General Election Candidates Research Articles

PENGARUH MEDIA SOSIAL TERHADAP ELEKTABILITAS BAKAL CALON PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN

This journal discusses the influence of social media as a realm of current developments on the electability of presidential and vice presidential candidates in general elections. Writing this journal uses the library study method, with data collection methods in the form of documentation. The analysis technique used is data analysis, through references from journals and books which are then analyzed by the author. The results obtained in this journal are that social media plays a major role in determining the electability of prospective presidential and vice presidential candidates in the general election. Social media is also a means of political communication and attracting the interest of the younger generation in determining their roles and interests in the presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs. However, sometimes social media itself backfires and backfires on presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs who cannot regulate the direction of their use of social media. In this case, negative things related to hoaxes, hate speech and misrepresentations can occur in social media forums. So it is important for every prospective partner to respond and use social media wisely because this has a big influence on their electability.

Young adults' under-representation in elections to the U.S. House of Representatives

The U.S. House of Representatives has one of the oldest pools of politicians in the world today: the average member of the House is 58 years at the time of their election, which is about 20 years older than the average American. But why are younger adults scarce among these representatives? Here we trace the relative absence of youth in both the primary and general elections of 2020 using a supply and demand framework. Our study finds that (1) the average candidate is much older than the average citizen and (2) young candidates perform less well than older candidates in both primaries and general elections. These results suggest that youth are disadvantaged because the two main parties do not nominate enough younger adults as candidates for winnable and safe seats. Young adults also seem to be disadvantaged indirectly at the electoral stage because they lack electoral capital (experience in running for and holding office) and tend to suffer strongly from the incumbency advantage of their opponents. We infer from these findings that barring reforms to rules governing minimum candidate ages and term limits, the under-representation of youth in U.S. national-level politics will continue for the foreseeable future.

Mahar Politik pada Pengusungan Kandidat Pemilihan Umum Kepala Daerah di Kabupaten Bolaang Mongondow Selatan dalam Perspektif Hukum Islam

This study aims to determine the perspective of Islamic law on political dowry involving political parties and regional head general election candidates. This study use a type of qualitative research (non-statistical) which focuses on field research (field research) using a normative and phenomenological approach. Data processing and analysis techniques refer to the interactive model concept, which is a concept that clarifies data analysis in behavioral steps, including data reduction, data presentation and drawing conclusions. Political dowry actually happened and is something that is forbidden because it is equivalent to risywah or bribery. The results of this research can be a source of knowledge and material for reflection for those who want to be part of the leadership of a region in a vanity way so that the value of honesty will be given more attention to maintain the stability of democracy.

Mediatisasi Politik dan Perilaku Pemilih: Penggunaan Google Trend Sebagai Metode Alternatif Memprediksi Kemenangan Kandidat

In 2020, Indonesia has held simultaneous regional head elections which held governor elections in 9 provinces, mayor elections in 37 cities and regent elections in 224 regencies. Candidates in general elections often use surveys as a reference in estimating their potential for victory, even though to conduct popularity, acceptability and electability surveys require a high level of validity and reliability, for this reason, a large survey team is needed in distributing questionnaires and large funds for operational needs, so it is necessary to develop alternative methods of data collection in predicting candidate winner, other than survey methods. Google Trend as a service from Google that provides site search statistics by displaying the popularity of keyword within a certain time range where statistical results can be displayed by region has the potential to be an alternative method to surveys. In several previous studies in the United States and Canada, Google Trend managed to correctly predict the winner of the presidential election in the US and the winner of the election in Canada. This research fills a gap in the Indonesian context to see the accuracy of Google Trend in predicting the winner of the governor election in 9 provinces in the simultaneous regional elections in 2020. As a result, Google Trend succeeded in predicting the victory of candidates in Jambi, Central Kalimantan, North Sulawesi, West Sumatra; while doubtful in Bengkulu and South Kalimantan; and Google Trend is not accurate in predicting in North Kalimantan, Riau Islands and Central Sulawesi. Google Trend's lack of accuracy in predicting the governor's candidate victory in Indonesia is allegedly because Google Trend's services in Indonesia have not reached the district/district level compared to the United States and Canada which have reached the district/sub-district level. In addition, as an alternative method, there are a number of important notes for Google Trend because it has not been able to distinguish the tone of news whether it is positive or negative because Google Trend is still focused on the number of keyword searches that are most sought after by users, even though the tone of the news is important to see public sentiment.

