. The study concludes that the analysis of the RP’s foreign policy requires some form of a combination of internal and external factors which form essential extra economic and political conditions for social cohesion. Finally, it demonstrates that there was neither a shift nor a change in Turkish foreign policy under the RP-led coalition government during 1996 and 1997.

Change in Turkish Foreign Policy towards neighboring countries for 2003-2015 (Iraq model)

This paper deals with the nature and causes of change in Turkish foreign policy towards its neighbors, specifically Iraq. This change, which was the main reason, the new obstacles faced by the external movement and result, directly or indirectly, of the variables that have emerged in neighboring countries during the past decade, including Iraq, of course. Where the relationship between Turkey and Iraq is one of the most sensitive relations in the Middle East, and the Kurdistan region of Iraq has formed one of the important factors that contributed to the nature of that relationship between them. Therefore, the research attempts to detect the paths of change in the Turkish foreign policy towards the central government in Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government for the period 2003-2015. Many researchers and academics have pointed to the changing and contradictory nature of Turkish foreign policy toward Iraq in the post-2003 era. The main question in this paper is: Why was there no consistent position in Turkish foreign policy towards the central government in Baghdad and Kurdistan Regional Government in Arbil between In 2003-2015? The hypothesis of the research is that countries adopt change in their foreign policies in order to achieve their national interests and interests with the lowest costs and more benefits. Turkey has adopted a change in its foreign policy toward its neighbors as well, specifically Iraq, and this research will try to test this hypothesis on the Turkish policy towards Iraq. The duration of the search, if it is or not. The research in the final analysis shows that one of the most important results of improving relations between Turkey and the Kurdistan Regional Government will be in favor of the Turkish quest to strengthen its influence in front of Iranian influence in Iraq and the region as a whole.

The Crisis and Change in Turkish Foreign Policy After July 15

This article analyzes attempts to redirect foreign policy against multiple crises in Turkey that inhibit change. The gap between the country’s capabilities and resources and its regional and international commitments has overshadowed former success stories in Turkish Foreign Policy (TFP) by casting an all-encompassing sense of siege, retreat, and isolation. The new narrative and guided political mobilization by government after July 15 in Turkey saw the redirection of foreign policy as a necessary response to the emerging situation, not an offshoot of failure in the previous era. A combination of efforts toward program change and problem/goal change characterized the leader-driven redirection in TFP. This article argues that despite the new narrative and authoritative control of the implementation of foreign policy, presumed redirection or recalibration is unlikely to happen in TFP in the post-July 15 era. There is not a solid plan for change and reform in foreign policy or in the state apparatus at large but rather only a rhetorical emphasis on such actions.

Continuation and change in Turkish foreign policy toward Syria after (2011)

This study entitled (The consistency and shifting of the Turkish foreign policy towards Syria after 2011) is discussing on the Turkish foreign policy which has been shifting since the formation of Turkish state in 1923. There are many internal factors behind the Turkish foreign policy shifting such as; political leaders’ role, political party’s ideology, and military institutions. An enormous shifting in Turkish foreign policy has taken place since the AKP had holding power in 2002, especially moving political concerntoward the Arabic countries replacing of the western countries. After Syrian uprising in 2011, Turkish foreign policy has been shifting toward the country because of geopolitical issue among two countries will effect on each other. In other word, any change in Syria will influence on Turkey. Meanwhile, Turkey behavior on Syria crisis has been inconsistent since the uprising in the country. As a result, the relationship between two countries Turkey and Syria negatively has been shifting in some areas; politically, diplomacy, economic, military and security. The reason behind Turkish behavior on Syria is related to Turkish fear on its national security, geopolitics and national interests with superpowers. However, there are some issues have been suspended between both countries due to Turkey maintains on such issues; water, İskenderun, Syria unity, ethnics and sects.&nbsp

Paradigm Change in Turkish Foreign Policy and Its Reflections on the National Press: A Case Study

Küresel ölçekte yaşanan değişim ve dönüşümlerin uluslararası halkla ilişkiler faaliyeti olarak kamu diplomasisi uygulamalarını da etkilediği, devletten harici kamulara dönük tek yönlü iletişimin sürdürülebilir olmadığı varsayımından hareket eden bu çalışma, 21.yy kamu diplomasisi yaklaşımı bağlamında dahili kamuları mercek altına almaktadır. Bu bağlamda da dahili kamulara ulaşarak, onları kamu diplomasisi faaliyetlerinin katılımcı aktörü olma konusunda bilinçlendirebilecek öncelikli araçların başında gelen kitle iletişim aygıtlarının süreçteki rolünü sorgulamayı amaçlamaktadır. İdeoloji ve mülkiyet bileşenlerinin dış politika ve kamu diplomasisi faaliyetlerine dair haber üretimine etkileri var mıdır? Varsa nelerdir? sorularına da cevap aramaktadır. Kamu diplomasisi faaliyetlerinin sürdürülebilirliği açısından kilit öneme sahip dâhili kamuların rıza ve onayına odaklanan bu çalışmada, dâhili kamuları etkileme gücü bağlamında ulusal yazılı basın incelemeye dâhil edilmiştir. Ulusal basın evreninden ideoloji ve mülkiyet bağlamında seçilen örneklem gazetelerinde Davos krizi haberleri Van Dijk’ın “söylem analizi” yaklaşımı ile incelemeye alınarak, harici kamularda olumlu algılamaları olan hadisenin, dâhili kamuoyuna sunumunda oluşan farklılaşma incelenmiştir. Örneklem gazetelerinden Cumhuriyet ve Sözcü, iktidar karşıtı söylemini, Sabah ise iktidarı olumlayan söylemini kesintisiz olarak devam ettirirken, Hürriyet gazetesinin millî hassasiyetleri de olan örnek vaka bağlamında ‘öteki’ni tenkit ederken, iktidara da dolaylı olarak eleştiri sunduğu gözlenmiştir. Yeniçağ, iktidarın milliyetçi söylemlerini meşrulaştırmakla birlikte ideolojik çizgisini görece uzak bir noktaya konumladığı iktidarın söylem ve eylemlerini tenkit eden içeriğe ağırlık vermiştir. Sonuç olarak kamuoyu oluşumundaki etkin rolü bağlamında ulusal basının, Filistin meselesine dönük yüksek ilgisi, siyasal elitlere faaliyet alanı açması bakımından anlamlı olup, dâhili-harici kamu dengesini oluşturabilmek açısından eleştirileri minimize edici adımların gerekliliği de ifade edilmelidir

