Causative Morpheme Research Articles

The effect of phonetic harmony in causative morphemes in Kiswahili

This article focuses on the causative morpheme in Kiswahili. It notes that the causative morpheme has many allomorphs. The study explains the relationship between the verb root and the causative form. It also clarifies phonetic harmony through the effect of the verb root structure of consonants and vowels on the morphological unit of the causative morpheme. Data relating to the causative case was collected from dictionaries and textbooks. The study used the analytical descriptive linguistic method. This study addresses the following questions: What is the cause of the verity of causative allomorphs in Kiswahili, and what is the relationship between the root of the verb and the morpheme of the causative form? Variation of causative allomorphs is imposed by the morphophonemic rule ‘phonetic harmony’ in Kiswahili. This study can contribute to clarifying the method of using the allomorph of causation in the word.

Turkish Causatives Are Recursive: A Response to Key 2013

It is claimed in Key 2013 that Turkish, despite allowing multiple causative morphemes on a single complex verb, does not in fact allow causative recursion, where one causing event is embedded by another causing event. This squib argues against Key’s conclusion, using evidence from eventhood diagnostics to show that “double” causatives in Turkish encode two distinct, syntactically represented causing events in addition to the caused event. Thus, Turkish causatives are indeed recursive. This finding supports approaches to productive affixal causatives that allow recursive embedding of the same category over approaches that rely on a fixed functional hierarchy.

Morphosyntax of causativised passives in Xitsonga

This article explores the structure of the transitive verb that concurrently appears with both the causative morpheme -is- and the passive morpheme -iw- in Xitsonga. Generally, these two morphemes are treated independently of each other in the literature. Xitsonga is no exception to this phenomenon. No report is available which highlights the effect of the co-occurrence of the causative morpheme -is- and the passive morpheme -iw- on transitive verbs in Xitsonga. This, despite the fact that it is common to find the two morphemes occurring simultaneously on a single transitive verb in the everyday language of Xitsonga speakers. Five issues will be addressed in this article: first, the effect of each of these two morphemes on the argument structure; second, the linearity order of the two morphemes. That is, finding which of the two morphemes precedes or follows the other, as well as finding the order that yields grammaticality and that which yields ungrammaticality. Third, the effect of the features of ambiguity and a focus on the construction in which the transitive verb occurs simultaneously with the two morphemes will be examined. Fourth, the syntactic status, that is, the complement and the adjunct status of the agent PPs which modify the passive together with the determining factors thereof will be investigated. Fifth, the structures and the factors which allow or disallow the omission of agent PPs, instrument PPs and causer PPs, which are also known as unspecified agents/instruments/causers on constructions whose verbs occur with the causative morpheme -is- and the passive morpheme -iw-, including those that occur with the perfect morpheme -ile, in addition to the two morphemes, will be examined.

Verbal Extensions and Valency in Limbum

The objective of this paper is to examine the extent to which verbal extensions in Limbum affect valency. Limbum is a Grassfield Bantu language of the Northern group, spoken by the population who occupy a greater part of the Nkambe plateau in Donga-Mantung Division of the North West Region of Cameroon Binan Bikoi (ed) (2012). To attain my set objective, I carry out an analysis of those affixes (in the case of Limbum, they are suffixes), which are usually attached to verbs and the effect the addition of these suffixes has on the number of arguments in the sentence. Some of these suffixes have a valency decreasing effect, while some have a valency increasing effect on the verbs. The orientation of the discussions here centres on the description of the morpho-syntactic structure of the Limbum verb. In this regard, the analysis herein draws inspiration from the theory of Valency as proposed by Tesnière in 1959 and his followers and the Structuralist Framework as propounded by De Saussure and his disciples who hold that linguistic unit: words, phrases and sentences are perceived as a concatenation of smaller units which hold a close relationship between them. The structure of the Limbum sentence containing verbal extensions that express aspectual meanings have three consequences on the number of arguments that the verb takes: the discussions here show that, while the morphemes -ri, -Si, and -se marking the attenuative, the pluractional, and the distributive aspects respectively have no effect on the number of arguments taken by the verb to which they are suffixed, the causative morpheme -si, has a valency increasing effect on the verb to which it is affixed. In the same light, the reciprocative -ni, the separative -ti and the iterative -Nger, when suffixed to a verb, have the tendency of increasing the number of arguments that the verb takes. In a bid to clarify the structural cartography of verbal extensions in Limbum, the last part of this paper is dedicated to a presentation of some suffixes like -ri and -si, which has, with the evolution of the language, fossilized with the verb root to the extent that they have become an integral part of the verb in a way that they cannot be detached from each other. Conclusively, the paper shows that verbal extensions in Limbum are, for the most part, suffixal morphemes. While some of these suffixes have no effect on the number of arguments the verb subcategorizes for, some have a valency decreasing effect on the verb while others, on the other hand, have a valency increasing effect. Others have outrightly merged with the verb root.