White Constituents and Congressional Voting

Why do some members of Congress vote more on the extremes of their party than others? I argue that lawmakers representing more homogeneously white districts have greater electoral incentive to moderate their voting records, since the two parties compete more for support of white voters than for the support of minority voters. I provide evidence using roll-call votes from the U.S. House and Senate. I find members representing more homogeneously white districts have more moderate voting records, a finding that holds for Democrats and Republicans. I explore two potential mechanisms: legislator responsiveness and electoral punishment. While legislators do not seem to adjust their voting behavior in response to short-term changes in district racial composition, more homogeneously white districts are found to assess larger vote share penalties on more extreme candidates in general elections. The findings have implications for our understanding of race, representation, and electoral accountability.

Parliamentary Representation: Should MPs Prioritise Their Own Views or Those of Their Voters?

The 2016 European Union referendum revealed fundamental divisions in British politics and society more broadly. It also raised key questions around representation and the role of Members of Parliament. Should they follow their own judgement or their constituents’ preferences when the two are not aligned? This study uses data from the Representative Audit of Britain Survey to examine what parliamentary candidates believe the answer to this question should be. We find that most candidates expect Members of Parliament to prioritise their own views. This belief is particularly prevalent among incumbents and those who do not think of Members of Parliament as career politicians. We also find a gender effect as male candidates are more likely to think that Members of Parliament should prioritise their own views than female candidates. Interestingly, however, there is no evidence of a Brexit effect when we compare the views of 2015 and 2017 general election candidates.

Utilization of Online Media in the 2020 Simultaneous Regional Head Election Campaign in Semarang

This article aims to highlight how the use of online media as a campaign tool in the midst of Corona Virus Disease 19 pandemic in the Simultaneous Election of Mayor and Deputy Mayor of Semarang in 2020. The problem was focused on how the challenges faced by General Election organizers and Candidate Pairs in organizing campaigns through online media. To approach this problem, Rogers and Storey's campaign theory references were used. The campaign is one of the crucial stages of the election, but during the pandemic the mass mobilization that is typical of the campaign is limited and prioritized through online media. Data were collected through observation, survey questionnaires and document literacy and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that the team successfully played a campaign strategy through the internet during this pandemic, especially online media and social media. Online media in this campaign also assisted General Election Supervisory Agency Election organizers as a supervisory function in the implementation of the campaign. However, in campaigning efforts through online media, it is necessary to encourage various parties to create good political education in the community.

Gender Attitudes and Candidate Preferences in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Primary and General Elections

AbstractScholars increasingly recognize that voters’ attitudes about gender shape their electoral preferences. Yet previous research has not captured important nuances of the relationship between gender attitudes and electoral choice. We argue that the effects of gender attitudes are not unidirectional and interact in complex ways with voters’ perceptions of candidates, depending not only on candidates’ sex but also on their gender-relevant characteristics and values. We draw on an original survey of Americans during the 2016 elections that measured three gender attitudes—hostile sexism, modern sexism, and traditional gender roles—and evaluations of primary and general election candidates. Our study design increases analytical leverage by examining actual and hypothetical candidate matchups. We find that among Democrats, hostile sexists were drawn to Bernie Sanders, but gender traditionalists preferred Hillary Clinton. Our results also suggest that if Sanders had been the Democratic nominee, gender egalitarians would have strongly supported him over Donald Trump, as they did Clinton.

Candidate name order effects in New Hampshire: Evidence from primaries and from general elections with party column ballots.

Research in a few U.S. states has shown that candidates listed first on ballots gain extra votes as a result. This study explored name order effects for the first time in New Hampshire, where such effects might be weak or entirely absent because of high political engagement and the use of party column ballots. In general elections (in 2012 and 2016) for federal offices and the governorship and in primaries (in 2000, 2002, and 2004), evidence of primacy effects appeared in 86% of the 84 tests, including the 2016 presidential race, when Donald Trump gained 1.7 percentage points from first listing, and Hillary Clinton gained 1.5 percentage points. Consistent with theoretical predictions, primacy effects were larger in primaries and for major-party candidates in general elections than for non-major-party candidates in general elections, more pronounced in less publicized contests, and stronger in contests without an incumbent running. All of this constitutes evidence of the reliability and generalizability of evidence on candidate name order effects and their moderators.

Religion, Gender, and Representation in American Politics

ABSTRACTSeveral recent analyses have examined the effects of religious beliefs, belonging, and behaviors on the representation of women in American politics. Taken collectively, these studies present an interesting puzzle. Specifically, they demonstrate that religious adherents express attitudes that are less supportive of women in positions of political leadership and that at every stage of the process, from primary candidacy to general-election victory, women are less likely to run and win in districts with greater numbers of religious adherents. However, this does not appear to be the result of even the most devout voters’ unwillingness to support women candidates in general elections. This body of work, therefore, suggests that the effect of religion on the representation of women manifests at earlier stages of the process, including individual vote choice in primary elections, party and elite recruitment, and potential candidates’ strategic entry decisions.

