Changes In Political Structure Research Articles

Tracing the Process of Rome's Expansion in Anatolia

As a result of Rome's nearly 60-year-long struggle that wore out the state, the Republican administration ended with Augustus. With this new system, large lands will now be governed by a single administrator. This new system brought the imperial structure to solve the problems of Rome. After Rome established a political authority and power in the Italian geography, a Roman-Italian union was established here. The policy followed by Rome this time in order to achieve the desired area of dominance was to explore areas of expansion outside Italy. As of the Roman period, it underwent changes in its area of expansion along with the changes in political structures and orders. In this context, it expanded its distribution area towards Anatolia. During the period when this expansion area took place, Rome experienced great struggles both externally and internally. Our study topic, "The Process of the Spread of Rome in Anatolia", contains cases and impressions that cannot be repeated due to the time period it covers. For this reason, criteria such as the content of the study, its field, and the time period to be researched are not suitable for quantitative research methods. Therefore, document analysis, one of the qualitative research methods that is thought to be more amenable to the criteria of the study, constitutes the method of the study. With this method, it was tried to reach various sources and documents about the policy followed by Rome in Anatolia and draw meaningful inferences from them.

민진당 재집권 이후의 대만사 연구 경향

This article aims to elaborate on the current trends and features of Taiwan history research and to provide a direction for Korean academic to understand Taiwanese society and history. In the main, this article will attempt to analyse the current trends and characteristics of Taiwanese history research, with a particular focus on the changes since the DPP's return to power and their impact. In the 2016, Taiwanese presidential election, the DPP won power, and Tsai Ing-wen was re-elected in the 2020 presidential election. There is an ongoing debate on how these political changes affect the study of Taiwanese history, and how Taiwan's identity and inherent capabilities have been historically emphasised in the context of de-Chinaisation.
 In addition, the overall trend in Taiwanese history research has been to move away from a focus on colonialism and continental nationalism in the past, and to emphasise the need for Taiwanese to write their own history and to be seen as the agents of Taiwan's history. This shows that the study of Taiwanese history is endeavouring to understand historical agency from different perspectives. The study of population movements and migration to Taiwan since prehistoric times is also being conducted from a variety of perspectives. Recent research trends have been characterised by an exploration of the background and characteristics of Taiwan's population movements in various areas, including geographical and economic causes, as well as political fluctuations, changes in political structures, and changes in identity.
 Since 20 century, the study of Taiwan history has reflected a diversity of values and emphasised the recognition that Taiwan is a pluralistic society. In particular, efforts have been made to identify the impact of social phenomena such as migration, economic change, and natural disasters on Taiwanese history, as well as political change and the expansion of power. In addition, recent studies of Taiwanese history have sought to demonstrate that ethnicity, religion, and community are indicators of current social conflicts. These themes are emerging as important aspects of Taiwanese history, which is an indication of the growing interest in studying how they operate as axes of change and conflict within Taiwanese society.

Navigating shifting waters: Subjectivity, oil extraction, and Urarina territorial strategies in the Peruvian Amazon

This paper examines the relationships between extractive infrastructure, changing territorial strategies, and contemporary processes of subject formation among the Urarina, an indigenous people in the Peruvian Amazon. We first introduce the uneven and combined character of oil extraction in the Loreto region in north-eastern Peru, and how its racialised spatial contradictions are expressed in the ethnopolitical field that gives political form to regional extractive operations. The paper goes on to analyse the case of the Urarina people in the Chambira river basin, their particular place in the geography of extraction, and the case of the community of Nueva Union. We examine contemporary processes of subject formation in the community, which combine radical transformations in the role of money, territorial strategies, use and valuation of the environment, and changes in political structure, in non-linear ways. The paper closes by examining how the case of the community of Nueva Union sheds light on broader dynamics of subject formation, localised relations to the environment, and extraction as they play out in contemporary indigenous Amazonia.

