State Capture Research Articles

Capturing Calabria? ‘ndrangheta, corruption, and maladministration in local public institutions in Southern Italy

ABSTRACT The ‘ndrangheta is the collective name of mafia-type groups from Calabria, Italy. Some ‘ndrangheta clans’ ability to influence local public institutions has been based on personal connections, systemic corruption, electoral influence, hidden exchanges, blackmailing power, and ‘elitarian handshakes’. Mafias have long-term interests in ‘capturing’ state’s institutions to gain profits, impunity, and generally a dominant position in the resulting balance of power with the ‘legitimate’ state. In this paper, we will highlight the process of state capture at municipal level enabled by ‘ndrangheta clans in Calabria, showing how the clans’ influence-oriented policy formulation, implementation, and enforcement of rules over time.

State capture of Romani ethnic media in Hungary

State capture of Romani ethnic media in Hungary

Peaceful Revolution in a Captured State. The Political Crisis in Bulgaria 2021–2023

The political crisis in Bulgaria in the period 2021–2023 constitutes a very interesting political phenomenon, due to the fact that the main protesters demand was the introduction of reforms aiming to regain the captured state. The resistence of the status quo parties led to a political clinch, carousel of five parliamentary elections within two years, four interim governments and a temporary reinforcement of president’s power. This paper aims to provide a chronological account of the political developments during the crisis through the prism of the interaction between the reformers camp and the political elites associated with the state capture. An analysis of the chronology of events and the elections data provide food for thought on the limited ability to introduce changes through elections in a captured state, as well as to identify some of the features of the “status quo” political survival strategy.

The Silence of Lukewarm Churches in South Africa Today: A Theo-ethical Analysis of the Implications of the Zondo Commission for the Church

This article attempts to engage theologically with the implications of the findings of the State Capture Commission (commonly known as the Zondo Commission) for the church in South Africa today. The article is the product of a presentation by the author at the contact session of the Northern Theological Seminary (NTS) of the Uniting Reformed Church in Southern Africa. Initially, the author was in a conundrum because, legally, the church as an institution was not involved in so-called “state capture.” However, after careful consideration, it became clear that the church in South Africa had failed in its task as “the maker of conscience” (Batten 1902) or moral compass. Hence, this article is guided by the notion of “lukewarm” that is found in the Bible to refer to the conduct of the church in relation to so-called state capture in South Africa. The article explores the history of state capture and the politics thereof, as well as the role of the church in relation to state capture.

Confused Constitutionalism in Hungary—New Assessment Criteria for Recognising a Populist Constitutional Court

The starting point of the paper is that the early constitutional changes after the populist transformation of Hungarian majority state politics (from 2010) and the application of the new Fundamental Law (since 2012) have created difficulty in achieving constitutional justice by judicial means. The fundamental populist constitutional transformation and, within this, the transformation of the regulation of the Constitutional Court have created great challenges for constitutional adjudication. Scholarship on the transformation of the Hungarian Constitutional Court regards the change of jurisprudence as a consequence of the constitutional environment, which ended up in institutional state capture. Basing my arguments on the classic competence-related issues of constitutional justice, activism and deference, I argue here that for constitutional courts, there is always a limited room for manoeuvre by interpretation except for in a ‘hard’ dictatorship. Populist Hungarian jurisprudence is, therefore, not only a consequence of constitutional change but a contribution per se—a cause of the construction of a populist constitution. This job has been done by constitutional interpretation in an activist or deferent manner with regard to specific politically sensitive issues. EU- and emergency-related constitutional conflicts are used here as examples to explain the proposed assessment criteria. The conclusion is that either the Court is activist or deferent, it contributes actively to the populist construction by constitutional interpretation.

Coalition Governments and the Quest for Accountability in Kenya

Abstract The role of coalition governments in promoting accountability has gained traction among scholars recently, especially in Africa. Whilst coalition governments are formed for different reasons – office-seeking and policy-oriented motives, these motives often influence how the coalition governments propagate and inculcate the principles of good governance while in government. In Kenya, three coalition governments emerged between 2002–2017. The emergence of these three coalition governments followed a prolonged struggle on the part of the citizens both within and outside the country with the goal of restoring good governance. The central argument of this paper is that, whilst coalition governments initiated a raft of reforms – institutional, legal and policy aimed at promoting accountability in government, very little was achieved to this end. Accountability challenges, including corruption, human rights abuses, elite impunity and state capture, remained endemic in government institutions. In some cases, service provision deteriorated. Given this scenario, this paper argues that there is a need to go beyond enacting good laws and policies. The focus should be on implementation and enforcement. In the long run, this will guarantee sustainable accountability in government institutions. Secondly, a constituency of like-minded citizens should continue agitating for accountability as part of the broader national interest and holding coalition governments accountable.

