Catholic Politics Research Articles

The Failure of Bismarck’s Kulturkampf: Catholicism and State Power in Imperial Germany, 1871–1887 (review)

Failure of Bismarck's Kulturkampf Catholicism and State Power in Imperial Germany, 1871-1887. By Ronald J. Ross. (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press. 1998. Pp. xvi, 219.$66.95.) Historical conflicts take a particularly violent course when cultural issues are at stake. Conflicts about cultural homogeneity are especially prone to materialize in uncountable ways and on various levels of contestation. German Kulturkampf between the Catholic Church on the one hand and liberalism and the Prussian bureaucracy on the other engulfed much of the 1870's and 1880's, though with waning energy. dichotomies of this hot family feud within German society dominated the formative period of the German party system and had a long-term impact on Germany's political culture well into the twentieth century According to Ronald J. Ross, the Kulturkampf ended in complete failure-a conclusion quite contrary to recent German scholarship, which celebrated the triumph of civil marriage. Indeed, the German Catholic Church was by no means subordinated to the interests of the newly founded nationstate. Instead, its spiritual as well as its political leaders emerged with a considerably higher degree of autonomy than before. Accounts of the Kulturkampf differ according to the working definition of its historical character and origins. Who were the warriors? Was it fought between the ultramontane Catholic Church and Bismarck or between Catholicism and liberalism or between the Center Party and Bismarck? Ross sees the Kulturkampf primarily as a struggle between authority ultimately embodied in the person of the imperial chancellor Otto von Bismarck and his minister of school affairs, Adalbert Falk, fighting the historically embedded rights of the Catholic Church, which, according to Bismarck, constituted a state within the state. While subscribing to a view of the Kulturkampf centered on authority-a view favored by Borussian historiography-Ross discusses the various mechanisms through which the Prussian tried to win the undivided loyalty of its Catholic subjects by forcefully loosening them from ultramontanism. Attempts to produce a decidedly anti-ultramontane loyalty to the Prussian encountered widespread resistance due to the failure to enforce the political will of Bismarck and his allies in at least six areas discussed by Ross: establishment of a new reformation, the Old Catholic Church, of the May Laws and the pulpit decree, expulsion of Catholic orders, the legal entanglements officials were facing, as well as pressure applied to political Catholicism and the Catholic press. The Kulturkampf ultimately failed, however, because it was backed by political institutions and managerial arrangements that were inappropriate for effective enforcement (p. …

Bruderschaften und Liebesbünde nach Trient: Ihr Totendienst, Zuspruch und Stellenwert im kirchlichen und gesellschaftlichen Leben am Beispiel Salzburg 1600–1950 (review)

Bruderschaften and Liebesbiinde nach Trient: Ihr Totendienst, Zuspruch and Stellenwert im kirchlichen and gesellschaftlichen Leben am Beispiel Salzburg 1600-1950. By Rupert Klieber. [Schriftenreihe des ErzbischofRohracher-Studienfonds, Band 4.] (New York: Peter Lang. 1999. Pp. 634. $85.95.) Recently renewed interest in early modern confraternities has sparked such masterful studies as Nicholas Terpstra's on Renaissance Bologna. While many works focus on the Italian and Iberian peninsulas, Rupert Klieber's thorough study of Salzburg's confraternities shifts both the geographic and chronological accent by taking us north of the Alps and emphasizing the centuries after the Council of Trent. Rupert Klieber, whose dissertation analyzed development of political Catholicism in nineteenth-century Salzburg, begins his new study by emphasizing the importance of medieval confraternities as death societies. Klieber looked in and around Salzburg at all voluntary associations which had clear emphasis on activities surrounding death, regardless of whether they referred to themselves as `brotherhoods. In so doing, he sets the stage for an extensive local analysis that sharpens our understanding of confraternities and allows us to witness transformations throughout the early modern and modern periods. Almost three-quarters of this book involves a meticulously detailed, individual analysis of Salzburg's confraternities. This section will be a gold mine for local researchers; Klieber identifies all printed and unprinted sources for each confraternity, and he has effectively gleaned those sources for important and interesting nuggets of information about each confraternity's foundation, operation, indulgences, responsibilities, and members. He traces the survival of Salzburg's medieval confraternities, as well as the brotherhoods affiliated with religious orders and with occupation groups, and the creation of new confraternities out of private initiative or from foreign influence. Klieber rescues the book from being of interest only to Salzburg specialists and antiquarians by framing this section of the book with insightful generalizations that confirm and augment many of the findings of recent studies on early modern confraternities. While the detailed individual case studies provide excellent glimpses of regular confraternal functions such as processions, Masses, patronage (of artists and musicians), and oversight of material resources, most readers will want to focus on the final hundred pages, which carefully summarize and synthesize the findings he has listed in such detail. …