Exploring a new development direction of the Belt and Road Initiative in the transitional period towards the post-COVID-19 era

Since the outbreak of COVID-19, its impacts have been envisaged in multi-dimensional ways, including global supply chains, international logistics, and transportation. Owing to a series of virus variants since 2020, several Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects have been halted along the Belt and Road (B&R), and their implementation progress has been affected. In addition, China, which initiated the BRI in 2013, has been facing challenges which are caused by its economic, socio-demographic, and international political structural changes. Moreover, growing conflicts and tensions in international trade and politics, such as the war between Russia and Ukraine, China-US trade conflicts, foreign companies’ reshoring the production lines from China, and diplomatic disputes between China and Australia, have been interwoven with the impacts of COVID-19 on the supply chains, international trade, and transportation in the world. Having considered the above, this study explores a new research-driven approach to reignite the BRI momentum in the transitional period towards the post-COVID-19 era from a Chinese economic perspective. In doing so, this paper proposes nine research agendas, such as the optimization network of transportation and logistics distribution centers (LDCs) along the B&R, priority development and performance of LDCs, greening the B&R with green shipping corridors, revisiting port devolution continuum, humanitarian logistics in association with COVID-19, security and risk analysis of China’s energy supply chains, and export of the 6th Generation Ports (6GP) model with smart ports to major container ports along the port supply chains. Each research agenda is addressed with its motivation, significance, and applicable and representative methods.

Политический феномен революции

The article analyzes the political phenomenon of revolutions. The article explores the phenomenon of political revolutions, providing an overview and analysis of the key aspects, causes, and consequences of this phenomenon in world politics. Revolutions, as political events, have a long history and have a significant impact on modern society. The article examines the reasons that may push people to rebel against the existing political system. The author emphasizes that dissatisfaction with corruption, authoritarian regimes, economic instability and social inequalities often serves as a catalyst for mass protests. Effective use of mass communication tools such as the Internet and social media also plays an important role in mobilizing the masses. Additionally, the article analyzes the impact of political revolutions on the countries and regions where they occurred. This may include changes in political structure, the establishment of new governments, and even global implications for international relations. In addition, the article raises the issue of the role of the international community and external actors in political revolutions, including support for the opposition and influence on the development of events.

Türkiye Siyaseti ve Devlet Örgütlenmesinde 12 Mart Muhtırasının Etkileri

1961 Anayasası ile devlet teşkilatı ve siyasi hayat yeniden şekillendirilmiştir. Bu yapı ile ortaya çıkan çoğulcu siyasi hayat, yeni partilerin önünü açmıştır. Ancak altmışlı yılların ikinci yarısından sonra hızlanan siyasi, sosyal ve ekonomik dönüşüm, devlet organizasyonunda ve toplumsal hayatta yeni problemleri ortaya çıkarmıştır. Özellikle öğrenci olayları ve işçi eylemleri rejimi tehdit eder hale gelmiştir. 12 Mart 1971’de Genelkurmay Başkanı ile Kara, Deniz ve Hava Kuvvetleri Komutanları, Türk Silahlı Kuvvetleri İç Hizmet Kanunu’nun 35. maddesini dayanak göstererek, cumhuriyet tarihinin ikinci askeri müdahalesini gerçekleştirmiştir. Müdahale, mevcut siyasi yapılar ve devlet örgütlenmesinde önemli değişim yaratacak bir süreç başlatmıştır. Altmışlı yılların sonunda merkez sağ ve sol partilerde artan parti içi bunalımlar ve parçalanmalar hız kazanmıştır. Demokrat Partili siyasilerin affı meselesi Adalet Partisinde buhranı büyütürken, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisinde, İsmet İnönü ve Bülent Ecevit arasında muhtıraya karşı takınılacak tavır konusunda yaşanan fikir ayrılığı, Ecevit’in istifasıyla sonuçlanmıştır. 1961 Anayasası’nın çoğulcu anlayışı sonrası kurulan Milli Nizam Partisi ve Türkiye İşçi Partisi, Anayasa Mahkemesince bu süreçte kapatılmıştır. Gelinen noktanın temel sorumlularından birisi olarak görülen anayasanın evrensel boyutlu özgürlük anlayışı daraltılmış, özerk kurumların bu yapısı sınırlandırılarak yürütmenin gücü arttırılmaya çalışılmıştır. Anayasa üzerinde yapılan tadilatla rejime tehdit olarak görülmeye başlayan siyasi, sosyal ve ekonomik haklar önemli ölçüde sınırlandırılmıştır.