Natural bedfellows: corruption, criminality and the failure of international reconstruction. A case study of the Kabul Bank

ABSTRACT Corruption remains a persistent feature in most transitional and fragile countries, raising questions around the processes and outcomes of international development and economic reforms. In the case of Afghanistan, conventional wisdom tends to blame domestic factors, including corruption, in the collapse of the internationally-backed Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, while largely neglecting the co-constitutive nexus between economic reconstruction, criminality, and political authority. Combining the political marketplace framework with a network analysis, this paper traces how a corrupt network formed around the Kabul Bank, grew and metastasised by leveraging neo-liberal and technocratic economic reform policies, and thus, gravely undermined the country’s governance and stability. By doing so, it argues that international reconstruction practices and resources reconfigured power in Afghanistan, and helped create a governance system governed by the logic of a criminalised political marketplace. The paper also demonstrates the utility of a political marketplace lens in explaining evolving political dynamics, with a network analysis to generate deeper insights into the complex interactions between the local and global dynamics that produce criminality, corruption, and state capture.

Does the Buck Stop Somewhere? Blame Games and State Capture in the Legalization of the Israeli Land Grab

This article explores the intricate relationship between the Israeli state and Jewish settlers in the occupied Palestinian West Bank after the Oslo Accords (1993). It shows that, despite the accords, which prohibited the establishment of new settlements, such activities persisted. Instead, the accords triggered the seemingly spontaneous emergence of numerous illegal “hilltop settlements,” tolerated by higher echelons of government and actively supported by lower levels. These settlements subsequently underwent a gradual post hoc formalization process, ultimately leading to their full legalization. The article elucidates how a faction within Israeli society influenced segments of the government, employing blame games as a strategy to rationalize the legitimization of the Israeli land grab. Notably, it highlights the strategic and deceptive tactics employed by various Israeli governments in their dealings with the settler movement. The article concludes by reflecting on the political implications of the settler movement's success for the democratic character of the Israeli state.

Under the influence: the Kusile tender and state capture permeating the national prosecuting authority

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to give light to the present order of state capture and corruption within South Africa at present. South Africans often consider the National Prosecuting Authority to be an independent body which is free of the corruption of the rest of the Government; however, the situation that surrounds the Kusile Tender will suggest otherwise. Design/methodology/approach This paper’s approach is purely qualitative using journal articles, textbooks, reports, periodicals, speeches and legislation as its basis. It is through a consolidation of this literature that this paper was formed. Findings This paper determines that even the National Prosecuting Authority of South Africa is not free from the scourge that is corruption through the depiction of the Kusile Tender. Within this tender, the National Prosecuting Authority entered into a non-prosecution agreement with a defendant, Asea Brown Boveri, which cannot be accounted for in the Criminal Procedure Act 51 of 1977. Originality/value The concept of state capture and corruption are not new to any jurisdiction, let alone South Africa. This paper, however, intends to give insight into how even the departments which the public believe to be (and are constitutionally mandated to be) independent can fall prey to corrupt dealings.

State capture in South Africa: how and why it happened

State capture in South Africa: how and why it happened

Sovereign States: Byatt, Bard and coronations

This essay is written from the perspective of an Anglophone South African in the ongoing aftermath of ‘state capture’ in this land. It draws on Shakespeare’s preoccupation with monarchy or sovereignty, in the context of a time of transition (in the UK and the Commonwealth of which South Africa is a member) from the reign of Elizabeth II to that of Charles III. It is grounded for that reason in a novel by A.S. Byatt, The Virgin in the Garden, which deals with the coronation (the first to be televised) of the late queen in 1953. That novel is also about a largescale outdoor verse drama on the life of Elizabeth I, the ‘Virgin Queen’. Byatt shows us how the press spoke, in high earnest, of the new dispensation. She is earnest herself, and also ironic, and at times satirical. So is this essay

Peacebuilding, Patronage-Building, and Post-Conflict NGO Corruption: Barriers to Democratization in Anbar, Iraq

Promoting civil society has been a standard component of post-conflict democratic peacebuilding. In post-2003 Iraq, however, the international coalition's introduction of the muhasasa system (apportionment) inhibited local nongovernmental organizations' ability to hold the government to account and made many NGOs into vehicles of state capture. Substantiated by an interview-based study of Anbar Governorate following the 2017 defeat of the Islamic State organization (ISIS), we argue that modeling Iraq as a "limited access order" — in which ruling elites manage society and the economy — largely explains the muhasasa's effects on local NGOs and the widespread perception that the sector is mired in corruption.