Co-operation of European Catholic Politicians in Exile in Britain and the USA during the Second World War

Christian Democracy had a formative influence on western Europe after 1945. This article studies the transnational co-operation of European Catholic politicians in exile during the second world war and evaluates how this might have influenced postwar developments. It argues that Catholic transnationalism was not well organized. The analysis of its contacts in the People and Freedom Group and the International Christian Democratic Union also shows that there is no political continuity from the thinking of Catholic politicians in exile on such crucial issues as the future role of Britain in Europe or policy towards Germany, to postwar European reconstruction. Postwar Europe was not made in exile.

Custom, Authority, and Tolerance in Irish Political Thought: David Rothe's Analecta Sacra et Mira (1616)

Irish Catholic Political Thought in the seventeenth century found a masterly expression in the writings of Kilkenny-born David Rothe. The theoretico-practical dilemma he faced arose from the need to reconcile the, as yet theoretical, notion of an Irish Nation with a de facto Protestant government of totalitarian tendencies in a predominantly Catholic Ireland, His solution to the question of Church-State relations involved a self-critical interpretation of Irish history, a powerful protest against blatant injustice, and a modification of the model of toleration recently granted to the Huguenots in France.

Brief Notices

BRIEF NOTICES Alberigo, Giuseppe (Ed.). Giuseppe Dossetti. Prime prospettive e ipotesi di ricerca. [Istituto per Ie scienze religiose—Bologna, Testi e ricerche di scienze religiose, nuova serie, 22.] (Bologna: Società éditrice il Mulino. 1998. Pp. 145. Lire 20,000 paperback.) The three essays contained in this short book deal with the life and work of Giuseppe Dossetti. Included as well are some transcripts oftalks that he gave to young Catholics in the early 1950's. For the fifty or so years before his death in December, 1996, Giuseppe Dossetti served as one ofthe most important voices of Italian Catholicism. His roles as a scholar, a maverick, and an irritant made him all the more valuable to that world. A young canon law professor during the waning years of Benito Mussolini's regime, he joined the anti-Fascist resistance and assumed command of the Committee of National Liberation (C.L.N.) in Reggio nell'Emilla. The C.L.N.'s political ecumenism, however, dissolved after the war when the Communists turned anti-Fascist popular justice into a broader violent attack on conservatives and Catholics. This prompted the idealistic Dossetti to delay his desire to enter the Church and to take up politics as a Christian Democrat. Dossetti made his mark in the Christian Democratic Party (or D.C.) as the leader of an ill-fated left-wing faction of intellectuals, theprofessorini (or dossettiani), which included Giorgio La Pira, Giuseppe Lazzati, and Amintore Fanfani. The faction reached a dead end at the D.C.'s 1949 Congress in Venice, and the defeated Dossetti retired from politics. His departure was interrupted briefly in 1956 when he ran without success for the Bologna mayor's office against the popular Communist, Giuseppe Dozza. Dossetti became convinced that the limitations of Catholic politics rose from the failings of the Italian Church. His earlier intention to join the Church was now inflamed by the desire to reform it. Dossetti settled and worked in the Diocese of Bologna and developed a close relationship with its activist archbishop Giacomo Lercaro. He soon founded one of Italy's most important organizations for the study of the Church, the Centro di documentazione (later the Istituto per Ie Scienze Religiose). Dossetti was ordained in 1959, and Lercaro brought him as aperito to the sessions of the Second Vatican Council. Emboldened by the Council, Lercaro and Dossetti assaulted the Bolognese church with reformist passion during the mid-1960's until they ran afoul of Rome and, some believe, the Americans, who probably questioned their loyalty to the Cold War alliance. That Dossetti met with some U.S. diplomats shortly before resigning 153 154BRIEF NOTICES his administrative position in the Bologna diocese (and before Lercaro was pushed out in February, 1968), certainly raises the possibility. Giuseppe Alberigo's small but valuable book accomplishes what its title proclaims : an examination of where we stand in the study of Don Giuseppe Dossetti . The bulk of the work consists of two essays, one by Giovanni Miccoli on Dossetti's politics, the other by Alberigo on his activity in the Catholic Church. The essays are followed by the transcripts of three talks that Dossetti gave to Catholic youth in the early 1950's. It concludes with Enzo Bianchi's account of Dossetti's spiritual road. Particularly interesting here is the discussion of the monastic association, the "Rule of the Little Family" that Dossetti launched in 1956. Roy R Domenico (The University ofScranton) Cornwelljohn. Hitler's Pope.The Secret History ofPius XII. (NewYork:Viking. 1999. Pp. xiv, 430. $29.95.) John Cornwell, an English journalist, holds that Eugenio Pacelli, who became Pope Pius XII, subordinated his diplomatic actions to the aggrandizement of papal power. This, in Cornwell's view, explains why the pope remained neutral and did not speak out against the Nazis in defense of the Jews in World War II. For this alleged failure, Cornwell holds that Pius XII was "Hitler's Pope"(p. 297). Claiming that his work is based on documents used for the first time, Cornwell relies on dubious secondary sources and fails to make adequate use of the eleven volumes of documents published by the Holy See, especially those (6, 8, 9, and...