Dynamics of change in Turkish foreign policy: evidence from high-level meetings of the AKP government

ABSTRACTThis paper offers a contribution to the literature on Turkish foreign policy (TFP) change through quantitative analysis of Turkey’s foreign policy chronology under the ruling Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) between January 2009 and October 2016. It utilizes an original dataset on foreign policy meetings which is then utilized to ascertain the alterations in their volume, direction and purpose. Through this analytical framework, the paper depicts the course of TFP orientations towards different countries and regions, as well as potential explanations of their dynamics. Among its many findings, the paper suggests that bilateral diplomatic activism in the late AKP period can be explained by motivating factors such as trade, geographical proximity and shared identity. Moreover, fluctuations in regional orientations of TFP can be associated with sudden and less calculated reactions to international or domestic political crisis situations.

Konflikt na Morzu Egejskim – otwarta puszka Pandory w stosunkach grecko-tureckich

The Aegean conflict is a multifaceted problem in Greek-Turkish relations. The main components of the dispute include the issue of delimitation of the continental shelf, territorial sea, air space; the remilitarization of the Greek islands and questioning the Greekness of the Aegean islands. The lack of resolution of this dispute has resulted in numerous tensions and crises between both countries, which could lead to the outbreak of an open war. Thanks to the initiative of NATO, and mainly the US, it has managed to prevent the danger of a military conflict. However, the change in Turkish foreign policy in the Erdoğan era, involving the questioning of the Treaty of Lausanne, contributes to the escalation of regional destabilization. Tensions occurring in the Aegean Sea can be transferred to the “fragile” Balkans and thus threaten European security.

An empirical analysis of the change in Turkish foreign policy under the AKP government

ABSTRACTThe existing literature on Turkish foreign policy (TFP) asserts that under the rule of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP), Turkey’s foreign policy shifted from caution and uni-dimensionality to relative activism and multi-dimensionality. This study aims to test these arguments through a systematic analysis of the international agreements ratified by the Turkish Parliament between 1984 and 2015. By looking at the number, content and signatory parties of these international agreements, it aims to empirically show the change in the activism, orientation and instruments of TFP. Using this original data set is not only used to trace the change under the AKP but also across all ruling governments that came to power between 1984 and 2015.

Turkey’s Middle Eastern Endeavors: Discourses and Practices of Neo-Ottomanism under the AKP

The aim of this research paper is to explain the concept of neo-Ottomanism as a Turkish foreign policy doctrine, as it was formulated by the ruling Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP). The paper follows two distinct yet interrelated themes. First, it explains how the neo-Ottoman discourse used by AKP today differs from the civic proto-nationalist discourse of Ottomanism developed by political reformers around 1839–1908, in order to construct an overarching identity formula for the multi-confessional and multi-ethnic Empire which sensed its demise. Second, it discusses the current understanding of neo-Ottomanism in relation to economic, political and cultural interests that the AKP pursues in the Middle East. The argument is that today’s AKP’s interpretation of the Ottoman past as a justification for its growing political, economic and cultural presence in the region is very selective and makes a radical departure from the original 19th century concept. Besides these key analytical concerns, the paper also addresses major changes in Turkish foreign policy, between 2002 and 2013, as well as relevant political transformations in the region. The empirical material consists of documents in both Turkish and English in the form of press releases and public statements of key AKP representatives available online from newspapers, think-tanks, the Republic of Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Presidency of the Republic of Turkey and AKP websites.

Change and Leadership in Foreign Policy: The Case of Turgut Ozal's Premiership in Turkey, 1983–1989

This essay seeks to explain the source and magnitude of change in Turkish foreign policy during Turgut Ozal's premiership. In doing so, it employs theoretical studies on foreign policy change and the role of the leader in such processes. The essay argues that Prime Minister Ozal assumed the role of the authoritative leader in Turkey's foreign policy decision making, which was the main source of change in that period's foreign policy. Further, it demonstrates that during the period from 1983 until 1989 there were changes in the level of effort as well as shifts in the methods and aims of Turkish foreign policy. Nevertheless, this period did not witness any comprehensive or fundamental changes at the level of international orientation.