Caroline County Research Articles

Black Ecological Vibrations

Black Ecological Vibrations

Introduction

Introduction

Life in a news desert: The perceived impact of a newspaper closure on community members

This study, utilizing 19 in-depth interviews, offers a systematic qualitative investigation of the perceived impact of a newspaper’s closure on community members’ everyday lives and their sense of community. Results demonstrate a negative impact on community members’ sense of community, with participants missing celebrated gatherings and noting increased isolation and diminished pride in their community. Findings also show the impact on residents’ daily lives, with one participant declaring ‘life is harder’ without the newspaper. Overall, these findings present a picture of life in Caroline County, Virginia, following the Caroline Progress’ closure after 99 years of service to the county.

Conservation by Minimal Intervention: Odonata Refuge in Idylwild Wildlife Management Area, Caroline County, Maryland

Over the past decade, 84 species of dragonflies and damselflies (Odonata) have been found in an area <0.6 km2 (<0.25 mi2) within Idylwild Wildlife Management Area in Caroline County, MD. Eighteen of these species are species of conservation concern in both Maryland and nearby Delaware. This high level of Odonata diversity exceeds that of any other known location on the Delmarva Peninsula. We attribute this to the presence of a variety of pond, marsh, and bog habitats resulting from the unimpeded natural succession of an abandoned sand- and gravel-mining operation. This site has provided a refuge for locally rare species in a heavily agricultural region where draining of swamps and channelization of streams destroyed otherwise suitable wetland habitats for many now rare and endangered Odonata species. Deliberate planning resulted in the decision not to interfere with the ongoing natural succession in the Idylwild Wildlife Management Area, enabling colonization and persistence of Odonata species of conservation concern.

Multidisciplinary Teams Knock Down Barriers to Medication Treatment for OUD

Multidisciplinary Teams Knock Down Barriers to Medication Treatment for OUD

Mammals of Fort A. P. Hill, Caroline County, Virginia and Vicinity

Mammals of Fort A. P. Hill, Caroline County, Virginia and Vicinity

Who Knew? FirstMyotis sodalis(Indiana Bat) Maternity Colony in the Coastal Plain of Virginia

We report the first confirmed Myotis sodalis (Indiana Bat) maternity colony in Virginia, discovered at Fort A.P. Hill Military Reservation in Caroline County along the Piedmont-Coastal Plain Fall Line. Acoustic surveys conducted in 2014 indicated likely presence of Indiana Bats on the installation. Subsequent focal mist-netting during May–June 2015 resulted in capture of 4 lactating females that we subsequently radio tracked to a maternity colony site containing at least 20 individuals. The core roosting-area was comprised of Pinus taeda (Loblolly Pine) snags with abundant exfoliating bark and high solar exposure. This forest patch was adjacent to a large emergentshrub wetland and within a larger matrix of mature, mid-Atlantic hardwood forests. The site where we found the colony location is 140 km east of the nearest known hibernaculum and is outside of the previously documented extent of this species' occurrence.

Comparative mitogenomic analyses of three North American stygobiont amphipods of the genus Stygobromus (Crustacea: Amphipoda)

The mitochondrial genomes of three North American stygobiont amphipods Stygobromus tenuis potomacus, S. foliatus and S. indentatus collected from Caroline County, VA, were sequenced using a shotgun sequencing approach on an Illumina NextSeq500 (Illumina Inc., San Diego, CA). All three mitogenomes displayed 13 protein-coding genes, 22 tRNAs and two rRNAs typical of metazoans. While S. tenuis and S. indentatus displayed identical gene orders similar to the pancrustacean ground pattern, S. foliatus displayed a transposition of the trnL2-cox2 genes to after atp8-atp6. In addition, a short atp8 gene, longer rrnL gene and large inverted repeat within the Control Region distinguished S. foliatus from S. tenuis potomacus and S. indentatus. Overall, it appears that gene order varies considerably among amphipods, and the addition of these Stygobromus mitogenomes to the existing sequenced amphipod mitogenomes will prove useful for characterizing evolutionary relationships among various amphipod taxa, as well as investigations of the evolutionary dynamics of the mitogenome in general.