Phonological evidence for morpho-syntactic structure in Athapaskan

Abstract Athapaskan verbal morphology appears to violate the Mirror Principle in multiple ways and, thus, the ordering of affixes in these languages has resisted a straightforward analysis. We adopt a new morphological tool of Iterative Root Prefixation, which allows for a more direct mapping from syntax to morphology in languages of this profile. Apparent violations of affix ordering that remain, namely the puzzling placement of the transitive and causative morphemes, are argued to be explained by overriding phonological constraints.

Object Sharing in Mbya Guarani: A Case of Asymmetrical Verbal Serialization?

In this paper, we intend to describe and discuss the grammatical status of the V1-V2 (Cy/vy) constructions found in Mbya Guarani which can express simultaneous events, among other meanings, and which involve a single clause. We suggest here that this verbal complex can be treated as a case of asymmetrical verbal serialization because it contains verbs from a major lexical class, occupying the V1 slot, followed by a more restricted intransitive verbal class, such as movement, postural, or stative verbs, which stands in the V2 position. The curious property of these constructions is that V2 can be transitivized through the attachment of applicative or causative morphemes and “share” its object with transitive V1. “Object sharing” is another property attributed to serialization, as suggested by Baker and Baker and Stewart, which may be seen as a strong argument in favor of the present hypothesis. We will also provide evidence to distinguish Mbya Guarani V1-V2 (Cy/vy) complex from other constructions, such as temporal and purpose subordinate clauses, involving the particle vy.

Two Places for Causees in Productive IsiXhosa Morphological Causatives

AbstractProductive morphological causatives in isiXhosa exhibit a case alternation with respect to the causee: it can be unmarked or instrumental. Much recent literature on similar alternations in causative constructions in other languages analyzes them as involving differences in the size or category of the constituent selected by the causative morpheme. We show that such an analysis cannot be extended to isiXhosa and that both alternants are verb‐selecting causatives. We propose instead that the alternation actually concerns the place in the structure in which the causee is introduced: in the specifier of the causative head itself in the unmarked‐causee construction, in a PP adjoined to the embedded verb phrase in the instrumental‐causee construction. This article thus adds to a growing body of evidence that the same thematic roles are not always assigned in the same syntactic positions.

The Semantics and Syntax of Stem IV in Soqotri1

Abstract The present study considers the function of the pattern of the so-called stem IV, primarily associated with causatives, in Soqotri (Modern South Arabian). It focuses on the correlation between the semantics of the source verb and that of the derived verb, examines the semantic classes which are compatible with the causative morpheme, and establishes several factors which influence the employment of stem IV. A special subsection deals with syntax of stem IV verbs.

The Morphophonology of Moroccan Arabic Derived Causatives

This paper aims at investigating the morphophonological make-up of derived causatives in Moroccan Arabic within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky, 2004). Causative verbs in MA are characterized by the systematic gemination of their medial consonants. However, it is not easy to determine the morphological nature of the causative morpheme involved in this derivation. Also, it is not clearly known why the causative morpheme gets realized exactly on the second segment of the base form. Therefore, we seek to achieve the following goals. First, we intend to determine the nature of the causative morpheme. Second, we aim to explain why the causative morpheme is realized on the second segment of the base form. In this respect, we show that the causative morpheme is represented by a featureless consonantal mora that targets the second segment of the base root, turning it into a geminate. We also show that the causative morpheme gets infixed thanks to the privileged status of root-initial segments.

