Central Asian Governments Research Articles

The analysis of the agricultural market conditions in Central Asian countries

This article is focused on analyzing the market conditions for agricultural products in Central Asian countries. The study was conducted in order to identify the current state and prospects for the development of the agricultural sector in the region. The authors analyzed the volume of production and consumption of agricultural products, market structure, trends in price dynamics, as well as domestic and external demand for agricultural products. Special attention is paid to the role of international cooperation and cooperation of entrepreneurs in the development of the agricultural sector. The results of the study can be used to develop strategies for the development of the agricultural sector in Central Asian countries. The purpose of the study is to determine the optimal range of agricultural products, study options for their possible processing into a finished product in order to create an effective production chain within the framework of cooperation between entrepreneurs in Central Asian countries based on an analysis of the market conditions for agricultural products in these countries. The analysis of domestic and external demand for agricultural products will assist in developing strategies to increase export opportunities and attract investment. The findings of the study can be used by Central Asian governments to make informed decisions in the field of agricultural policy and entrepreneurship support. In addition, the research will help strengthen international cooperation and cooperation between entrepreneurs in the region, which will lead to sustainable development of the agricultural industry.

On The Working Practices of the International Development Association in the Post-Soviet States of Central Asia

Created to provide financial support to poor countries, the International Development Association (IDA) has been investing heavily in the countries of the Central Asia, especially in Uzbekistan. An analysis of the working practices of the IDA over the past three decades in the region shows that experts often overestimate the ability of Central Asian governments to implement planned transformations and enter the trajectory of sustainable and inclusive growth. The reasons for the low efficiency of IDA-funded projects and programs are often institutional difficulties arising from the poor quality of public administration. Up to mid-2000s, a number of failures took place to achieve the goals stated in projects and programs due to errors made by IDA experts when structuring transactions.

Supporting Democratic Policing in Central Asia: Limitations of the OSCE

Critics have argued that the provision of support by the Organization of Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) to Central Asian police risks reinforcing authoritarianism. This article examines OSCE police-related activities in Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan during the 2010s, highlighting persistent gaps between the OSCE’s commitment to democratic policing and OSCE practices on the ground. It identifies two institutional mechanisms that skew implementation in favour of Central Asian governments: micromanagement by participating states and implementers’ adaption to institutional environments that are not conducive to democratic police governance. Police-related activities in Central Asia showcase the limitations and risks of providing international support to the security sectors of non-liberal states.

The Post-Imperial Politics of Security and Depoliticisation: Comparing Discourses and Practices of Ordering Across Central Asia

In this essay, we build on earlier discussions on the insufficiency of labels such as ‘post-Soviet’ and ‘postcolonial’ for Central Asian regimes and propose a consideration of their particular post-imperial character. We illustrate the usefulness of this lens through an analysis of security and violent conflicts in Central Asia and how governments interpret and present these conflicts. Our discussion draws systematically on existing research on relevant processes in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, allowing us to identify key themes of a post-imperial politics of security and their implications in a comparative perspective.

Chinese Governance Export in Central Asia

Abstract The People’s Republic of China has been actively promoting its governance styles abroad. In Central Asia, these programs have increased rapidly both in terms of their frequency and scope. This paper documents 59 in-China training programs for Central Asian officials from 2007 to 2020, the majority of which concerned security management and involved Chinese technology and equipment transfers. It is evident that Central Asian governments are adopting surveillance practices that are based on Chinese security ideology. As Central Asian states absorb these governance models, a new set of security and human rights issues is emerging.

Central Asian Countries: Learning to Live Next to the Taliban

With the withdrawal of the US and coalition forces from Afghanistan and the rapid takeover by the Taliban, most Central Asian governments recognized the Taliban in a pragmatic decision to peacefully coexist with the neighboring extremist regime that will likely remain in power for the foreseeable future. Tajikistan is, however, denying the Taliban recognition and indirectly supporting the resistance movement in Panjshir. The political and human catastrophe in Afghanistan is threatening to boost autocratic tendencies and further deepen political gaps in Central Asian societies. This article discusses the rationale behind each Central Asian government’s approach to the Talibanized Afghanistan and the looming domestic and external challenges to the region.

COVID-19 in Central Asia: (De-)Securitization of a Health Crisis?