“Deaf &amp; Dumb, Blind, Insane, or Idiotic”: The Census, Slaves, and Disability in the Late Antebellum South

IN A DIARY SHE KEPT DURING A STAY ON HER HUSBAND'S COASTAL Georgia slaveholdings in the winter of 1838-1839, British actress Frances Anne Fanny Kemble famously expressed contempt for the institution of slavery. Her condemnation of slaves' appalling living conditions and the treatment they endured are well known. But she also commented on several disabled slaves she encountered, including an enslaved woman lying on the floor in a fit of epilepsy; a second poor half-witted creature, a female idiot; and a third bondwoman, named Patty, young but apparently too idiotic ... to move, whose tortured facial expressions elicited a combination of sympathy and revulsion. [A] more hideous and loathsome object I never beheld, Kemble remarked. These passages from Kemble's diary afford glimpses of slaves in the Old South stricken by various physical or mental impairments. (1) In contrast to Kemble's antislavery proclivities, proslavery writers harnessed the emotive power of disabled bondpeople to much different ends in antebellum discourse. Before the Civil War, masters' care of disabled slaves served as a strategic counterpoint to northerners' claims of free labor's superiority. protect the weak, explained southern intellectual and Caroline County, Virginia, slaveholder George Fitzhugh, we must first enslave The irony Fitzhugh pinpointed was grounded in the moral and ethical differences he identified as intrinsic to the economies of the North and the South. Whereas wage laborers in the North toiled under a ruthless economic system that callously discarded workers at the first sign of weakness, southern bondpeople benefited from a social safety net that emerged organically from the institution of slavery. To be sure, Fitzhugh conceded, masters shall be entitled to [slaves'] labor, but in exchange, owners were to provide for them, including the idiots and lunatics among them. More than any other scholar, Eugene D. Genovese popularized Fitzhugh's description of a web of mutual responsibilities and reciprocal obligations between master and slave. But physical or mental disabilities rendered some bondpeople unable to fulfill their end of the paternalistic bargain. Those whose conditions substantially reduced their profitability to their owners subjected slaveholder paternalism to some of its greatest strains. Disabled slaves tested the strength of the invisible chords of sympathy--so lauded by Fitzhugh--that bound master and slave. Despite slaveholders' self-congratulatory rhetoric about maintaining disabled slaves, market forces many times exposed the limits of masters' benevolence. (2) Remarkably little work has been done on bondpeople with disabilities. One reason is that disability studies is a relatively new, emerging field with ample opportunities for additional research. The existing scholarship rarely ventures further back in time than the twentieth century, and intersections between race and disability are only beginning to be explored. (3) Second, slavery as an institution was predicated upon slaves' soundness. Masters expected their chattel to be physically and mentally equipped to endure the rigors of plantation or other labor. With the exception of a small number of cultural studies of the domestic slave trade, the enslaved body, and slave health, practically all the historical scholarship on slavery presumes that bondpeople were sound. (4) Only two recent dissertations by Dea H. Boster and Jenifer L. Barclay, of which the former's has been published, have been devoted exclusively to the study of slaves with disabilities. Using disability as a distinct category of analysis, these works have shed light on the lives of slaves with a range of physical and mental impairments and explored the ways that race and disability entered antebellum discourses of law, medicine, abolitionism, and proslavery thought. (5) By the late 1830s, proslavery intellectuals had begun to embrace paternalism as an ideological antidote to radical abolitionists' condemnations of slavery's horrors. …

Aldrovanda vesiculosaat Fort A.P. Hill, Virginia

ABSTRACT Aldrovanda vesiculosa L., a free-floating aquatic carnivorous plant native to the Old World, has been documented from several ponds and connecting wetlands at U.S. Army Garrison, Fort A.P. Hill in Caroline County, Virginia. This species is believed to have been introduced from a nearby cultivated population, and has spread rapidly throughout many of Fort A.P. Hill's acidic wetlands, which is surprising given Aldrovanda's extreme rarity in its native Old World habitats. The unusual biological vigor of this species at Fort A.P. Hill warrants closer attention from the regional scientific community because very little is known about this species' behavior in North America, the effects on local trophic dynamics, and its short- and long-term interactions with native species. With limited information available, it is difficult to predict to what extent Aldrovanda will influence the natural ecosystem and how this species should be managed. One of Fort A.P. Hill's early objectives is to raise regional aw...