Reconstructing the PIE causative in a cross-linguistic perspective

Abstract This paper examines the function and distribution of *CoC-éye/o- presents (traditionally labelled as causatives/iteratives) in PIE in the light of recent theoretical and typological contributions on causative formations crosslinguistically. In particular, this paper argues that: 1. The oldest function of CoC-éye/o- presents in PIE is to derive causative presents to unaccusative base verbs, as well as to some transitive verbs with an affected subject. The development of the iterative meaning is secondary and einzelsprachlich. 2. In the daughter languages, the category developed in two different directions (following Shibatani & Pardeshi’s causative continuum), depending on its degree of productivity. In Greek and Latin, the category became unproductive and underwent a “causative/non-causative” split, whereby the iterative meaning developed under certain conditions. A parallel development of the causative morpheme in the Mayan language K’iche’ is discussed into detail. 3. In Vedic and Proto-Germanic, the category became more productive and did not develop iterative semantics.

Reconstructing the PIE causative in a cross-linguistic perspective

Abstract This paper examines the function and distribution of *CoC-éye/o- presents (traditionally labelled as causatives/iteratives) in PIE in the light of recent theoretical and typological contributions on causative formations crosslinguistically. In particular, this paper argues that: 1. The oldest function of CoC-éye/o- presents in PIE is to derive causative presents to unaccusative base verbs, as well as to some transitive verbs with an affected subject. The development of the iterative meaning is secondary and einzelsprachlich. 2. In the daughter languages, the category developed in two different directions (following Shibatani & Pardeshi’s causative continuum), depending on its degree of productivity. In Greek and Latin, the category became unproductive and underwent a “causative/non-causative” split, whereby the iterative meaning developed under certain conditions. A parallel development of the causative morpheme in the Mayan language K’iche’ is discussed into detail. 3. In Vedic and Proto-Germanic, the category became more productive and did not develop iterative semantics.

Aspects of the Causative Morpheme -i- in Tonga (M64)

This paper examines the phonological behaviour of the causative morpheme –i- in Tonga, using the Plateau and Valley Tonga varieties. It identifies the various segments in radical final positions of different verbal forms and seeks to establish how the introduction of the causative morpheme in their environment affects the segments. The paper finds that in some cases the morpheme induces phonological change to the segments preceding the morpheme, with more phonological ‘activity’ noted in Plateau Tonga. The influence of the morpheme identified in the study is that it induces fricativisation, palatalisation, or glottalisation to radical final segments of the verbs where it is introduced, depending on the nature the concerned segment. The conclusion drawn in the paper is that the influence of the morpheme is more pronounced in Plateau Tonga than in Valley Tonga.

Morphological causatives are Voice over Voice

Causative morphology has been associated with either the introduction of an event of causation or the introduction of a causer argument. However, morphological causatives are mono-eventive, casting doubt on the notion that causatives fundamentally add a causing event. On the other hand, in some languages the causative morpheme is closer to the verb root than would be expected if the causative head is responsible for introducing the causer. Drawing on evidence primarily from Tagalog and Halkomelem, I argue that the syntactic configuration for morphological causatives involves Voice over Voice, and that languages differ in whether their ‘causative marker’ spells out the higher Voice, the lower Voice or both.

