Cause Of Political Instability Research Articles

Oil or geopolitical issues? : Quantitative rethinking of political instability in the Middle East and North Africa

The Middle East and North Africa are one of the most conflict-prone regions. Due to its geopolitical position and oil production, the Middle East has always been the trump card in the game, both before World War II and during the Cold War, still today. Why do wars persist in the Middle East? Why has the situation in the Middle East deteriorated to this extent? Is rentier economics always a vital variable explaining political instability in the Middle East? After empirically analyzing the causes of political instability in the Middle East using various data, the study suggests that the experience of being a colony of Britain, France, and Italy hurt society and that the critical geographic location between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War suffered various harmful effects. On the other hand, the result also shows that manufacturing weakness due to the oil economy, high unemployment rates, and lack of democracy are all critical explanatory variables for political instability. Since the 2000s, the United States has increased its energy self-sufficiency rate through the shale oil and gas revolution. The Middle East is an option for the United States to buy oil. On the other hand, the Middle East is essential for the United States to export weapons. The Middle East has faced a geopolitical crisis in recent years due to these factors.

Political dilemma in Jangalmahal area: A historical perspective

The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the causes of political instability in the Jangalmahal territories. I have tried to find out why this region has become turbulent again and again. Why is this trend still not ending? I have tried to find out the root causes of the spread of Naxalite / Maoist activities in this region. This Maoist tendency is also affecting the recent electoral politics to a great extent. In fact, the perpetual poverty of the people living here is one of the main causes of unrest in this area. The uneducated and poverty-stricken tribal society here dreams of a better society under the Maoist/Naxalite ideology.

Military Strategy and Military Presence of the PRC in Africa: a Comparative Historical Analysis

The article is devoted to the comparative historical analysis of the military component in China’s foreign policy in Africa. A brief historical sketch of China’s African policy after the end of the World War II helps to understand the roots of the impressive strengthening of its political and economic influence on the African continent between 2000 and 2020. Special attention in paid to the causes of political instability in many African countries, the military and political role of the United States on the Black Continent, UN peacekeeping activities and the participation of the Chinese military troops in special operations of this international organization. The authors conclude that there is a gradual evolution of the interpretation of the concept of responsible power , which holds a prominent place in the official foreign policy doctrine of the PRC. The article explores the genesis of this concept during the reign of the three Chairmen of the PRC Jiang Zemin (1993-2003), Hu Jintao (2003-2013) and Xi Jinping (after 2013), and discusses the stages of the formation of Chinese political-military doctrine, which is detailed in White papers of the Chinese State Council (2015, 2019, 2020). The article analyses the implementation of the military-political doctrine of the PRC in Africa, the creation of the first foreign multifunctional military base of the PRC in the Republic of Djibouti, and the transition of China from a bilateral model of relations with African countries to block diplomacy in the context of ensuring the collective security of participants in political associations.

Überlegungen und Perspektiven zur neuen chinesischen Ordnung in der demokratischen Republik Kongo

"Nowadays, more than ever, China plays a major role in economic activities in Africa. China competes aggressively with the West for control of the continent's strategic mineral resources. The great red actor considers that the imposition of Western democratic values on Africa is one of the main causes of political instability and economic stagnation, which is why he has chosen to adopt a different attitude which is has proven to be prolific in the context of globalization. The cooperation of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) with China is currently considered by the Congolese people as a safety valve, an insurance against risks. Essentially, the DRC tops the list of China's strategic partners in Africa, and the DRC aims to attract China to help build infrastructure. This cooperation bears the signature of Joseph Kabila (president of the country from 2001 to 2018), his speech being a central point of this research. While the two countries boast of an exemplary model of win-win cooperation, this article aims to explore whether it is really a win-win collaboration or rather China is trying to invent a new order using a cosmetized neocolonialism. Keywords: Africa, Democratic Republic of Congo, China, globalization, mineral ressources, neocoloniaslism, global order "

Ruling Elites and Rational Democracy: An Analysis of Political System of Pakistan (1947-1993)

This descriptive and analytical study aims to explore the ideology of ruling elites in Pakistan. Throughout the political and constitutional history of Pakistan, the governments, whether civilian or military, seem reluctant to politically mobilize the masses. The evolution of rational-democratic development in the country was tempered with undemocratic forces. Governing elite's lofty claims for the democratic and stable state are not fully materialized. This article highlights the reasons behind the reluctance of ruling elites to promote a rational democratic culture. The apparent reason is the lack of parliamentary culture in Pakistan. The representatives are elected by the people to present their demands in parliament. All policies, whether internal or external, should be originated within the parliament.Thus, the role of parliament is very important to introduce and promote the culture of rational, inclusive ideology. The governing elites,particularly the military regimes, introduced democratic reforms just to get political support for seemingly democratic legitimacy. The article investigates the causes of political instability and the patronage of political culture.