Race, sex, and the freedom to marry: Loving v. Virginia

In 1958 Mildred Jeter and Richard Loving, two young lovers from Caroline County, Virginia, got married. Soon they were hauled out of their bedroom in the middle of the night and taken to jail. Their crime? Loving was white, Jeter was not, and in Virginia--as in twenty-three other states then--interracial marriage was illegal. Their experience reflected that of countless couples across America since colonial times. And in challenging the laws against their marriage, the Lovings closed the book on that very long chapter in the nation's history. Race, Sex, and the Freedom to Marry tells the story of this couple and the case that forever changed the law of race and marriage in America. The story of the Lovings and the case they took to the Supreme Court involved a community, an extended family, and in particular five main characters--the couple, two young attorneys, and a crusty local judge who twice presided over their case--as well as such key dimensions of political and cultural life as race, gender, religion, law, identity, and family. In Race, Sex, and the Freedom to Marry, Peter Wallenstein brings these characters and their legal travails to life, and situates them within the wider context--even at the center--of American history. Along the way, he untangles the arbitrary distinctions that long sorted out Americans by racial identity--distinctions that changed over time, varied across space, and could extend the reach of criminal law into the most remote community. In light of the related legal arguments and historical development, moreover, Wallenstein compares interracial and same-sex marriage. A fair amount is known about the saga of the Lovings and the historic court decision that permitted them to be married and remain free. And some of what is known, Wallenstein tells us, is actually true. A detailed, in-depth account of the case, as compelling for its legal and historical insights as for its human drama, this book at long last clarifies the events and the personalities that reconfigured race, marriage, and law in America.

Henry Rose Carter.

Henry Rose Carter.

First Report of Mefenoxam-Resistant Isolates of Phytophthora capsici from Lima Bean Pods in the Mid-Atlantic Region.

Phytophthora capsici Leonian, the causal agent of lima bean pod rot, was first identified as a pathogen of lima bean in 2002 (1) and poses a new threat to lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus L.) production in the Mid-Atlantic Region. The phenylamide fungicide mefenoxam (Ridomil Gold; Syngenta Crop Protection) is widely used in the region for controlling foliar and soilborne diseases caused by Oomycetes. Isolates of P. capsici were collected from lima bean pods from production fields in Delaware, Maryland, and New Jersey from 1998 to 2004. These isolates originated from survey samples of lima bean fields for another pathogen, P. phaseoli, in 1999 and 2000 and diagnostic samples were submitted to the Plant Disease Clinic. Isolates were from lima bean, except for one from pepper (basal stem). Identification was made on the basis of morphometric characteristics. No known sensitive or insensitive isolates were included in the evaluation. Single zoospore cultures were evaluated for mefenoxam sensitivity on V8 agar plates amended with 100 ppm of mefenoxam, a previously tested concentration (2). Seven-millimeter-diameter agar plugs of each isolate were cut from the edge of actively expanding cultures of P. capsici with a cork borer and transferred to three V8 agar plates amended with mefenoxam and three unamended V8 plates. The plates were arranged in a completely randomized design and incubated at 25°C in the dark for 3 days. After incubation, colony growth was measured in millimeters and averaged for the three replicate plates of each isolate and percent growth relative to the unamended control was calculated. Mefenoxam sensitivity was assigned according to methods of Lamour et al. (2). The experiment was repeated once, and also run with a treatment of 200 ppm of mefenoxam. Of sixteen isolates screened, nine were rated as sensitive, four were intermediately resistant, and three were resistant. There was no difference between the 100 and 200 ppm results, except for a slight increase in sensitivity for one isolate. A subsequent experiment tested five isolates at concentrations of 1, 10, 100, and 1,000 ppm. Results were consistent with previous tests, with resistant isolates exhibiting some growth at the highest concentration of mefenoxam. One resistant isolate was from a field in Delaware previously cropped to slicing cucumbers with a history of mefenoxam applications. The second was from Caroline County, MD, which is heavily cropped to pickling cucumbers and likely to have been exposed to mefanoxam applications for the control of fruit rot; the origin of the third insensitive isolate from lima bean is unknown. Mefanoxam usage on lima bean is usually limited to one foliar application of mefenoxam+copper hydroxide to control downy mildew in the fall crop in wet seasons. This study indicates that mefenoxam resistance is present in populations of P. capsici in lima bean fields in the Mid-Atlantic Region, presumably as a result of mefenoxam applications to other vegetable crops, principally cucurbits, which are planted in rotation with lima beans or from nearby cucurbit fields. Implementing strategies to minimize fungicide resistance in other vegetables is important to slow resistance development associated with this emerging pathogen on lima beans. Lima bean pod rot continues to be seen sporadically each year in fields with a history of P. capsici and abundant rainfall or excessive irrigation.