ABSTRACT Many countries have securitized their policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic by framing it as an existential threat demanding extraordinary security responses. The politics of securitization are particularly advantageous to nondemocratic regimes. Yet, contrary to the expectation that the Central Asian governments would resort to their tried-and-tested method of framing a new policy issue as a national security threat, these governments have used a deliberately constrained representation of the pandemic with some even diminishing the significance of a threat posed by COVID-19. What explains these unexpected patterns of securitization in response to the pandemic? This study argues that autocratic regimes’ concerns with legitimacy and their specific legitimization practices shape their choices about securitization of a policy issue. In Kazakhstan, the government’s response to the crisis became part of a political struggle between competing claims to presidential legitimacy. In Kyrgyzstan, weak government legitimacy rooted in poor economic performance coupled with the fear of unrest preempted any coherent effort to securitize the crisis. In Uzbekistan, the government’s new technocratic self-image limited securitization within its COVID-19 response. In Tajikistan, a strategy of denial and delay emerged, since securitization of COVID-19 promised little additional security aid.

Foreign Policy Tools for Water Management in Central Asia

This article is devoted to the issue of ineffective and irrational water management in Central Asia. Water management has gained transboundary character, states are divided by their upstream and downstream status and water is perceived as unlimited natural resource which requires new approaches. Author proposes foreign policy tools for water management as constant political dialogue, establishment of permanent body on water management and initiation of projects within China’s Belt and Road imitative, US’s Greater Central Asia and Russia’s Greater Eurasia platform. The vital importance of water as natural resource for life and human development is unquestionable and needs special attention in the context of the climate change and growing population of the Central Asian region. Asian Development Bank has provided three recommendations to Central Asian governments in facing climate change as expanding the supply of water available in the future; increasing the productivity of water; and reducing future demand for water. With predictions of the UN Population Prospects by 2050 Central Asia will have about 100 million inhabitants which undoubtedly will also increase the need for water resources. Taking into acount such factors as climate change and growing population the need for water resources will become only vital in the neearest future and demand for effective and rational water management must be already on the regional agenda.

New Silk Road Implications of Economic Development in Central Asia

The New Silk Road (NSR), one of China's most ambitious economic plans, was unveiled by President Xi Jinping in 2013 and is intended to act as the Central Asian component of the Eurasian Belt and Road Initiative (Belt Road) (BRI). By enhancing and expanding China's security arc westward, as well as developing them as a transportation corridor connecting China to Europe, Beijing is able to consolidate its current economic investments while also launching new projects in Central Asia and South Asia, as well as attracting new investment from other countries. The NSR, touted by China as simply a development project, is loaded with wide-ranging security implications. China's infrastructure security and investment concerns in Central Asia are examined in this research, which examines the interplay between these two issues. China's non-state retaliation (NSR) in Central Asia is investigated in three ways: With its securitization push, the Silk Road Initiative not only consolidates the power of the Central Asian regimes; it also grants China an important position managing safeguards; and it allows the ultra-rich to move between the lure of Chinese investments and the appeasement of popular fears about China's growing influence. According to this report, NSR aid and investment from China has received an overall favourable reaction in the area, with some countries concerned about the consequences of the project on their sovereignty and security, as well as the promise of connection and prosperity (a "win-win" situation). A look at China's growing security and economic commitment in Central Asia and the tight Sino-Russian friendship, as well as the areas of collaboration and complementarity between the two countries, is included in the article's concluding paragraphs.

PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS OF POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES: EXPERIENCE OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES

After the disintegration of the USSR, the Central Asian countries started to pursue independent development strategies and identified new domestic policy priorities. It is of special scholarly interest to compare the efforts by Central Asian governments to improve female representation in politics. The article is devoted to the consideration of state policies and measures aimed at increasing the participation of women in political institutions in Central Asia. The most and the least effective strategies for women's political empowerment were highlighted based on the analysis of the regulatory framework in the field of women's empowerment, as well as on the degree of application of gender statistics and gender budgeting. In particular, the authors address the matter of electoral gender quotas, which are already introduced by Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. It is stressed that the adoption of this policy tool in the two counties has had its limitations, taking into consideration the existence of legal ways to circumvent the gender-quota requirements. The authors also indicate Kazakhstan’s progress in collecting gender data that is “open, accessible, comparable, free and understandable”. Improving data quality and representativeness facilitates the development of practical steps to achieve gender equality in politics. At the same time, theьauthors point out a negative trend in the region: some countries are gradually moving away from having aьdistinct strategy pertaining to genderьissues. Such approach may shift the focus from closing the gender gap to solving a wider range of social policy issues. The article shows that in general the countries in question implement a conservative gender policy and are not inclined to fully effect such practices as gender budgeting and the collection of relevant and complete gender statistics. It is concluded that Russia has an opportunity to act as a trendsetter, in particular by applying a gender-sensitive approach in providing development assistance to the countries of Central Asia.