Geçmişten Günümüze Dini Gruplar Olarak Tarikatların Siyasi Yapılarla İlişkileri

Dini gruplar, ortak inanç esasları etrafında toplanan bireylerin meydana getirdiği sosyal yapılardır. Bu yapılar kendi iç aktivitelerini yerine getirirken toplumsal bir dünyada yaşamanın gereği olarak diğer kurumlarla da etkileşim içerisinde olagelmişlerdir. Özellikle siyaset kurumuyla olan ilişkileri ve bu ilişkilerin sonuçları günümüzde kamuoyu tarafından yoğun olarak tartışılmaktadır. Son dönemlerde yaşadığımız olayların toplumu getirdiği nokta problemin ne kadar önemli olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Bugün yaşanan olaylar tarihten kopuk sosyal hadiseler olmayıp her bir olayın tarihsel geçmişi ve arka planı vardır. Bu nedenle bugün gözlemlenen dini gruplar siyaset ilişkisi yüzlerce yılda meydana gelen birikim ve tecrübelerin günümüze yansımasıdır.Geçmiş anlaşılmadan bugün yorumlanamaz ilkesinden hareketle tarihimizdeki önemli dini gruplardan olan tarikatların siyasal yapı ile olan ilişkilerini ele alıp incelemek günümüzde meydana gelen olayları çözümlemeye ve anlamaya yardım edecektir. Bu amaçla Osmanlı toplum yapısı içinde önemli bir dini grup olan Halvetî Tarikatı’nın siyasi yapılarla olan ilişkilerini ve oynadığı siyasal rolü bu makalede ele alıp inceleyeceğiz. Bu yapı üzerinden geçmişten günümüze bir projeksiyon tutarak siyasi yapıların dini gruplardan beklentisini, dini grupların da siyasal yapıyla olan ilişkilerini ortaya koyacağız.

Evolving Dynamics of Societal Security and the Potential for Conflict in Eastern Ukraine

In this essay we argue that changes in political structures in post-Soviet Ukraine have affected the potential for conflict during transition. Relying on organisational theory to determine the potential for conflict in Ukraine, we argue that this potential is structurally determined by the changing character of societal relations within and beyond Ukraine. The potential for conflict was always present in post-Soviet Ukraine, but this essay examines the facts of when, how and why conflict happened, and how it was related to weak state institutions, centre–periphery relations and an unsettled relationship with Russia. Relying on our analytical framework, we conclude that the conditions for further conflict greatly outweigh the conditions for peace.

Hugh, Lothar and Berengar: the balance of power in Italy 945–50

ABSTRACTThe return of Berengar of Ivrea to Italy in 945 was a point of great change for the political networks of the kingdom of Italy. Berengar is typically presented assuming control, first ruling in practice with the Bosonids Hugh and Lothar as puppets, then openly taking the crown following Lothar’s death in 950. Berengar, we are told, installed those who supported his insurrection in key positions, and marginalised or suborned those who had supported the Bosonids. This account is based almost exclusively on the narrative of the Antapodosis of Liutprand of Cremona. Liutprand’s work had complex personal and political motivations which led him to construct carefully an image of Hugh, Lothar, Berengar and of Italy as a whole. Moreover, Liutprand’s narrative conflicts with contemporary accounts of the period, as well as the charter record. This article demonstrates these inconsistencies and describes more nuanced changes in political structures in 945–50.

Political implications of the Trinity: Two approaches

The political nature of God-images is an indisputable fact. Changes in God-images are often followed by changes in political structures within societies. Radical monotheism, where God is perceived as a solitary single person, has often in the past been employed for the justification of authoritarianism and hierarchy. The 20th-century trinitarian renaissance has emphasised the relationality of the Divine. This new awareness of the doctrine of the Trinity and the move from a substance ontology to a relational ontology have initiated a number of studies, which concentrate on the relevance of the Trinity for human existence, including politics. This move has been questioned by some scholars, who caution that the differences between the divine and human persons are just too significant for humans to be able to imitate the Trinity. These scholars suggest that participation in Christ is a more appropriate avenue to be followed. The position taken in this study is that both imitation and participation are valid options with biblical justification, and that the dichotomy, where one is set against the other, should be avoided.

Political Banality in Indonesia Post-New Order

Democratization not only needs to be based on changes in a more democratic political structure, but it is also important to be supported by changes in the behavior of elites involved in political contestation. This article discusses the process of political democratization in Indonesia after the authoritarian New Order regime. The democratization process begins with changes in political structure, which are manifested in the form of various pro-democratic laws and regulations. This includes the implementation of direct regional head election, which are political contestations at the local level. The result was a significant change in political dynamics in the form of involving voters in the process of regional head election. At first everyone tends to recognize the success of political reforms that have changed the face of local democracy in Indonesia. However, after one election period took place, the ideals of democratization in Indonesia seemed to be ignored by political actors. Even politicians tend to display banal political behavior, and do not care about political decay traps, solely in order to win a political contestation. Elite, as the main stakeholder actor, has failed to show that they are able to practice democratic principles that uphold moral integrity.