Working with Children of Mixed Parentage

by T Okitikpi ( ed .) Lyme Regis : Russell House , 2005 ISBN 1903855640 , 143 pp , £15.95 (pb) Almighty God created the races white, black, yellow, Malay and red, and he placed them on separate continents. The fact that he separated the races shows that he did not intend for the races to mix. (Judge Leon Bazile, 1959, sentencing a couple to one year in jail for ‘inter-racial’ marriage in Caroline County, Virginia in Time Magazine, 19) In 1967, when the US Supreme Court ruled that anti-miscegenation laws were unconstitutional, 16 states still had laws prohibiting marriage between different ‘races’. Alabama did not repeal its law until 2000. I did not read this book expecting a history lesson. Not least because the editor had promised ‘an account of the lived experience of mixed race families rooted in empirical research and to identify their particular problems’ I initially struggled to understand the relevance of the US socio-historical context — until I realised that my real problem was not the relevance of the material, but my own discomfort at reading it. In 21st century Britain, we do not have a legally enshrined ‘one-drop’ rule that defines any child with even a distant African ancestor as ‘Black’. But, as Charlie Owen points out, there were no specific categories for ‘mixed’ in the 1991 Census —‘if the person is descended from more than one ethnic or racial group, please tick the group to which the person considers he/she belongs’. How many people with one White parent have had to opt for ‘Black Other'? The 18th century classification of people of African and White descent into categories based on the presumed proportion of ‘Black blood’—‘sambo’, ‘mango’, and so on — is disturbing, albeit farcical. Contributors such as Kwame Owusu-Bempah make it very clear that although the words might be different, the categories still confound. The book explores many of the areas one would expect — terminology, self-esteem and group identification, the experiences of lone White mothers. Not unsurprisingly, the ongoing theme is of definition and categorisation — be it biological (such as White carers’ capacity to meet the needs of mixed parentage children) emotionally (the psychological aspects of being expected to identify with one parent above the other, for example) or downright physically, as in June Thoburn's contribution about permanent family placement for children of dual heritage. It is a book about helping children to find their own place, or more frequently, questioning the place where practitioners have decided that children should be put. Okitikpi, the editor, stresses that this book is not an ‘uncomplicated ready-made, ‘how-to’, step-by-step guide’. (One wonders how any book about working with families in all their complexity can be) What is offered here is a compelling mix of research, theory and refreshing subjectivity. One senses frustration and sometimes anger from some contributors who feel that negative stereotypes and damaging myth still inform much practice with children of mixed parentage. The book also reminds us that we do not practice in a neutral space. The impact of colonialism and racism is yet to be eradicated. There are some challenges, including a couple of annoying typos. I envisaged ‘Paul Boating’ (Boateng) sailing away from politics forever. In the same chapter, Zadie Smith's and Oona King's names are also incorrectly spelt recalling the frustration of many Black and other minority ethnic people having to Anglicise or endure incorrect spelling and pronunciation of their names. There were, for me, problematic references in some chapters to acting ‘White’ or ‘Black’. As a Black woman, I have never worked out whether I am acting it or playing it for real. Isn't that reinforcing the stereotypes and the binary view that the book argues need to be challenged? Finally, there is the expected repetition that occurs when many contributors are addressing the same issue, even if from varying routes. Yet, for me these are small criticisms. I may not work on the frontline with mixed parentage children, but as a member of an Italian, African Caribbean, Indian Caribbean and White English family, these things really matter! Katz and Treacher quote Root's ‘Multiethnic Bill of Rights’— the right to self-definition, to resist being forced to choose one category, the right to be complex, ambiguous and change. Copy it, laminate it and stick it to your wall.