Criminal governance and public resources: The case of paramilitaries and health care provision in Colombia

Non-state armed actors can shape provision of public goods by impeding provision, becoming providers themselves, or taking control of the means for provision. While the literature is prolific at analyzing the former two channels, the third one is underexplored. How does criminal governance affect public goods provisioning via state capture? And do these dynamics facilitate the survival of non-state armed groups? This paper seeks to answer these questions. I argue that institutional cooptation by non-state armed actors (NSAs) affects public goods provisioning negatively in contexts of institutional decentralization. In these circumstances, public resource transfers can strengthen rather than weaken NSAs. To test my argument, I analyze the Colombian case, where criminal insurgencies took control of and diverted public health funds toward their pockets. Using data on health care providers, as well as the presence of NSAs at the municipal level, I show via two-way fixed effects models that municipalities experiencing paramilitary cooptation see a decrease in public health care provision. Similarly, public resource transfers decrease paramilitary demobilizations. This has important implications for the evaluation of decentralization as a strategy for political stabilization, peacekeeping, and development in fragile contexts, as well as for understanding the impact of public spending in strengthening rather than weakening NSAs.

From chaotic construction to coevolution: Tbilisi’s 2019 master plan and the right to the city

ABSTRACT A cautious revival for planning is emerging in some post-socialist cities including Tbilisi, Georgia – a response to diminished quality of life after decades of “investor urbanism” policies. Tbilisi’s 2019 Master Plan takes a pragmatic approach to the right to the city – emphasizing human rights to urban mobility and green space but in cooperation with market processes and detached from ideological narrative. The adoption and implementation of Tbilisi’s plan has the potential to yield a coevolution of local governance institutions, now oriented for the first time since independence to administer long-term urban policy. While full implementation of the plan vision will likely be limited by existent processes of state capture, the plan offers a promising new framework for urban governance and the social function of urban space. Although Georgia exhibits troubling signs of democratic backsliding, Tbilisi’s plan asserts alignment with international best practices including European Union accession criteria – thus serving as a potent geopolitical tool.

АЛБАН БУС УЛС ТӨР: КЛИЕНТЕЛИЗМ, ТӨР БОЛОН НАМЫГ БАРЬЦААЛАХ ТУХАЙ ОЙЛГОЛТЫГ ТАЙЛБАРЛАХ НЬ

This article aims to elucidate the distinct political development in post-communist countries after 1989, focusing on the deviations from democratic governance. Drawing upon the insightful analysis provided by Czech political scientist Michal Klima in his work titled "Informal Politics in Post-Communist Europe: Political Parties, Clientelism and State Capture", this review article aims to synthesize and present key findings related to clientelism, the challenges of countering the state, and the strategies employed in managing the state. The analysis encompasses elements such as clientelism, corruption, and the patronage system, highlighting the nuanced perspectives on these issues within the framework of the post-communist political landscape. The overarching goal is to contribute to a comprehensive understanding of the post communist political dynamics, encompassing diverse elements such as clientelism, state governance, and the intricate interplay of political forces. In conclusion, the analysis serves as a precursor to further exploration and understanding of the post-communist political landscape, offering valuable insights into the complex nature of state governance, clientelism, and other challenges to revive the civil society to counter these defective elements of the democratic regime.

Authoritarian neoliberalism debates: A critical review of the literature in central and eastern Europe

Since communism’s collapse, Central and Eastern Europe adopted neoliberal reforms for democratization and market integration. However, democratic institutions in many countries have backslid. Scholars debate neoliberalism’s impacts and the rise of oligarchs concentrating wealth and distorting democracy. This review analyzes 50 sources from 1990-2020 through meta-analysis. Literature is assessed regarding neoliberalization’s mechanisms and effects. Privatization concentrated assets in politically-connected oligarchs, enabling state capture constraining competition. Deregulation empowered economic elites with disproportionate political influence, distorting representation toward oligarchic over public interests. Evidence partially supports the hypothesis that neoliberalism benefiting oligarchs distorted democracy, contributing to backsliding. However, grassroots resistance offers alternatives. Further research could integrate local case studies and frameworks focused on equitable distribution rather than growth alone.