Theoretical and Legal Understanding of the Category “Political System” in the Context of Development in Central Asian Governments

The article presents a comprehensive theoretical and legal analysis of the category “political system” based on constitutional legislation in Central Asian (CA) governments. It is recognized that formation of governments in Central Asia during the transition period to a new democracy took place in the context of models transit focused on a theory of political transformation and modernization, explaining the sources, goals and direction of changes from totalitarianism to democracy. In the course of analysis, a wide toolkit of methodological vectors was used based on the leading scientists well established views, both far abroad, as well as Russian and domestic authors. The importance of knowledge about political systems that goes beyond the traditional framework recognized, conditioning the comparative studies of individual elements of the basic theory of law and applied disciplines, which makes it possible to augment certain knowledge in a universal theory used in most commonwealth of independent state (CIS) countries in scientific projects. In the context of the analysis, the definition of the political system is formed as an established system of the state, in which its constituent institutions are formed as a result of the long evolution of a particular government. Some aspects in the patterns of functioning of political systems were also considered including the study of theoretical and methodological issues affecting the concept development, the formation of political and legal relations. The structure of political systems is considered in the Central Asian governments’ example.

Authoritarianism as an Institution? The Case of Central Asia

AbstractWhile much of the English School has focused on liberal aspects of solidarism, forms of “illiberal solidarism” in contemporary international society remain underexplored. Drawing on archival material and elite interviews conducted in Central Asia in the period 2013–2019, this paper advances the claim that the Central Asian elites have developed the institution of authoritarianism in their region through the mechanisms of mimicry/emulation and praise/blame. By looking at specific discourses and practices over the last two decades, the paper discusses how the Central Asian governments have been using the new elements of the “democratic transition” in combination with the traditional legitimation offered by diplomatic recognition to secure authoritarian regimes in the democratic age, to create authoritarian state-centric solidarity in the region, and to make “avtoritet” and “stabil'nost'” fundamental pillars of the Central Asian regional order. The paper contributes to the English School literature by providing an initial account of illiberal solidarism and by showing how authoritarianism can potentially be an institution of specific regional international societies; to the authoritarian diffusion literature by demonstrating that authoritarianism can have a deontic component alongside considerations of domestic survival; and to the broader norm diffusion literature by focusing on the spread of illiberal values.

Problems of military-political interaction between the countries of the West and Central Asia at the turn of the XX–XXI centuries

Central Asia in recent history is a vast region with five Muslim States-new actors in modern international relations. The countries of Central Asia, having become sovereign States, at the turn of the XX–XXI centuries are trying to peaceful interaction not only with their underdeveloped neighbors, but also with the far-off prosperous West. At the same time, the United States and Western European countries, in their centrosilic ambitions, seek to increase their military and political presence in Central Asia and use the military bases of the region’s States as a springboard for supplying their troops during anti-terrorist and other operations. With the active support of the West, the Central Asian States were accepted as members of the United Nations. For monitoring and exerting diplomatic influence on the regional environment, the administration of the President of the Russian Federation H. W. Bush established U.S. embassies in all Central Asian States. Turkey, a NATO member and secular Islamic state, was used as a lever of indirect Western influence over Central Asian governments, and its model of successful development was presented as an example to follow.

Террористическая активность джихадистов из Центральной Азии на Западе

A number of terrorist acts committed in different parts of Europe and America by radical immigrants from the post-Soviet states of Central Asia, as well as other manifestations of extremist activity, on the one hand, fit into the general global context of jihadist terrorism, and on the other hand, represent a phenomenon with its own specific features. In part, this specificity is determined by the policy of the Central Asian governments to “squeeze out” radicals and extremists from their countries, and in part, it is connected with the high migration mobility of people from the region. At the same time, against the background of attempts by transnational terrorist networks to use the terrorist activity of immigrants from the Central Asian region for their propaganda purposes, it should be noted that the phenomenon of “lone terrorists” will grow in this environment.