Thomas Jefferson and the Rise of the Supreme Court

American constitutional history in the early national period seems at times to be a conversation—or an argument—among Virginians. There's James Madison, George Washington, George Mason, John Taylor of Caroline County, Judge Spencer Roane, John Randolph of Roanoke, to mention only some. At the center of this constellation were John Marshall and Thomas Jefferson.

Thomas Jefferson and the Rise of the Supreme Court

Thomas Jefferson and the Rise of the Supreme Court R. KENT NEWMYER American constitutional history in the early national period seems at times to be a conversation—or an argument—among Virginians. There’s James Madison, George Washing­ ton, George Mason, John Taylor of Caroline County, Judge Spencer Roane, John Randolph of Roanoke, to mention only some. At the center of this constellation were John Marshall and Thomas Jefferson. I plan to discuss Jefferson and the Supreme Court, but I cannot do so with­ out also discussing John Marshall. For over three decades, these two great Americans clashed passionately over the meaning of the American Revolution, the nature of the new republic, and the direction of American his­ tory. When in 1801 Marshall became Chief Justice and Jefferson assumed the presidency, their disagreement—fueled by an intense per­ sonal hatred—came into focus on the Supreme Court. The Chief Justice was determined to strengthen the Court so that it might check the states’-rights democracy advocated by Jefferson and his new political party. Pres­ ident Jefferson aimed to curb the Marshall Court because he believed it to be an aris­ tocratic tool of the defeated Federalist party. Marshall believed Jefferson’s party would de­ stroy the Union; Jefferson was convinced that the Marshall Court would betray the Revolution. So, you might well ask, why talk about Jefferson and the rise ofthe Supreme Court, if he did everything in his power to humble it? That is the paradox I would like to explain— and as Justice Holmes once said, “There is nothing like a paradox to take the scum off your mind.”1 There are two stages to my argument, two periods. The first period, from 1801 to 1809, covers Jefferson’s presidency and the firstyears ofMarshall’s tenure as ChiefJustice. It was, I argue, Jefferson’s concerted campaign to humble the Court during this period that contributed to Marshall’s success in consoli­ dating its authority; thus the paradox to be re­ solved. The second period in this ongoing war between Marshall and Jefferson over the Court lasted roughly from 1816—or more precisely, JEFFERSON AND THE RISE OF THE COURT 127 Using Isaiah Berlin’s famous distinction between the fox (who knows many things but none definitively) and the hedgehog (who knows only one thing fully), the author suggests that Jefferson (left) was the fox and Marshall (right) the hedgehog. from McCulloch v. Maryland in 1819—until Marshall’s death in 1835. At the end of this period—thanks in no small part to Jefferson— the Court was no longer the republican check on the tyranny of the majority that Marshall hoped itwould be, that Jefferson feared itmight be, and that Alexis de Tocqueville famously claimed it was. Marshall won the first round; Jefferson won the second. Singly and together, both men left lasting marks on the Supreme Court. Before fleshing out some of the details of my argument, I need to touch briefly on the Marshall-Jefferson hatred and how it in­ tertwined with constitutional ideology in the 1790s to shape their debate over the Court. The mystery is how two men who shared so much common ground should part company in such fundamental ways. As Piedmont neighbors, they were both sons of the American frontier, Marshall perhaps more so than Jefferson. They were cousins to boot. And as descendants ofthe early Randolph clan, they were automatically members of Virginia’s ruling class, in which land, slaves, and public service defined status. Both were lawyers, both students and admirers ofthe great George Wythe. Although Jefferson was Marshall’s senior by twelve years, both were active participants in the Revolution. Jefferson was the wordsmith of liberty, law reformer, and Governor of Virginia. Marshall was a combat soldier in Washington’s Con­ tinental Line, a veteran of Valley Forge, and a spokesman for the new Constitution at the Virginia ratifying convention in 1788. How common genes and common expe­ rience should produce such different persona­ lities—such divergent political philosophies— is the question I will leave to my friend Melvin Urofsky.2 I would guess that hardwiring had something to do with it—some chemical disaffinity buried in the double...