Utjecaj političke stabilnosti na produktivnost rada u postsocijalističkom dijelu Europske unije

Politička stabilnost u velikoj mjeri djeluje na ekonomske performanse određene zemlje. U ovom će se radu primjenom panel-modela sa slučajnim efektom pokazati da politička stabilnost ima znatan utjecaj na produktivnost rada mjerenu BDP-om po zaposlenom. Pritom će se politička stabilnost određene zemlje procjenjivati s pomoću indikatora političke stabilnosti i izostanka nasilja/terorizma, rizika državnog udara i indikatora državne legitimnosti. U uzorak je odabrano 11 postsocijalističkih zemlja Europske unije od 2000. do 2017. godine. Provedena analiza pokazuje da politička stabilnost ima bitan utjecaj na produktivnost rada u postsocijalističkim europskim zemljama te je robusnost rezultata dodatno potvrđena provođenjem analize pri alternativnim specifikacijama. S obzirom na to da se u postojećim radovima većinom nastojalo otkriti uzroke političke nestabilnosti i kako ih spriječiti, ovaj rad stavlja naglasak na posljedice političke nestabilnosti na produktivnost i gospodarstvo u cjelini.

Water in military stabilisation operations: comprehensive water intervention framework for conflict management and peacekeeping

Abstract Water issues can be a root cause of political instability, but even in times of crisis, and especially in the aftermath of war, water management also requires and contributes towards co-operation. Within the complexity of military stabilisation operations, water management has been identified as a potentially suitable crisis and conflict management tool. Therefore, a comprehensive and appropriate approach to apply water throughout the entire process of transition from a conflict, post-conflict or unstable region towards stability, peace and prosperity is desirable. During the Dutch military stabilisation mission in the Afghan province of Uruzgan, water management was applied effectively by the Netherlands Army as an instrument to create stability and co-operation in the conflict and post-conflict period. Based on this experience, a Comprehensive Water Intervention Framework is presented in this paper. By integrating water management, military, development, diplomacy and co-operation approaches, this framework provides practical guidance for policymakers, mission planners and field officers. Its implementation follows after the initial military intervention and within the stabilisation operation, as a mechanism contributing to peacekeeping and development efforts. The framework can also be further improved, most notably by integrating land management and experiences gained from its implementation in civil–military exercises and from its actual application in stabilisation operations.

Political instability and trade union practices in Nepalese hotels

ABSTRACTThis paper explores the effects of political instability on trade union practices in the tourism industry by examining how the roles of trade unions alter in relation to changes in the causes of political instability. The data on which this paper is based were collected through unstructured interviews with 22 trade union officials and members employed in hotels in Kathmandu, Nepal from April 2015 to February 2016. The results show that the dominant roles played by the trade unions in the Nepalese tourism industry have changed over the last 25 years from primarily seeking to improve workers’ rights and conditions, to being instruments of the political parties, and to protecting the industry. The study contributes to our understanding of the fragility of industrial relations within the tourism industry in Nepal, and how this can be exacerbated in an environment characterized by ongoing instability.

Long Live Democracy: The Determinants of Political Instability in Latin America

We investigate the underlying causes of political instability in a panel of 18 Latin American countries from 1971–2000. We test whether regime type, regime durability, factionalism, income inequality, ethnic diversity, ethnic discrimination, regional spillover effects, urban growth and macroeconomic variables matter for instability. We find several important results: (1) democracy has a significant negative effect on instability that is robust to several alternative specifications; (2) factionalised political systems experience higher instability; (3) income inequality, ethnic fractionalisation, and urban growth have important nonlinear effects on instability; and (4) of the macroeconomic variables we study, only openness to trade has a significant negative effect on instability.

Political Monks: The Militant Buddhist Movement during the Vietnam War

From November 1963 to July 1965, the militant Buddhist movement was the primary cause of political instability in South Vietnam. While the militant Buddhists maintained that they represented the Buddhist masses and were fighting merely for religious freedom, they actually constituted a small and unrepresentative minority that was attempting to gain political dominance. Relying extensively on Byzantine intrigue and mob violence to manipulate the government, the militant Buddhists practiced a form of political activism that was inconsistent with traditional Vietnamese Buddhism. The evidence also suggests that some of the militant Buddhist leaders were agents of the Vietnamese Communists.

