Water for All examines the Cochabamba water conflict of 2000, known as the “Water War,” which brought down water privatization and led to political regime change in Bolivia. Hines argues that the successful anti-privatization movement was rooted in a long history of collective grassroots labor that built water access when a sometimes predatory, absent, or negligent state failed to do so. These same social forces were well equipped to defend what they had built and in doing so to definitively reshape Bolivian politics. Hines argues that collective labor brought greater validity to claims made by Indigenous water users and shaped the efficacy of their social mobilization.In contrast to dominant historical approaches to hydraulic engineering, which see hydraulic civilizations (Karl Wittfogel's term) as centralized, top-down entities, Hines chronicles the active participation of water users who fight for greater democracy and equity while building water infrastructure from the ground up. While Cochabamba's Water War is one of the most written-about water conflicts in recent decades, Hines brings new perspectives by tracing its roots to the 1952 Bolivian Revolution and the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario's agrarian reform and reallocation of water resources. During the revolution, peasant power grew, and future foreign lenders and state officials began to seek water in aquifers as opposed to surface water, setting the stage for excluding grassroots access. Complex struggles over limited resources continued, as public water utilities and later neoliberal forces encroached on wells and pipes that agrarian users had themselves built.As a deep dive into the roots of social mobilization, Water for All shines. Hines provides detailed evidence of how dictatorship, socialist projects, and foreign interests have shaped battles over access to lakes, wells, dams, and rivers in the Cochabamba region. Hines shows how demands for water redistribution are inextricably linked to land tenure. While studies of agrarian and land reform in Latin America have focused on the role of land conflicts in shaping political outcomes, Hines masterfully illustrates how land is water, and how conflicts over water access defined a century.Water for All ends by chronicling the 2000s, where in a five-year period water privatization was defeated, two presidents were brought down, and Evo Morales, the country's first Indigenous president, was elected. Here the book covers well-trodden, but important, ground. Recent studies show that Cochabamba continues to struggle to supply water access and that community-based water provision is not a panacea. Over time, Morales's revolutionary project leaned toward autocracy, and many of the social movements that supported him have critiqued him for power grabbing and excluding the grassroots. Hines hints at this toward the end, but these issues could have been further unpacked. Water for All concludes by noting that water users have defended their water access against powerful interests but have been less willing to give up water for their neighbors. This rings true with how battles over limited resources are full of conflict and inequity throughout the world at multiple scales; it would have been valuable to examine this tension further.Hines draws on a large trove of evidence while building her account. She visited over 20 archives, interviewed 112 people, and drew on other text-based sources such as newspapers. She developed relationships with many Cochabambino water users while living in the region for six years; this access strengthened the book by basing it not only on historical sources but also on the interpretations of those who lived through some of the events. The triangulation of multiple sources was exemplary, although a methodological narrative in an appendix detailing how different sources were selected and employed would have been welcome.Water for All is a masterful account, but it could have been strengthened in some respects. First, interdisciplinary readers may find themselves at times losing the forest for the trees: Water for All covers a large amount of information with few signposts. Second, the book's focus on a singular location for over a century leads to conclusions about the uniqueness of the Cochabamba case that beg for more evidence. Had Cochabamba been compared to other cases where water users also are inextricably tied to water for spiritual and cultural reasons, where users engage in collective labor, and where water conflicts shape politics and social life, the reader may have better understood the similarities and differences of the Bolivian case. A broader casting of how Cochabamba fits into a larger set of Latin American or global South water conflicts could have been instructive in the conclusion. Finally, the book ends by noting that “the popular hydraulic society that Cochabambinos built nevertheless remains unequal. Although Bolivians have won incredible power over water over the past century, it has not yielded ample water access for all” (p. 227). What are we to make of this contradiction, and how does this finding shape the promise and limitations of the argument that Hines makes about the role of collective labor in grassroots mobilization? Overall, Hines masterfully illuminates the historical roots of grassroots water mobilization, and by doing so warns of the coming crisis of extreme water inequity in a warming, globalized world.