Legal and Constitutional Issues arising from the 2020 General Election

In 1989, a series of novel legal issues arising out of the general election of the same year were examined by the first named writer. If the aftermath of the election of 1989 seemed unusual, it pales in comparison to the series of events that took place following the 2020 general election. It seems timely to re-visit some of the issues explored in the 1989, as well as considering some of the new issues thrown up by the 2020 general election. In this article, we analyse the following questions: what is the effect of a death of a general election candidate? Is the outgoing Taoiseach obliged to resign if he is not re-elected as Taoiseach on the date of the first sitting of the Dail following the general election, and no other candidate for that office is elected on that day? What is the scope of powers afforded to a caretaker Taoiseach and his Ministers? Is the Seanad validly constituted if a new Taoiseach has not nominated eleven members? If not, can the Oireachtas continue to pass legislation over which the Seanad has a more limited role? Many of these questions assumed new relevance in the context of the actions taken by the acting Government during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Harassment and Intimidation of Parliamentary Candidates in the United Kingdom

AbstractThe use of political violence to attain political goals has long been a source of concern. Once thought to be exclusive to countries with high levels of general violence, recent evidence suggests that harassment and intimidation of political elites in the UK is more widespread than previously thought. Using data from the 2017 general election candidate survey, we find that four in every ten candidates experienced at least one type of harassment. Evidence suggests that women and young candidates are more likely to suffer from harassment and intimidation. We conclude by formulating an agenda for future research, focussing, in particular, on the perception of harassment and the effect of harassment on political careers.

Kedudukan Hak Konstitusional Warga Negara Terkait Gagasan Calon Perseorangan/Independen Di Dalam Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden

AbstractGeneral elections are held with the aim of electing people's representatives, as well as to form a government that is democratic, strong, and obtains popular support. Besides aiming to realize national goals as the 1945 Constitution. In general elections there are candidates who are not proposed by political parties or a combination of political parties called individual candidates or independent candidates. This research uses normative juridical and library research by evaluating the laws and regulations, books, journals, and related internet sources. The results of the study showed that there were still no legitimate or independent candidates being approved, thus indicating the blockage of citizens' constitutional rights to be elected in a general election.Keywords: General Election, Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates, Individual or Independent Candidates

Gender Differences in Emotional Reactions to the First 2016 Presidential Debate

The first presidential debate of 2016 was historic along a number of dimensions, including the first woman general election candidate and the first general election candidate in history with no political or military experience. Given the presence of the first woman nominee of a major party, along with dramatic gender differences in support for the candidates, we focus on the role of gender in shaping people’s emotional responses to candidate messaging during the debate. Through the use of a controlled experiment, we measure changes in attitudes after exposure to the debate. In addition, we utilize facial expression software to explore real-time reaction to the candidates during the debate. Leveraging data generated during the debate by the facial expression software and as well as responses to pretest and post-test questionnaires, we find that men and women respond differently to candidates’ messaging during the debate and these emotional responses influence post-debate evaluations.

RECONSTRUCTION OF LEGAL CULTURE OF POLITICAL PARTY IN RECRUITMEN OF LEGISLATIVE MEMBERS WITH GENDER EQUALITY

<p>The legal culture of political parties in the recruitment of legislative<br />candidates with gender law in Bandar Lampung City is based on a "legal culture" to reveal the legal culture of political parties in the recruitment of legislative candidates with gender equality. The problem: What is the legal culture of political parties in the recruitment of legislative policies that have gender justice, namely the recruitment of legislative candidates not yet gender justice. How to build an ideal community culture in recruiting legislative candidates with gender equality. This study uses the constructivism paradigm, the socio-legal research approach, which is analyzed by Struss and Corbin models. The round of this study: 1. Political parties appear in recruitment and legislative legislation has not yet been adopted in the legal culture, because it still separates women's rights. 2. The legal culture of political parties in the recruitment of legislative candidates has no gender, which is caused by the factors of political parties participating in the election that are still recruiting and in accordance with patriarchal ideology, 3. The ideal legal construction of political parties in recruiting legislative candidates with gender equality, namely recruiting legislative candidates must be fair, not separate women's political rights to be nominated or appointed as<br />legislative candidates in general elections, fulfill legal requirements, not only fulfill 30% representation of women, must be prepared through cadres, education and training, have become members of a political party of at least 6 months to 1 year, noble, loyal, dedicated, and loyal to Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.</p>