SIMULATING HYDROLOGIC AND WATER QUALITY IMPACTS IN AN URBANIZING WATERSHED1

ABSTRACT: The Hydrologic Simulation Program‐Fortran (HSPF) was calibrated and used to assess the future effects of various land development scenarios on water quality in the Polecat Creek watershed in Caroline County, Virginia. Model parameters related to hydrology and water quality were calibrated and validated using observed stream flow and water quality data collected at the watershed outlet and the outlets of two sub water sheds. Using the county's Comprehensive Plan, land use scenarios were developed by taking into account the trends and spatial distributions of future development. The simulation results for the various land use scenarios indicate that runoff volume and peak rate increased as urban areas increased. Urbanization also increased sediment loads mainly due to increases in channel erosion. Constituent loads of total Kjeldal nitrogen, orthophosphorus, and total phosphorous for Polecat Creek watershed slightly decreased under future development scenarios. These reductions are due to increases in urban areas that typically contribute smaller quantities of nitrogen and phosphorous, as compared to agricultural areas. However, nitrate loads increased for the future land use scenarios, as compared to the existing land use. The increases in nitrate loads may result from increases in residential land and associated fertilizer use and concurrent decreases in forested land. The procedures used in this paper could assist local, state, and regional policy makers in developing land management strategies that minimize environmental impacts while allowing for future development.

First Record of the Least Weasel, Mustela nivalis (Carnivora: Mustelidae), from the Coastal Plain of Virginia

The first record of the least weasel, Mustela nivalis, for the Coastal Plain of Virginia is reported for a site more that 100 km from the nearest Piedmont records. The least weasel in now known in Virginia from seven sites in the mountains, two in the Piedmont, and this Coastal Plain record. The least weasel, Mustela nivalis, has a circumboreal distribution that includes most of northern North America (Sheffield and King 1994). In the eastern United States, the range of the subspecies M. n. allegheniensis Rhoads extends down the Appalachians to North Carolina and Tennessee (Sheffield and King 1994). At the time of the second symposium on Virginia's endangered species, M. nivalis was known from Virginia on the basis of 13 specimens from two sites in the Upper Piedmont and widely scattered localities in the mountains (Handley 1991:598). This report is on the first known specimen from the Coastal Plain of Virginia. On 31 March 1997 an adult female M. nivalis was collected (Virginia Commonwealth University Mammal Collection number 12617) 4.2 km northeast of Bowling Green, Caroline County (Fig. 1). This site is 108 km southeast of a piedmont record near Rectortown in Fauquier County, Virginia (Handley 1991:598), and 105 km south of a lower piedmont site in Montgomery County, Maryland, 19 km west of Glen Echo on the north bank of the Potomac River (Handley 1991:555). The site is 15 km east of the Fall Line. The altitude of the study area ranges from 30 to 70 m above sea level, and flat areas are interrupted by rolling and occasional steep hills. The weasel was collected in a 3.8-liter pitfall trap as part of a study of small mammal assemblages at Fort A. P. Hill, a U.S. Army training installation. Sampling in the study was conducted with pitfall arrays (modified after Handley and Varn 1994) and Museum Special mouse traps in 11 habitat types (three sites/habitat type; 33 sites total) that ranged from grassy meadow to mature deciduous forest. Trapping conducted from 1 March 1997 to 20 October 1997 amassed a 1 Department of Biology, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA 23284-2012; 2 Department of Biology, University of Richmond, Richmond, VA 23173. 1999 6(3): 238-240 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.181 on Thu, 29 Sep 2016 06:23:02 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms A.S. Bellows, J.F. Pagels, and J.C. Mitchell total of 28,616 trap nights. A trap night represents the amount of time between trap checks, approximately 24 hr in this study. Habitat at the site where the specimen was captured was forested by a mix of conifer and deciduous species. Trees with a dbh of 4 cm or greater were American holly (Ilex opaca, 18.4%), loblolly pine (Pinus taeda, 15.5%), Virginia pine (P. virginiana, 13.8%), sweetgum (Liquidambar styraciflua, 17.8%) dogwood (Cornus florida, 11.5%), red maple (Acer rubrum, 5.2%) southern red oak (Quercus falcata, 5.2%), white oak (Q. alba, 4.0%), northern red oak (Q. rubra, 3.4%), black cherry (Prunus serotina, 2.9%), sassafras (Sassafras albidum, 1.7%) and black oak (Q. velutina, 0.6%). Canopy openness was 27% and a subcanopy was present at 47% of 200 points on a line intercept (method modified after Canfield 1941). Blueberry (Vaccinium spp.) was present at 38.0% of the points. Downed woody debris consisting of logs and limbs that ranged from 0.5 to 15.5 cm in diameter (mean 5.1 cm) was present at 24% of the points. Other small mammal species captured at the site for both trap types were Peromyscus leucopus (N=34, 66.7%), Blarina brevicauda (N=6, 11.8%), Sorex longirostris (N=6, 11.8%), Microtus pennsylvanicus (N=1, 2.0%), M. pinetorum (N=1, 2.0%), Glaucomys volans (N=1, 2.0%), and Tamias striatus (N=1, 2.0%). Considering both pitfall traps and snap traps, there were collectively 886 trapnights associated with