Catholics and American culture: Fulton Sheen, Dorothy Day, and the Notre Dame football team

Catholics and American Culture: Fulton Sheen, Dorothy Day, and Notre Dane Football Team. By Mark S. Massa. New York: Crossroad, 1999. x + 278 pp. $24.95 (cloth). Growing up as a low-church Yankee Episcopalian in Boston during 1950s, was nurtured in a culture imbued in anti-Catholicism. Most of my family members assumed that Catholics were both socially and spiritually beneath us, and remarks such as She's a Catholic ... but nice were commonplace at dinner table. still vividly remember my grandmother telling me, I don't think you ought to go to John's house-after all, they're Catholics. Indeed, there were two words invariably spoken in whispered tones at our home, as if sounds themselves had a power to undo us: cancer and Catholic! Inasmuch as this prejudice had an intellectual basis, it was articulated in Paul Blanshard's American Freedom and Catholic Power (1949), classic expression of modern Protestant concerns about inherent foreignness of Roman Catholicism. The fact that Blanshard's book was published in Boston by respected Beacon Press and was regarded as a responsible statement of liberal social thought indicates endurance of antiCatholic bigotry (at least among Protestants in Northeast) after World War II. While Mark Massa, a Jesuit who teaches at Fordham University did not know my family, he could well have written Catholics and A-merican Culture to explain why our prejudices and anxieties were not only wrong but also ridiculously misplaced. As he demonstrates in this extraordinarily rich, readable, and insightful book, Yankee Protestants had no reason at all to fear Roman Catholics in their midst. A remarkable transformation occurred in American Catholicism during period when Massa and were growing up, and most white Catholics entered the verdant ... pastures of middle-class acceptance and affluence (p. 2) where all traces of their religious distinctiveness disappeared. During this process, Catholics generally abandoned the fortress of immigrant Catholic subculture (p. 36), and instead embraced what Episcopalian Gibson Winter has called suburban captivity of churches. Moreover, thanks to popularity and influence of such identifiably Catholic figures as Joseph McCarthy Fulton J. Sheen, and John F. Kennedy Catholics moved into center of nation's cultural mainstream. This shift was completed in fall of 1960 with Kennedy's election as president. Running on a platform that stressed disjunction between his religious beliefs and his political views, Kennedy successfully dissociated himself both from Blanshard's stereotype of alien-controlled Catholic politician and from vapid Piety on Potomac fostered during Eisenhower administration. While his enthusiastic embrace of secularity raises disturbing questions about effectiveness of social mission of his church-an irony Massa highlights-Kennedy's victory demonstrated how far American Catholicism had come in little more than a decade since publication of Blanshard's book. As foregoing discussion suggests, Catholics and American Culture is neither a conventional narrative history nor an exhaustive sociological study of multicultural Catholic community today. Instead, Massa examines in detail a few key individuals and events in order to illustrate what he believes is central theme in American Catholic history between 1945 and 1970: evolution of Roman Catholicism from its older, ghetto style of religion to a newer, `culture religion' one (p. …