Political Dynamism of Constitutional Amendment and Political Structure Change: Path Dependence vs. Institutional Isomorphism

Political Dynamism of Constitutional Amendment and Political Structure Change: Path Dependence vs. Institutional Isomorphism

At the Nexus of Advocacy and Accountability: New Challenges and Strategies for Japanese Development NGOs

AbstractThis study explores how Japanese development non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) had altered their patterns of advocacy and accountability after changes in political structure that occurred in the 2000s when the Democratic Party of Japan created the two‐party system and the Liberal Democratic Party took power again. After the 1990s, a unique feature of development NGOs actively performing advocacy and accountability within the ODA domain, while also eagerly reaching political authorities by forming networks, was found. Behind their efforts were the appearance and expansion of the Democratic Party of Japan through its systematic and political ties. As concluding remarks, the active participation of civil society not only represents the level of internal resources mobilized within the civil society network, but is also an indicator on how supportive the policy space at the bottom is towards civil society.

Land use/cover dynamics and its drivers in Gelda catchment, Lake Tana watershed, Ethiopia

Background The demand for meeting local food production has caused farmlands to expand at the cost of natural forests and grasslands in the Ethiopian highlands. However, empirical evidences on rate and patterns of LULC dynamics, and major driving forces in highlands of Ethiopia at catchment level were rare to contribute to design effective land management options. This study was to analyze the rate and patterns of LULC dynamics, and identify major driving forces in the Gelda catchment.ResultsSix different LULC maps derived from aerial photographs and Landsat images were produced, and comparisons were made. The results indicated that the study catchment has undergone significant LULC alterations and transformations since late 1950s. Farmlands and settlement were expanded by 57.7% while shrubs, forests and grasslands were declined by 18.6, 83.8 and 53.5% over the entire study period, respectively. The magnitude of initial grasslands and farmlands converted into degraded land seems small; however these can significantly cause an irreversible damage to the soil resources. The combinations of land reform of 1975, forest development and villagization program 1980s, civil war, frequent changes in political structure, and population pressure were the major driving forces of LULC change.ConclusionTherefore, the GIS and remote sensing based change detection matrix analysis technique could provide useful baseline information to understand the spatiotemporal patterns of land use transitions caused by the major driving forces thereby sustainable land management planning is possible.

American technocracy and Chinese response: Theories and practices of Chinese expert politics in the period of the Nanjing Government, 1927–1949

This article describes the spread of the American technocracy movement in China during the 1930s and traces the appeal of a technocratic society among Chinese intellectuals. From 1931 to 1935, Chinese newspapers and magazines translated and published the writing of American technocrats, which inspired Chinese thinkers to explore technocratic ideals. This paper argues that the Nanjing Government (which operated from 1927 to 1949) upheld the Hoover and Franklin D. Roosevelt administrations as examples of expert politics in action. By studying American technocracy, China remolded American style “expert politics” into expert politics with Chinese characteristics. Although this article contends that American technocracy was the external motivating factor for the movement in China, it also establishes the uniqueness of Chinese technocracy as the merging of Chinese tradition and Western thought, and illustrates key differences between the practices of expert politics in each nation. Such divergences include the emphasis of Chinese technocrats on increasing national power and the movement's failure to change the fundamental power regime in China. The histories of both United States and China show, contra Veblen and other theorists, that technocratic governments, though powerful forces, were not able to bring about any lasting change in political structures.