The Right to Marry: Loving v. Virginia

In June 1958, Mildred Jeter and Richard Loving left their native Caroline County, Virginia, for a visit to Washington, D.C, where they got mar ried. They then returned to Virginia and took up residence in the home of the bride's parents. Early in the morning a few weeks later, everyone in the house was asleep?Mr. and Mrs. Loving down stairs, Mr. and Mrs. Jeter upstairs?when the Lovings awoke to find three police men in their bedroom with flashlights. The intruders arrested and jailed the Lovings. The charge? Their marriage violated state law. He was white, and she was black. By marrying in D.C. to avoid a Virginia law prohibiting interra cial marriage, they had committed a serious crime. In January 1959, Judge Leon M. Bazile sentenced the couple to a year in jail. He suspended the sentences on the condition that both accused leave Caroline County and the state of Vir ginia at once and do not return together or at the same time to said county and state for a period of twenty-five years. They moved to Washington, D.C, where they lived with Mrs. Loving's cousin Alex Byrd and his wife Laura. They continued to live in their home away from home, and this is where they raised their three children, Sidney, Donald, and Peggy. In 1963 they determined to take a stand against the injustice that had forced

Phosphorus retention in non-tidal palustrine forssted wetlands of the mid-atlantic region

We: 1) quantified the areal extent of wetlands by type in Caroline County, VA to estimate the relative importance of non-tidal palustrine forested wetlands as a component of the wetland resources in Virginia’s mid-Atlantic coastal plain, 2) used a comparative literature review to identify factors that might be important in controlling P retention in these wetlands, and 3) evaluated three indices that have been used to compare P adsorption potentials in wetland soils. Non-tidal palustrine forested wetlands comprised 66.0% of the 11,372 ha of wetlands in Caroline Co. The majority were either seasonally (4000 ha) or temporarily (1596 ha) flooded wetlands dominated by broad-leaved deciduous species. These wetlands are both small (averaging 5.4 and 2.4 ha in area, respectively) and numerous in this region. Adsorption by Al and Fe (hydr)oxides and precipitation of Al, Fe, and Ca phosphates probably controls dissolved phosphate retention and long-term P storage in these wetlands, although P storage in the woody biomass of aggrading forests may also be important. Phosphorus adsorption isotherms, a single-point phosphorus adsorption index, and concentrations of oxalate-extractrable (noncrystalline) Al and Fe have all been used as comparative indices of P sorption potentials in wetland soils, although the latter may represent the best single index of P sorption capacity because of its direct relationship to the mechanisms controlling P adsorption in soil. When using these indices to compare wetland P sorption potentials, it is important to consider differences in soil depth, profile heterogeneity, and bulk density between sites. Actual amounts of phosphate retained by a wetland will also be influenced by the degree of phosphate loading it receives, as determined by hydrology, phosphate sources in the watershed, and the P sorption potentials of surrounding upland soils. Because of the low P sorption potentials of sandy soils in coastal plain uplands, non-tidal palustrine forested wetlands in the mid-Atlantic coastal plain may perform particularly important functions with respect to dissolved phosphate removal and retention on the landscape.