Anticausatives with passives of subordinate intransitive clauses in Xitsonga

Literature shows that anticausatives have been well investigated in European languages such as English, German, and Greek. However, this is not the case with African languages, particularly Bantu languages such as Xitsonga. The available evidence suggests that there remain unanswered questions about anticausatives across languages. This article, therefore, is an attempt to reduce this knowledge gap by providing a perspective that seems to have been overlooked in previous studies, namely how anticausatives and passives can interact and complement each other in a single construction. In Xitsonga, anticausatives are marked by the presence of neuter-passive morpheme -ek- on the verb, for example, -hlanhl-a ‘smash to pieces’ > - hlanhl-ek-ile ‘smashed to pieces’, while the passives are marked by the morpheme -iw- , for example, -hlanhl-iw-ile ‘smashed to pieces’. The anticausatives in this paper occur as the main clause while the passives occur as the subordinate hikuva ‘because’ reason clause. The main concern of the present paper is to determine the modification of the passive of the subordinate clause by the PPs denoting agents, instruments, and causers/causing events. On the whole, this paper finds that Xitsonga passives of the subordinate intransitive clause may be modified by PPs denoting agents, instruments (pure-instruments), and causers (instrument-causers) when the verb in such a clause is a motion verb with a reduplicated stem, or a weather verb, and when the passive morpheme co-occurs with the causative morpheme.

Каузативные глаголы с пермиссивным значением в бурятском и русском языках

The article provides a comparative study of causative verbs in structurally different languages. The article aims to identify some semantic and functional features of causative verbs with permissive meanings in the Buryat and Russian languages. The main methods applied hereto include the comparative method, method of component and distributive analysis, and survey of informants. The actual materials for the study have been data contained in Buryat-Russian interlingual dictionaries, examples selected through continuous sampling from Buryat-language literary works, messages of informants. The paper presents a theoretical research base dealing with semantics of the permissive, describes its main expressive ways (means) in the Buryat and Russian languages, it also suggests contextual conditions for updating the permissive in the Buryat discourse, combinability and some grammatical signs. The permissive serves to express a situation when the causer permits an action but does not compel anyone to perform it. Permissive patterns revealed for the majority of Russian full verbs are rare enough, Buryat-language full verbs being able to express a permissive meaning within one lexeme only. The Russian and Buryat languages also provide a possibility to express permissive meanings of causation analytically, i.e., with the aid of poly-predicative constructions involving the verbs of volitional influence, such as зүбшөөхэ ‘permit’, хорихо ‘forbid’, үгэхэ ‘give’. And this method is actually central to the Russian language. Furthermore, the article proposes to consider the contextual conditions of actualization of permissive meanings in the Buryat language. Thus, such conditions included the imperative situation with a speaker without denial, the meaning of negligence, meaning of ‘unpleasant’ action, meaning of assumption. For the Buryat language, contextual interpretations of verbs of factitive and permissive causation with the aid of the sign ‘pleasantness / troublesomeness’ of action for the subject are important. The permissive is most often associated with the value of ‘pleasantness’ of action. In the Buryat language there are causative verbs containing — in their lexical meanings — semes of both the permissive and factuality. The compatibility (co-occurrence) of permissive verbs is rather wide, and the latter have limited compatibility with verbs of emotional state only since this sphere is difficult to manage, and to influence an individual through allowing to express certain emotions. At the morphological level, Buryat affixes are not divided into ones to express factitive causation and ones with permissive meaning. The same causative morpheme can serve to denote both the meanings. The article shows that double causation can be a means to express the permissive in the Buryat language.

The Aramaic Šap̄ˁel in Its Semitic Context

Abstract In Aramaic, the productive causative (= C) stem can be reconstructed as *hapˁil- (suffix-conjugation) ~ *yVhapˁil- (prefix-conjugation) with *h as the causative morpheme. There are, however, also traces in Aramaic of what seems to be a non-productive C-stem in which the causative morpheme is š (< Proto-Semitic *s1). This šap̄ˁel, as it is called, was traditionally thought to result from contact with Akkadian, which has a productive C-stem with a causative morpheme š (< *s1), i.e., šaprus (stative) ~ ušapris (preterite). Nevertheless, Rabin convincingly argued, against the traditional interpretation, that many šap̄ˁel forms in Aramaic cannot be loanwords from Akkadian. Different suggestions have been made to explain the Aramaic šap̄ˁel forms that are not loanwords from Akkadian. In this article, I propose an additional option: some Aramaic šap̄ˁel forms are, I argue, backformations from *ˀištapˁal- (suffix-conjugation) ~ *yištapˁal- (prefix-conjugation), which I reconstruct as the Proto-Aramaic CT-stem inherited from Proto-Semitic.