Experiences of stigma and discrimination of people with schizophrenia in India

Stigma contributes greatly to the burden of schizophrenia and is a major obstacle to recovery, yet, little is known about the subjective experiences of those directly affected in low and middle income countries. This paper aims to describe the experiences of stigma and discrimination of people living with schizophrenia (PLS) in three sites in India and to identify factors influencing negative discrimination.The study used mixed methods and was nested in a randomised controlled trial of community care for schizophrenia. Between November 2009 and October 2010, data on four aspects of stigma experienced by PLS and several clinical variables were collected from 282 PLS and 282 caregivers and analysed using multivariate regression. In addition, in-depth-interviews with PLS and caregivers (36 each) were carried out and analysed using thematic analysis.Quantitative findings indicate that experiences of negative discrimination were reported less commonly (42%) than more internalised forms of stigma experience such as a sense of alienation (79%) and significantly less often than in studies carried out elsewhere. Experiences of negative discrimination were independently predicted by higher levels of positive symptoms of schizophrenia, lower levels of negative symptoms of schizophrenia, higher caregiver knowledge about symptomatology, lower PLS age and not having a source of drinking water in the home. Qualitative findings illustrate the major impact of stigma on ‘what matters most’ in the lives of PLS and highlight three key domains influencing the themes of 'negative reactions' and ‘negative views and feelings about the self’, i.e., ‘others finding out’, ‘behaviours and manifestations of the illness’ and ‘reduced ability to meet role expectations’.Findings have implications for conceptualising and measuring stigma and add to the rationale for enhancing psycho-social interventions to support those facing discrimination. Findings also highlight the importance of addressing public stigma and achieving higher level social and political structural change.

POLITICAL OPPORTUNITIES, RESOURCE CONSTRAINTS AND POLICY ADVOCACY OF ENVIRONMENTAL NGOs IN CHINA

Drawing on political opportunity and resource dependency theories, this paper traces the development of 28 environmental NGOs (eNGOs) in China and examines the political and institutional factors that have constrained or facilitated these organizations' policy advocacy activities. The paper shows that political structural changes have created greater opportunities for eNGOs' policy advocacy, and eNGOs with better financial resources and connections to the party‐state system are more capable of utilizing these opportunities to enhance their policy advocacy capacity. Yet party‐state connections may in turn constrain the types of policy advocacy pursued by these eNGOs.

Masochism in political behavior: a Lacanian perspective

AbstractThe aim of this paper is to offer an explanation of masochism in political behavior using the concepts developed by the French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan. For the purposes of this paper, masochism in political behavior is defined as any political behavior in which the protagonists willingly pursue self‐directed pain and suffering in order to accomplish their political goals. It involves the self‐chosen endangerment of one's life and liberty and thus includes a whole range of contemporary behaviors, from hunger strikes and suicide bombers to the old “escape from freedom” phenomena now on the rise even in the established democracies. Lacan's basic thesis is that masochistic behavior is an effort on the part of the subject to establish law‐giving structures where there were none before. In other words, the masochist's sacrifice is a provocative attempt to carve out an autonomous space in the political environment whose structure does not allow it. This is why the masochist's “victories” will by necessity be temporary and will require constant repetition. Lasting changes in political structures necessitate other types of behavior. In order to provide evidence for this thesis, I will present two detailed case studies. One will explore the issue of masochism in the Russian political culture based on the studies by Daniel Rancour‐Laferriere. The second case study will be based on my own research and first‐hand experiences as an active participant in the political life of Montenegro. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The politics of mourning in Cyprus and Israel: educational implications

This paper suggests the need for a critical analysis of the nationalization of mourning and its educational implications, especially in conflict‐ridden areas. Our thoughts are grounded in a comparative study on mourning that has been conducted as part of our long‐standing ethnographic research in schools in Cyprus and Israel during the last 10 years. Through this study on mourning, we highlight two ideas. First, we want to show how a comparison of our studies in Cyprus and Israel highlights the difficulties for alternative interpretations to be translated into educational policies and teacher practices in the absence of changes in political structures. Second, we want to show that despite the forces that nationalize mourning, there are educational openings for alternative interpretations about mourning and the encouragement of reconciliation pedagogies. To this end, the education literature on teaching controversial issues and examples of pedagogies for reconciliation might be relevant to provide concrete ideas for education theory, policy and practice on issues of mourning.

Selecting the portfolio investment strategy under political structure change in United States

This paper investigated whether stock market returns and volatilities were induced by change of long-term political structure. The empirical study finds that the political change is a crucial variable to DJIA and S&P 500 stock returns, but is insignificant to volatilities. But after the 1987 Crash, the political change has a positive effect on DJIA stock returns, and reduced the risk of DJIA and S&P 500. When political structure change, significant economic policies must submit to political realities and those proposed by previous governments often do not get implemented, resulting in market confusion. But following the increasing the consummation of market structure during post-1987 crash, hence, the political change effect increased DJIA stock returns, and reduced the risk of DJIA and S&P 500, and therefore the investors might be able to make a profit when they took active portfolio positions of DJIA.