Collective Insecurity: The Liberian Crisis, Unilateralism, and Global Order

Ikechi MgbeojiVancouver: UBC Press, 2003, xiv, 186pp, $80.00 cloth, ISBN: 0-7748-1036-X, $24.95 paper, ISBN 0-7748-1037-8 (July 2004)In recent times, west Africa has come to represent one of the most explosive regions on the African continent. Indeed, the scale of the twin scourges of civil war and ethnic conflict in west Africa is overwhelming. Nowhere is such a state of affairs best epitomized than Liberia, which has seen a civil war wreak havoc since December 1989. In Collective Insecurity: The Liberian Crisis, Unilateralism, and Global Order, Ikechi Mgbeoji advances our understanding of the Liberian civil war, and of the efforts by west African countries, through the Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) of the Economic Community of west African States (ECOWAS), to deal with it. Employing historical analysis as well as theories of international law, Mgbeoji notes that while African countries have played their part in escalating regional conflicts, the role of western powers cannot be downplayed. He suggests that the main cause of political instability in contemporary west Africa remains the colonial legacy, particularly the Berlin Conference of 1884, which formally partitioned Africa among western powers and led to the creation of nation-states through the arbitrary drawing of national boundaries. In addition, Mgbeoji argues that the disruption of the continent's political evolution and the mutilation of pre-colonial African structures and institutions laid the basis for modern crises afflicting the continent.It is in this vein that Mgbeoji suggests various courses of action to ensure the stability of countries such as Liberia. The first is the need for a reconstructed regime of African statehood based on the doctrine of self-determination. More importantly, Mgbeoji calls for the creation of a Pan-African organization based on a transnational federation of African peoples and nations. The second is the structural rearrangement of the African polity to provide for the legitimate governance of African people. To this end, Mgbeoji calls for culturally responsive modes of governance, that is, the revitalization and revisiting of traditional methods of legitimate governance to which African people themselves can relate. This should entail a process where, besides participating in competitive democratic elections, African citizens can also rely on a clearly established rule of law to influence decisions that affect their daily lives. …

Religion and Politics in East Africa: The Period since Independence

Part 1 The challenge of Islam: attempts to create Muslim national organizations, F. Constantin issue of Sharia in Sudan, R.S. O'Fahey Idi Amin, the Nubi and Islam in Ugandan politics, Omari H. Kokole. Part 2 Christianity, sectarianism and politics in Uganda: holy spirit movement, Heike Behrend church of Uganda amidst conflict, K. Ward Catholic church and root cause of political instability, J.M. Waliggo Catholics and political identity in Toro, R. Kassirer. Part 3 Christians and Muslims in Kenyan politics: politics of church-state conflict in Kenya 1978-1990, D. Throup Kenya's Protestant churches and Nyayo state, G.P. Benson Muslim predicament in Kenya, D. Cruise O'Brien. Part 4 Cross-cultural complications: Christian-Muslim inputs into public policy formation in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda, A.B.K. Kasozi churches and human rights in Kenya and Uganda, M. Louise Pirouet church and state in East Africa - unresolved questions, M. Doornbos dilemmas and challenges in study of religion and politics, H. Hansen.

The State, Society, and Politics in Peru and Mexico in the Late Colonial and Early Republican Periods

The central feature that united the late colonial period, the Wars of Independence, and the early republican decades in Latin America was the destruction of the colonial political and economic order by a combination of world events and internal forces, clearing the path for capitalist development. The events of this era are part of protracted bourgeois revolutions. This statement does not imply that the political struggles of the early 19th century were led by unified bourgeoisies with clear visions of what changes they desired, nor that the transformations were rapidly successful. The absence of a revolutionizing bourgeoisie does not suggest a contrast with contemporaneous events in Europe. Many Latin Americanists implicitly compare events in Latin America with an idealized vision of European transitions. They telescope European events, emphasizing a class-conscious bourgeoisie at the forefront of successful political and economic revolutions. They then present the lack of a strong, unified bourgeoisie in post-Independence Latin America as the cause of political instability and economic underdevelopment. However, in Europe as in Latin America, complex, multiclass alliances both promoted and opposed these changes.