Catholicism, political culture, and the countryside: a social history of the Nazi Party in south Germany

Recent scholarship has held that Germany's Catholic population, particularly in rural areas, consistently withheld support from the Nazi Party until its takeover of power in 1933. In Catholicism, Political Culture, and the Countryside Oded Heilbronner makes a careful study of an important counterexample, that of the southern part of the state of Baden, a Catholic region where the Nazi party enjoyed massive support from 1930 onwards.The Nazi success in South Baden, Heilbronner finds, cannot be explained by the innovativeness of its organization and propaganda. Rather, Heilbronner contends that even before the economic crisis of 1929, the organizational frameworks of sociocultural life in the region, exemplified by the Catholic Church's Voluntary Associations (Vereine), had begun to disintegrate. The social and cultural vacuum created by the breakdown of these local organizational frameworks, the deepening economic crisis, and fear of a communist takeover all led to a search for a politically and economically meaningful alternative to political Catholicism and the bourgeois infrastructure. And thus, without any particular effort, and despite mistakes, mismanagement, and poor organization, the Nazi Party--the only political body to offer a non- establishment, non-Socialist alternative--was able to attract a large group of voters.With its shift in emphasis from the Nazi Party to the society in which it operated, Catholicism, Political Culture, and the Countryside will be crucial reading for historians of Germany.Oded Heilbronner is Lecturer in History, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

Talking Ghosts, Living Traditions: Political Violence, Catholicism, and Seamus Heaney's "Station Island"

Talking Ghosts, Living Traditions: Political Violence, Catholicism, and Seamus Heaney's "Station Island"

"A 'De Profundis' for Christian Socialism": French Marxists and the Critique of Political Catholicism, 1882-1905

Marxists -from Marx himself to the remaining Marxists of the late twentieth century-have assumed that the capitalist mode of production inexorably separates capital from labor, thereby begetting the reciprocally determined and mutually antagonistic bourgeoisie and proletariat. In the Marxists' metahistorical vision, the resultant strife between regnant bourgeois and revolutionary workers has constituted modernitydetermining its social structures, structuring its political conditions, conditioning its culture. As capitalism consolidates its rule, as the bourgeoisie imposes its hegemony, all identities apart from those generated by the logic of capital supposedly fall away, transcended by history. Traditional gender roles dissolve; historic ethnic communities disperse; ancient religious communions evaporate. Eventually, Marxists have anticipated, class identities alone would divide the social order, and the final revolutionary transcendence of the class system would reconcile humanity in a utopia of universal brotherhood. These are heroic assumptions. So much of modern history contradicts them. Bourgeois, after all, have struggled against other bourgeois, while workers have battled other workers -despite their supposed class solidarities. And the bourgeoisie and the proletariat have regularly collaborated with each other-despite the class war supposedly raging between them. Class and class conflict have indeed shaped modernity. But nonclass social identities founded on gender distinc-

The Poor Belong to Us: Catholic Charities and American Welfare by Dorothy M. Brown and Elizabeth McKeown