The Current State of the Monetary Sphere of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan within the Framework of Changes in the Legislation

The article discusses the current state of the monetary – credit sphere in the former states of the Soviet Union. The authors note that, the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, which led to the defragmentation of the monetary system, is an important event in the formation of the financial sector in Central Asia. The single monetary and financial system, which was adapted to the conditions of the planned economy, had started rapidly falling apart. The result was a break of the traditionally existing economic ties.
 It is important to note that the monetary policy has a direct impact on the major macro-economic indicators such as GDP, employment and the level of prices. It is thus important to have a solid legal base. The accelerated formation of national monetary systems in Central Asian states has required the creation of genuinely independent emission center as the Central Banks of Central Asia. Since 1994, Central Asian governments have begun to carry out macroeconomic regulation, mutual settlement in the economy and emission activity.
 The next step was a reform of the banking system in Central Asia. At the beginning of the independence of the Central Asian states a legal framework was created and a transition was made to a two-tier banking system. According to the adopted laws in the countries of Central Asia, a two-tier banking system was formed, where the upper level was represented by the State Bank of the region (with emission rights), and the bottom were - commercial and government specialized. Creating second tier banks was a response to the needs of the Central Asian countries.

China’s silk road economic belt initiative in Central Asia: economic and security implications

The Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) initiative, launched by Xi Jinping in 2013 as the Central Asian component of the Eurasian Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is presented as a trade and infrastructural developmental initiative that benefits all to deliver stability. It consolidates Beijing’s existing economic investments and security-building measures, while launching new projects to link the regions of Central Asia and South Asia more closely with China and extend the arc of security westward and develop these as a transport corridor linking China to Europe. This article examines the interaction between China’s infrastructural investments and security dynamics in the Central Asian region, exploring why the BRI/SREB, presented by China as primarily as a developmental vision, is fraught with wide-ranging security implications. We examine the reception of China’s BRI/SREB in Central Asia focusing on the following three dimensions: (1) the lure of Chinese investments which makes SREB particularly attractive for Central Asian countries; (2) the securitization thrust of the Silk Road initiative which consolidates the power of the Central Asian regimes but also grants considerable role to China in managing security arrangements; (3) elite maneuvering between the lure of Chinese investments and appeasing popular anxieties about China’s growing influence. It points to the overall positive reception in the region to the aid and investment offered by China, while noting the variance in their responses based on the implications of SREB for their sovereignty and security and also concerns on whether the promised benefits of connectivity and development (a “win-win” scenario) will materialize. The article concludes by outlining the implications of China’s rising economic and security engagement in Central Asia and the close Sino-Russian partnership for European financial and security interests and highlights the areas of cooperation and complementarity between China and EU in the region.

The Central Asian Militants: Cannon Fodder of Global Jihadism or Revolutionary Vanguard?

Central Asians have long been present within the ranks of organisations linked to the global jihad movement, but has there been an acceleration in their recruitment in recent years? There is growing evidence of substantial numbers of Central Asians (mostly Uzbeks and Tajiks) present in Syria in the ranks of the Islamic State and of a number of organisations linked to Al-Qaida. There is also growing evidence of recruitment inside Kyrgizstan and Tajikistan at least (as opposed as among Central Asian emigrants). The authors argue that distrust towards information provided by the Central Asian regimes should not blind analysts towards an emerging trend, which has substantial destabilising potential. The factors driving this recruitment also seem to be much more complex than a rejection of the authoritarianism of the ruling elites.

The Silk Road between a Rock and a Hard Place: Russian and Chinese Competition for Central Asia’s Energy

China’s displacement of Russian economic influence in Central Asia is generating great interest in Western academic and policy circles, but this research has, as yet, yielded few analytical nuances. This article attempts to shed light on the under-researched question of what explains Central Asian governments’ failure to more effectively capitalize on the growing Central-Asian rivalry between Russia, China, the United States, Turkey, Iran, South Korea, Japan and other regional powers that, since the early 1990s, have been overwhelmingly directed towards strategic energy considerations and hydrocarbon interests.