Non-Causative Effects of Causative Morphology in Chukchi

The paper discusses the main uses of a synthetic causative marker in Chukchi with special reference to non-causative effects of causative morphology. The causative morpheme expresses general causation when attached to patientive intransitive and some agentive intransitive predicates, namely verbs of directed motion, change of posture and ingestion. Other agentive predicates, intransitive as well as transitive, resist causativization and receive some non-causative interpretation if they form causatives. Such causative verbs usually have applicative-like or rearranging functions.

Unaccusativity and the syntax of imperatives in East Circassian

This paper presents novel evidence for the syntactic distinction between unergative and unaccusative verbs in East Circassian (or Kabardian. The evidence concerns a particular strategy of forming imperatives -- simultaneous causativization and reflexivization -- which is only applicable to unaccusative predicates. I argue that this type of imperative involves the promotion of the internal argument to the a higher position through the use of the causative morpheme which has been grammaticalized to mark imperative mood. The observed patterns suggest that imperative mood, while generally associated with the CP-layer, must be sensitive to the structure of vP.

Causatives in Uyghur

The present study is intended to provide a descriptive analysis of canonical causative constructions in modern Uyghur. Lexical, morphological and analytic causative constructions are employed in modern Uyghur. Lexical causative is less productive, and its use seems to be restricted to very specific domains without a morphological marker. By contrast, morphological causatives are undoubtedly the most frequent means of expressing causatives,nand they are highly productive with both transitive and intransitive verbs. These productive single causatives are mostly regular; the choice of the suffixes is phonologically determined. Double causatives derived from intransitive and transitive bases in Uyghur result in different surface realizations. No more than two different causative morphemes can be iterated in the causative construction. Therefore, Uyghur does not permit any iteration of the triple causative. In this sense, the double causative in Uyghur is different from that of genetically related languages (for example Turkish) with respect to the nature and amount of causative morpheme reduplication. This study shows that the morphological causatives in Uyghur share universal tendencies in terms of causative devices and valence increasing operations in the argument structure of causative verbs in canonical situations. Although the scope of this paper is limited to one individual language, its findings would be relevant for studying causative constructions in other languages.

Psych verbs in Uyghur

English psych verbs fall into three types, namely, Subject Experiencer (SE), Object Experiencer (OE) and Dative Experiencer (DE) verbs. Unlike English SE verbs, noncausative Uyghur verbs fall into two categories: accusative and oblique psych verbs according to the case marking of their objects. Apart from typical transitive constructions [NP8 NP0 VERB], Uyghur employs light verb constructions of the type [N/ADJ bol-/qil-]. We argue that light verb constructions of the type [NP8 NP-Ace N/Adj qil-] are analytical causative configurations. Oblique psych verbs occur in light verb constructions of the type [NPs NP-ABL/-DAT ADJ/N-ACC bol-/qil-], in which bol- functions as BECOME, while qil functions as no/GET, and the latter is an analytical causative configuration. Our classification of Uyghur non-causative verbs into accusative and oblique psych verbs has ramifications for causativizations ofUyghur verbs. For example, the causative morpheme cannot be attached to accusative psych verbs, but is perfectly fine with oblique psych verbs. We argue that morphological causatives in Uyghur are lexical causatives in nature, as Uyghur has relatively few zero causatives like the English verbs worry and please. Uyghur analytical causative constructions of the type [NP8 NP-ABLI-DAT ADJIN-ACC] correspond to English make constructions. The fact that the Target/Subject Matter restriction is dissolved in analytical causative constructions in Uyghur in turn supports our analysis of morphological causatives as lexical causatives and light verb constructions as analytical causatives.