Ideology and Gender in U.S. House Elections

Studies of gender-ideology stereotypes suggest that voters evaluate male and female candidates in different ways, yet data limitations have hindered an analysis of candidate ideology, sex, and actual election outcomes. This article draws on a new dataset of male and female primary and general election candidates for the U.S. House of Representatives from 1980 to 2012. I find little evidence that the relationship between ideology and victory patterns differs for male and female candidates. Neither Republican nor Democratic women experience distinct electoral fates than ideologically similar men. Candidate sex and ideology do interact in other ways, however; Democratic women are more liberal than their male counterparts, and they are advantaged in primaries over Republican women as well as Democratic men. The findings have important implications for contemporary patterns of women’s representation, and they extend our understanding of gender bias and neutrality in American elections.

Analysis of facial morphology of UK and US general election candidates: Does the ‘power face’ exist?

To determine the frequency of recognised morphologic facial phenotypes among the UK and US election candidates and to assess whether there is a relationship between facial morphology and success in general elections. Facial morphology analysis of prime ministerial and presidential candidates in the UK and US elections was performed. Direct facial measurements were made from frontal images and facial morphological indices calculated for all candidates. Anthropometric facial phenotype was determined and comparisons made between the elected leaders and unelected runner-up candidates. Paired candidates who had different facial types were analysed as a subgroup, with the probabilities of electoral success calculated. Data were available for 45 subjects: 22 election winners and 23 unelected runner-ups. Our data showed some variation in facial morphology between the groups. The predominant facial phenotype in both groups was leptoprosopic (long and/or narrow face), accounting for 40% (n=18). Mesoprosopic (average dimension) and euryprosopic (short and/or broad) facial type represented 31% (n=14) and 18% (n=8), respectively. A majority of the sample (n=36) demonstrated a malar width to mandibular angle width ratio consistent with the modern 'power face' proportion. Subgroup analysis showed a significant association with success in an election when leptoprosopic candidates were paired against candidates of another facial phenotype (p<0.05). Leptoprosopic (long and/or narrow) facial phenotype with a wide mandibular angle width is predominant in the UK and US election candidates. Moreover, this facial phenotype appears to be associated with greater electoral success, supporting the concept of a modern political 'power face'.

Which Women Can Run? Gender, Partisanship, and Candidate Donor Networks

Recent scholarship rejects campaign finance as a cause of women’s underrepresentation in Congress because women raise as much money as men running in similar races. We argue that campaign finance still impacts which women can make a run for office because candidates have to build their own donor networks. Using a unique dataset that includes primary and general election candidates for the U.S. House in 2010 and 2012, we examine the gender composition of candidates’ donor networks. We find that candidates’ ideological views are very important to contributors. Donors, particularly Democrats, also exhibit a gender affinity effect in which men give more to male candidates and women favor female candidates. Furthermore, female Democratic donors seem to value the election of women, especially liberal Democratic women, over other traditional predictors of giving, such as incumbency and competitiveness. Meanwhile, Republican male and female donors do not focus on candidate gender, and female Republican donors prefer conservative candidates. Thus, the existing partisan donor pools are friendlier to the emergence of liberal female Democrats than Republican women.

Why Aren't There More Republican Women in Congress? Gender, Partisanship, and Fundraising Support in the 2010 and 2012 Elections

Research indicates that fundraising is not an impediment to women candidates because women raise just as much money as men after accounting for seat status. However, previous research focuses solely on general election candidates. By examining both primary and general election candidates, we find both gender and partisan differences in fundraising. While incumbency, competitiveness, and candidate quality predict fundraising in the general election, we show that Democratic women raise more money than their male counterparts in the primary election. However, Republican women do not enjoy greater fundraising success compared with their male counterparts, and in limited cases, being a Republican woman can be an obstacle to fundraising in the primary election.

Changing the Clock

Time of vote decision research has shaped our understanding of the nature and influence of campaigns. Traditionally, time of decision has been viewed as a function of individual-level characteristics, especially political attentiveness. We use an 11-wave panel survey to evaluate two ways that electoral context interacts with individual-level factors to affect time of decision in the 2008 U.S. presidential election. First, we find that less politically attentive respondents living in locations where campaigning was most intense made up their minds earlier than those living elsewhere, while there is no such difference among the politically attentive. Second, we find that early-deciding partisans settled on a preferred general election candidate as soon as a presumed party nominee was known, resulting in different times of decision for Democrats and Republicans. Rather than time of decision simply constraining campaigns, these results suggest campaigns structure the time of decision.