The Poor Belong to Us. Catholic Charities and American Welfare. By Dorothy M. Brown and Elizabeth McKeown. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Universitv Press. 1997. Pp. ix, 284. $45.00.) Dorothy A Brown and Elizabeth McKeown, authors of The R)or Belong to Us: Catholic Charities and American Wiwelfare have made an extraordinary contribution to American Catholic and American welfare-state history, crafting a lucid narrative from archival research, published papers, and secondary historical analysis. Their treatment of Catholic social provision from 1870 through the 1930's will inform historical analysis in these fields for decades. Brown and McKeown provide compelling detail and conceptual frameworks for understanding the larger shifts in personnel, administration, and policy that influenced Catholic charitable provision over these decades. They begin with New York City from 1870 to 19 10, and skillfully flesh out the networks that linked Catholic politicians, clergy, women religious, and middle-class volunteers in building the Catholic charities infrastructure. Based on the principle that 'The Poor Belong to Us, religious proselytization or resistance to it was the most visible rationale for caring for the Catholic majority among the poor, but the importance of material provision and service was never undervalued (p. 3). Subsequent chapters shift to the national stage, and detail the post-World War I rationalization of disparate local charities under diocesan control, the imposition of male clerical authority over women religious and lay volunteers, and the increasing influence of the National Conference of Catholic Charities (NCCC). In part as a defense against Protestant charges of incompetency and corruption, some leaders promoted Catholic training and casework methodology, inviting especially female laity to attain social work education and credentials. Catholics who ascribed to principles undergirding convent or clerical life, lay voluntarism, or professional social work expertise were thereafter in conflict over administration and policy. Brown and McKeown highlight the tendency of both Catholic social workers and clerical administrators to wrest administrative control of institutions from nuns, who tended to be unschooled in social work principles, and resistant to policies infused with its logic and methodology. In their chapter on the New Deal, the authors document the considerable influence of John O'Grady and his cohorts in the all-male upper echelons of the NCCC, who in their zeal to maintain the influence of Catholic charities helped to narrow the scope of Aid to Dependent Children (ADC). …