Fiscal expansion and political instability in the Iberic-Latin region

Recent research by public choice-oriented economists and political scientists points to a negative relation between fiscal expansion and voter support for the incumbents. Real per capita federal spending is negatively associated with the vote for the incumbent party's candidate in American presidential elections (Niskanen, 1979). There is a negative relation between increases in the percent of Gross National Product spent by the central government and incumbent party reelection to the White House and the British parliament (Cuzain and Heggen, 1984, 1985). Furthermore, the incumbent party's vote in American gubernatorial elections varies inversely with increases in the ratio of state general revenues to state personal income between elections (Peltzman, 1987). Fiscal expansion is also associated with the overthrow of Latin American governments (Cuzin, 1986). Fiscally expansionist Latin American regimes whether civilian governments or military juntas tend to be overthrown, while democracies and dictatorships practicing fiscal restraint usually survive. Together, these findings suggest that fiscal expansion costs the incumbent party a loss of political support, resulting in its being voted out or forced out of office. Since the stability of any government depends partly on support for the incumbents, it is hypothesized that, ceteris paribus, fiscal expansion is a cause of political instability. According to this hypothesis, fiscal expansion has a boomerang effect on the incumbents, increasing the likelihood that the party will lose executive office either by election or coup. The purpose of this paper is twofold. One is to bring additional empirical

Trust in Government and the Boston Anti-Busing Movement

ACK OF government legitimacy frequently has been identified as a cause of political instability and emergence of social movements. Lipset (1959), for example, argues that a decline in legitimacy caused some West European governments to fall to fascist movements in 1930s. Similarly, Gurr (1968) maintains that low levels of legitimacy were a principal cause of political instability in 110 colonies and countries. A strong causal relationship between legitimacy and stability is assumed in many explanations of political conflict in United States. For instance, Parsons (1963) and Gamson (1968) argue that only a government that citizens trust can attain a society's collective goals and avert social disorder. These theorists would agree that people who do not trust their government are likely to become involved in a social movement. Existing research on this issue has taken two forms, cross-national comparisons and surveys of populations within industrialized nations. Research using cross-national data does show a significant relationship between legitimacy and political stability (Gurr, 1968; Bwy, 1972). These studies, however, are forced to rely on measures of legitimacy that are both highly indirect and based on dubious assumptions. Bwy's (1972) measures of legitimacy, for example, include an index of degree to which governments in his study are democratic, on assumption that democratic governments enjoy greater legitimacy. The available evidence, however, indicates that this premise is invalid. Authoritarian regimes may also engender widespread legitimacy (Moore, 1978: 399). In addition, political democracy is associated with a host of other factors, such as institutionalization of conflict management (Dahrendorf, 1966), so that any zero order relationship found between legitimacy and political violence is likely to be at least partially spurious. Gurr (1968) also relies on highly indirect measures of legitimacy, such as origins (foreign vs. indigenous) of national governments in his study. Giddens' point that the history of societies shows again and again that structural arrangements are often at first implemented by force. . . , and coercive measures are [then] used to produce and reinforce a new legitimacy, [original emphasis] ( 1968: 267) undercuts usefulness of Gurr's measure of legitimacy. More direct measures of legitimacy have been used in surveys of populations within U.S. and Western Europe. Several studies using survey data support hypothesis that citizens who do not trust government are more likely to support and participate in protest movements (Muller, 1972; Aberback and Walker, 1970; Paige, 1971; Muller and Jukam, 1977; Miller, 1974). Other studies indicate, however, that correlations between legitimacy and protest either are extremely weak (Marsh, 1977) or disappear after additional variables are controlled (Citrin, 1974). Finally, work on relationship between legitimacy and compliance with government policies has also produced inconsistent results. For example, Gatlin

Economic Coercion in World Politics: With a Focus on North-South Relations

Earlier studies of economic sanctions underestimated the role and importance of more subtle forms of coercion because they concentrated attention on highly public, formally legislated attempts at economic coercion in world politics, such as the cases of Italy in the 1930s and Rhodesia since 1965. The author agrees with Galtung, Knorr, and others that in highly public cases, sanctions will often fail in their avowed political purpose because they actually stimulate nationalism and thus resistance in the target-state; he argues that in an increasingly (but unequally) interdependent world, relatively subtle sanctions can be politically effective—with only moderately purely economic effects—by exploiting the LDC's typically fragmented interest-group and class structure. In order to describe and explain how such economic coercion works, it is necessary to bridge several “islands” of literature: on economic sanctions, on the structure of dependency, and on the causes of political instability.