State Capture and Corruption in (North) Macedonia* during Zoran Zaev’s Rule (2017-2021)

Corruption flourishes when governance structures are deficient, where impartiality in government is abused by powerful interests. We use a framework for measuring corruption, the TASP framework – referring to types, sectors, activities and places developed – to analyse the rule of prime minister Zoran Zaev (2017-2021) focusing on the issues of state capture and corruption. Our analysis builds upon public and media perceptions about corruption. We argue that SDSM’s rule in the mentioned period was not just detrimental to the faith North Macedonian citizens have in government and its institutions. The corruption of Zaev’s government violated international norms of transparency and standards compliance and corroded, weakened, and endangered the foundations upon which democracy rests. We reveal a high number of instances of illiberal and corrupt practices of SDSM government in the period 2017-2021. The magnitude of cases involving state capture and grand corruption indirectly reveals that, following the victory at the 2020 parliamentary elections and the formation of the second Zaev government, the ruling elite undertook systemic political corruption, manipulating policy formation and public institutions to their own advantage. Essentially, Zaev’s rule replicated previous illiberal practices of Nikola Gruevski leading to the monopolization of power in the pursuit of particularistic interests.

Capturing planning: Politics of land based accumulation in Tehran

This paper contributes to the literature on the relationships between the state and other actors around the politics of the extraction of value from urban developments by focusing on one planning institution in the Tehran metropolitan area, the Tehran Point 5 Committee (TPC). Drawing from studies on state capture, the paper shows how this planning institution, initially established to make spatial plans flexible and implementable through deliberating on zoning relief requests, has been captured by strong political actors and their networks of front companies. By collecting and analyzing quantitative and qualitative data on the decisions of this institution from 2009 to 2019 and the corresponding spatial pattern of the projects with granted zoning relief, I examine how these actors cluster around the TPC to shape, expand, and exploit opportunities from urban development to their benefit while harming the public good. I argue that the explanatory frameworks of neoliberalism, elite informality, and corruption fail to adequately account for the political drivers that undergird the operation of this institution. The paper draws attention to the susceptibility of the planning systems, in particular those components with discretionary powers, to be a target of state capture under circumstances of political distortions, due to the role they can play in extracting and distributing significant economic returns from urban development.

A Novel Data‐Driven Approach to Lithium‐ion Battery Dynamic Charge State Capture for New Energy Electric Vehicles

AbstractAs lithium‐ion batteries are the main power source of new energy vehicles, making accurate predictions of unknown State of Charge (SOC) during vehicle operation for vehicle data monitoring is vital to the advancement of intelligent new energy vehicles. In this manuscript, an expression tree‐based genetic programming regression model (ETGPR) is proposed to estimate the real‐time SOC of lithium‐ion batteries. The proposed model mainly adopts the symbolic regression technique. In addition to the current–voltage curves being fed into the model, an additional approach is designed to ensure real‐time model predictions in dynamic situations, which includes the previous moment's power in the input parameters. Different seed hyperparameters in the model are set, and the model automatically performs evolutionary calculations. Subsequently, each parameter of the model is optimally adjusted to obtain a set of regression expressions that accurately reflect the relationship between the SOC and each parameter after a specified number of iterations. Finally, the generated expression is proven to perform better in terms of its ability to capture the nonlinear relationship between SOC and battery variables. Also, the model demonstrates excellent robustness in the presence of notable noise from input‐independent features compared to other models, a root mean square error (RMSE) of less than 0.3% and a mean absolute error (MAE) of less than 0.2% are achieved. Furthermore, the potential of the model's implement‐ability under variable temperature and real driving data conditions is verified.

Photochemical Reduction of Quinolines with γ-Terpinene.

The saturation of aromatic scaffolds is valuable for the synthesis of complex rings. Herein, we demonstrate a process for photochemical dearomative reduction of quinolines. The process involves capture of a quinoline excited state with γ-terpinene. Importantly, the reaction is chemoselective as other easily reduced functionalities such as halogens or alkenes do not undergo reduction. The mechanism of the reaction has also been investigated. Finally, the generality of the approach towards other substrates is demonstrated.