Late Modern

Conservatism: An Anthology of Social and Political Thought from David Hume to the Present. Edited by Jerry Z. Muller Lord Melbourne, 1779–1848. By L. G. Mitchell Evangelical Faith and Public Zeal: Evangelicals and Society in Britain, 1780–1980. Edited by John Wolffe The Rise and Fall of the French Revolution. Edited by T. C. W. Blanning The British Armed Nation 1793–1815. By J. E. Cookson The Balkan Economies c. 1800–1914: Evolution without Development. By Michael Palairet George Bentham: Autobiography, 1800–1834. Edited by Marion Filipiuk British Spas from 1815 to the Present: A Social History. By Phyllis Hembry. Edited and completed by Leonard W. Cowie and Evelyn E. Cowie Who's Who in Victorian Britain. By Roger Ellis The Contentious Crown: Public Discussion of the British Monarchy in the Reign of Queen Victoria. By Richard Williams The Education of a Nation. By Gareth Elwyn Jones Disraeli's Fellow Traveller: James Clay, MP for Hull. By John Markham Napoleon III and the Second Empire. By Roger Price Florence Nightingale: Letters from the Crimea, 1854–1856. Edited by Sue M. Goldie The End of Imperial Russia, 1855–1917. By Peter Waldron Towns, Plans and Society in Modern Britain. By Helen Meller Citizenship and Community: Liberals, Radicals and Collective Identities in the British Isles 1865–1931. Edited by Eugenio F. Biagini Gender Perspectives in Nineteenth‐Century Ireland: Public and Private Spheres. Edited by Margaret Kelleher and James H. Murphy Women and the Common Life: Love, Marriage and Feminism. By Christopher Lasch. Edited by Elisabeth Lasch‐Quinn Railways and the Formation of the Italian State in the Nineteenth Century. By Albert Schram Italian Foreign Policy: The Statecraft of the Founders, 1870–1896. By Federico Chabod. Translated by William McCuaig Federal Britain: A History. By John Kendle The Men's Share? Masculinities, Male Support and Women's Suffrage in Britain, 1890–1920. Edited by Angela V. John and Claire Eustance Britain and the World in the Twentieth Century. By John Y. Young From Mobilization to Civil War: The Politics of Polarization in the Spanish City of Gijón, 1900–1937. By Pamela Beth Radcliff Land and Society in Edwardian Britain. By Brian Short Tibet and the British Raj: The Frontier Cadre 1904–1947. By Alex McKay Myth and Memory in the Mediterranean: Remembering Fascism's Empire. By Nicholas Doumanis Great Power Complex: British Imperialism, International Crises and National Decline, 1914–51. By John Callaghan The Outbreak of the First World War: 1914 in Perspective. By David Stevenson Lionel Sotherby's Great War: Diaries and Letters from the Western Front. Edited by Donald C. Richter Catholic Politics in Europe, 1918–1945. By Martin Conway National Identity and Weimar Germany: Upper Silesia and the Eastern Border, 1918–1922. By T. Hunt Tooley The Heroic Earth: Geopolitical Thought in Weimar Germany, 1918–1933. By David T. Murphy Redbrick University Revisited. By E. Allison Peers. Edited by Ann L. Mackenzie and Adrian R. Allan From Liberalism to Fascism: The Right in a French Province, 1928–1939. By Kevin Passmore From Blitz to Blair: A New History of Britain since 1939. Edited by Nick Tiratsoo The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution. By Henry Friedlander Victims and Survivors: The Nazi Persecution of the Jews in The Netherlands, 1940–1945. By Bob Moore Whitewashing Britain: Race and Citizenship in the Postwar Era. By Kathleen Paul Retreat from New Jerusalem: British Politics, 1951–64. By Kevin Jefferys The Macmillan Government and Europe: A Study in the Processes of Policy Development. By Jacqueline Tratt Dealing with Britain: The Six and the First UK Application to the EEC. By N. Piers Ludlow Keeping Tito Afloat: The United States, Yugoslavia, and the Cold War, 1945–1960. By Lorraine M. Lees

Political Catholicism in Europe, 1918-1965. Edited by Tom Buchanan and Martin Conway. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. ix+312 pp. $75.00

Political Catholicism in Europe, 1918-1965. Edited by Tom Buchanan and Martin Conway. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. ix+312 pp. $75.00