Economic Development Strategies of Major Central Asian Countries and Their Implications for Korea

Amid global economic uncertainties arising from prolonged oil prices, China’s economic slowdown, and increased protectionist US trade policies, the Central Asian governments are developing and pursuing individual economic development strategies which reflect their own socio-economic characteristics and key policy goals. Central Asia’s three resource-rich countries, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, have several common obstacles threatening further economic growth: inadequate transportation and logistics networks due to land-locked locations, high dependency on primary commodity exports, among others. Thus their economic development strategies aim to pro-mote economic diversification for sustainable growth. The purpose of this study is to focus on Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, analyzing the new economic development strategies of these countries, and to discover opportunities and demand for economic cooperation.

(Economic Development Strategy of Major Central Asian Countries and Its Policy Implications for Korea)

Korean Abstract: 이 연구는 중앙아시아 주요국 경제발전전략의 기본 방향과 핵심 특성을 분석하고 경제협력 확대방안을 제시하려는 목적으로 수행되었다. 세계경제의 불확실성이 한층 증대되는 상황 속에서 중앙아시아 주요국 정부의 최대 관심사는 에너지 및 광물자원 의존도 축소, 산업다각화와 경제현대화를 통한 미래지향적이고 지속가능한 경제성장에 있었다. 따라서 한국은 중앙아 주요국의 신경제발전정책에 부합하는 상생 경제협력 방안 마련에 나서야 할 것이다. 본고에서는 고위급 회감의 정례화, 한ㆍ중앙아 경제협력위원회 구성, 한ㆍ중앙아 산업협력 펀드 조성, 산업다각화에 필요한 전문인력 양성 지원 등을 경제 협력 확대방안으로 제안했다. English Abstract: Uncertainties in the global economic environment are increasing due to prolonged low oil prices, China’s low economic growth, the possibilities of strengthened protectionist trade policies after the U.S. presidential election, and the emergence of neo-isolationism due to Brexit. In this situation, the Central Asian governments are developing and pursuing individual economic strategies which reflect their own socio-economic characteristics and core policy goals. Kazakhstan is shifting its policy direction from maximizing exports of raw materials to qualitative economic development. The country has pursued an open foreign policy and trade liberalization to overcome its geographical limitations as a small landlocked country. The open economy originally focused on exporting energy resources and attracting foreign capital, but with some control by the government in energy resources management. However, as the structural changes in the external economic environment occurred after the global financial crisis in 2008, the government started to focus on improving the structure of the economy, which remained dependent on energy resources. The key tasks for Kazakhstan were to upgrade its competitiveness, improve the investment climate, build infrastructure, diversify its industries through technological innovation, expand the role of private sectors, improve the efficiency of national asset management and develop human resources. Accordingly, the government adopted the State Program of Industrial-Innovative Development for 2015-2019 and announced the Nurly Zhol plan for promoting infrastructure development in 2014, followed by the 100 Concrete Steps to Implement Five Institutional Reforms in 2015. This was a strategic attempt to build a foundation for sustainable economic growth by responding to changes in the external economic sector, through securing new growth engines in the economic sector, promoting industrial diversification and implementing structural reform. Uzbekistan has been pursuing an import substitution policy while maintaining a closed economy since independence. Uzbekistan’s government-led closed-economy essentially followed policy goals which prioritized the protection of its domestic market and economic stability from external volatility. Thereby, the country concentrated its efforts in developing domestic industries among the five Central Asian countries. Thanks to this, the country has been able to accomplish considerable achievements in the manufacturing sector, but still has many limitations in cultivating its export competitiveness, as its main export items are weighted towards raw materials (cotton, gold, gas, etc.) and its manufacturing sector is mostly composed of labor-intensive industries. Recently, the Uzbek government is putting the highest emphasis on enhancing competitiveness and efficiency in import substitution while promoting export-oriented industrialization. Through these efforts it aims to pursue stable economic growth based on strategic cultivation of the export industry and to drive a shift from labor-intensive industries to technology-intensive business. The government set key initiatives in reducing excessive governmental involvement in the economic sector, expanding the role of the private sector, deregulating trade activities and exchange rates, etc. In this context, the government formulated a comprehensive global financial crisis recovery plan in 2009, and such initiatives as the Priorities for Economic Policy and the Short-term and Long-term Action Plan of the Uzbekistan Cabinet were presented in 2015. At present, the government is preparing long-term programs for economic development up to 2030, which are expected to include more details on improving the nation's industrial structure, such as the development of raw materials processing and high value-added industries.