Political Catholicism in Europe, 1918-1965 ed. by Tom Buchanan and Martin Conway

362BOOK reviews Political Catholicism in Europe, 1918-1965. Edited by Tom Buchanan and Martin Conway. (New York: Clarendon Press, Oxford University Press. 1996. Pp. ix, 312. $85.00.) Compare the number of major English-language books on European poUtical CathoUcism with those on socialism or fascism. This is not an issue of quality, since the field is distinguished by such able general studies as Michael Fogarty's and by admirable monographs from Richard Webster, R. E. M. Irving, Noel Cary, and others. But whUe such works merit praise as high as that bestowed on any books on sociaUsm, the number of studies does not do justice to one of the most important phenomena of our century. One explanation for the dearth of English-language works on European poUtical CathoUcism is that it is a subject largely foreign to most of the English-speaking nations, with Ireland as the clear exception. Although CathoUc parties have made themselves felt and even dominated politics in many European (and LatinAmerican) nations, they have never constituted a real force Ln North America or Britain. Another reason might be political Catholicism's sUppery nature. It does not fit easUy into the dominant liberal-fascist-marxist scheme of twentieth-century Anglo-American political thought. For this, poUtical CathoUcism bears some of the blame. It has manifested itsetf aU over the spectrum, from Salazar's Estado Novo to Sturzo's Partitopopolare , from Maritain to Maurras. This diversity is addressed in Political Catholicism in Europe, 1918-1965, edited by Tom Buchanan and Martin Conway. The two recognize the differences within the world of Catholic poUtics but add that, nevertheless, a "distinctive CathoUc tradition has been evident in many—if not aU—of the countries of Europe . . . and that significant simUarities existed between these manifestations ofpoUtical CathoUcism for it to be possible to consider it as a European phenomenon" (p. 6). If our studies of Marxism can include Stalin, Mao, and Gramsci.then why couldn't a survey ofpoUtical Catholicism embrace Ignaz Seipel and Giuseppe Dossetti? Buchanan and Conway have assembled an impressive group of essays. Along with Conway's introduction, France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands, Great Britain, and Ireland are represented. AU ofthe essays are first rate, although they are not uniform. This is inevitable. The 1918 and 1965 dates, for example, are not hard and fast and are quite rightly manipulated by the authors to make their essays more complete. In the Spanish case, for instance, 1975 makes more sense than 1965. Europe's 1918 to 1965 landscape, furthermore , is crossed by a very high waU—the war years from 1939 to 1945. And although aU chapters cover the ¦whole span, most of them lean predominantly into the earUer, though shorter, era before World War II. This tempers our understanding of poUtical CathoUcism because, in most countries during the 1920's and 1930's, the subject cannot be considered without reference to its relationship to the radical right. WhUe some leaders such as Sturzo opposed fascism , others made deals with it and have justly drawn criticism from the left. On the other hand, for the most part, poUtical CathoUcism after World War II was BOOK REVIEWS363 different. UsuaUy as Christian Democracy, its record was cleaner and, with the possible exception of Belgium, it achieved more success in the fifty years after 1945 than during the thirty years before it. Of course, critics stUl note, as does Karl-Egon Lonne in his essay, that postwar Christian Democrats StiU leaned toward conservatism. Lonne sees this in part as a result of the triumph ofJesuit personalist thought over Dominican Christian socialism. John PoUard also recounts the faUure of the ItaUan DCs left wing during the 1950's, or perhaps more exactly, the Party's reluctance to experiment. The ItaUan case, especiaUy, begs the need to carry the analyses past the mid-1960's and end with the catastrophe of the 1990's. Some chapters maintain a strictly poUtical focus while others, particularly the one on the Netherlands by Paul Luykx, enrich the discussion with considerations of political Catholicism's social impact. The place of the Holy See, furthermore, is sometimes missing in the analyses. Although part of Conway...

Political Catholicism in Europe, 1918–1965

(1997). Political Catholicism in Europe, 1918–1965. History: Reviews of New Books: Vol. 25, No. 4, pp. 163-163.

Catholic Social Encyclicals and Wilhelm Roepke's Political Economy of the "Third Way"

Catholic Social Encyclicals and Wilhelm Roepke's Political Economy of the "Third Way"

Intersections of Catholic and American Political Thought: A Symposium

Intersections of Catholic and American Political Thought: A Symposium

Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America

Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America

Catholic bishops, abortion and partisan politics in the US

Catholic bishops, abortion and partisan politics in the US

Political Catholicism and the Czechoslovak People's Party in Czechoslovakia, 1918-1938. By Miloš Trapl. East European Monographs, no. 409. Boulder: Social Science Monographs, 1995. 146 pp. Index. $39.00, hard bound.

Political Catholicism and the Czechoslovak People's Party in Czechoslovakia, 1918-1938. By Miloš Trapl. East European Monographs, no. 409. Boulder: Social Science Monographs, 1995. 146 pp. Index. $39.00, hard bound. - Volume 55 Issue 2

Religious Associations and the Formation of Political Catholicism in Vienna, 1848 to the 1870s

One of theironies of the Revolution of 1848 in Austria is that one of the most attacked institutions, the Roman Catholic Church, was able to draw the most benefit from the revolutionary upheaval. By the time Cardinal-Archbishop Eduard Milde returned to his palace in the Wollzeile from his safe mountain retreat, the dreadedKatzenmusik(mock serenading) had died down and it was clear that real social reform, not to speak of social revolution, was dead as well. Along the way, however, Catholic agitators, including Catholic priests, had learned how to use the revolution to further their own purposes.