Candidacy Process Research Articles

The Brussels effect in Ankara: the case of climate policy

Abstract Turkey’s Europeanization process provides a particularly interesting case study of the extra-jurisdictional impact of European Union (EU) law, both through policy convergence and through the so-called Brussels effect. Formally, Turkey must adopt certain EU rules due to its status as an EU candidate country, but its candidacy process has been lengthy and uncertain, resulting in partial and uneven adoption of EU rules. Nevertheless, EU-style policymaking has persisted in various policy areas, including environmental and climate policy. This paper aims to analyze the convergence of climate change policies between the EU and Turkey by employing multidimensional scaling, a method that enables the visualization and examination of the connectivity and intensity of cooperation between states. For the period from 2007 to 2023, our comparative analysis demonstrates that policy divergence occurs when the EU’s share of Turkey’s total trade decreases and when political challenges are experienced. On the other hand, periods of policy convergence coincide with periods of increased trade volume and expanded trade opportunities. The results suggest that through its market size and regulatory capacity, the EU exerts soft power which forces Turkey to align its climate policies with the EU to protect and maintain its competitiveness in the European marketplace.

102: ECMO Candidacy Process Improvement Project in the Pediatric Intensive Care Unit: A Single Center Quality Improvement Project

102: ECMO Candidacy Process Improvement Project in the Pediatric Intensive Care Unit: A Single Center Quality Improvement Project

Heritage as threshold: an autoethnographic exploration of the porticoes of Bologna (Italy)

The contents and aims of this paper derive from an autoethnographic exploration of the porticoes of Bologna, which in 2021 became part of the UNESCO World Heritage List. It was the difficulty of their candidacy process, which is not usual for Italian urban heritage, that shaped my concern with them. I conducted empirical research by walking under the porticoes in order to understand the reasons behind their otherness as official heritage and how these reasons can represent an interesting case for current geographical debates on heritage in its cultural dimension. Drawing first of all on the fact that my embodied experience of the porticoes was a liminal experience, I argue here that their otherness lies in being heritage as threshold by developing this idea in two ways. The first way consists of interpreting the spatiality of the porticoes in the light of the concept of threshold. To the extent that a threshold, as conceived here, is not a boundary but a zone of transition where binary terms are held together and interact with each other, the spatial nature of the porticoes as thresholds challenges the sedentary certainties and sharp boundaries of ‘authorized heritage discourse’. The second way in which I conceive and develop the idea of heritage as threshold consists of relating it, through the example of the porticoes, to the process of heritage-making. From this point of view, the idea of heritage as threshold is a spatial interpretation of the process of construction, deconstruction, reconstruction of heritage, whenever based on the interweaving of official discourses and everyday experiences, on their reciprocal influence and transformation. The construction of the narrative on the porticoes as heritage represents a perfect example of this process of transition and interchange between different perspectives – a process closely associated with the spatiality of thresholds.

Pattern of Partai Solidaritas Indonesia Candidacy In the Selection of DPRD DKI Jakarta Member Candidates In 2024’s General Election

This study discussed about the pattern of PSI candidacy in candidates selection for DPRD DKI Jakarta member in 2024’s General Election. This study was motivated because PSI can implementing high degree of participation in their candidacy process. That’s mean the candidacy process of PSI not only an area for elite but also all of the voters. That behavior, has been shown by PSI in the midst of political party situation which trapped in pragmatism. The method of this study is qualitative research with case study research type. Simultaneously, the theory which used in this study is Candidacy Theory who proposed by Gideon Rahat and Reuven. Y Hazan. The result of this study shown that the pattern of PSI candidacy is at a democratic level. It’s said democratic because PSI is able to act inclusively both in nominating candidates and candidates selection process. PSI doesn’t set the special requirements which difficult to fulfill, the PSI’s selectorate involves all of the voters, and the candidates selection is not only an area for a elite. Even though, the candidates nominations seems exclusive, but the most important of inclusive determination is voters involvement in candidacy process.

The Conflict of National Elites and Local Elites of PDI-P in the Candidacy Process of Regional Heads Eri Cahyadi and Gibran Rakabuming Raka in the 2020 Pilkada

Studi ini membahas tentang konflik yang terjadi antara Elit Nasional Dan Elit Lokal PDI-P dalam Proses Kandidasi Kepala Daerah Eri Cahyadi Dan Gibran Rakabuming Raka Pada Pilkada Tahun 2020. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengeksplorasi akar konflik yang menjadi penyebab dari konflik tersebut. Studi ini dilakukan di Kota Solo dan Surabaya. Proses pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam. Analisis data menggunakan teori konflik diperkuat dengan teori patron-klien, rekrutmen politik dan pragmatism politik. Pencalonan kandidat eksternal sebagai calon kepala daerah di pilkada yang dilakukan oleh partai politik dapat dikatakan merupakan cerminan dari adanya pragmatisme politik yangmembuat konflik kepentingan diantara elit politik pengurus partai. Hal itu dikarenakan partai politik umumnya akan menempuh berbagai upaya atau cara untuk mewujudkan kepentingan-kepentingannya, seperti dalam hal manfaat (utility), kemenangan (glory), hingga kekuasaan (power). Kecenderungan ini yang kemudian terlihat dalam realitas yang berlaku di pilkada kota Surabaya tahun 2020 dan pilkada kota Solo tahun 2020 dimana di saat partai politik telah memiliki kandidat potensial yang dapat dicalonkan dalam pilkada yang berasal dari internalnya, namun justru lebih memilih untuk mendukung kandidat eksternal yang dianggap lebih populer karena dianggap memiliki peluang yang lebih besar untuk memenangkan kontestasi. Hal ini setidaknya terlihat dalam realitas di pilkada Surabaya tahun 2020 dimana kedua paslon yang berkompetisi tercatat merupakan kandidat eksternal non-partai dengan pengecualian pada sosok Armudji. Padahal, sejumlah partai politik tercatat memiliki kandidat-kandidat potensial yang dapat dicalonkan. Sedangkan di pilkada Solo, hal serupa juga terjadi demikian. Meskipun sosok Gibran Rakabuming Raka tercatat telah mendaftarkan diri sebagai kader PDI-P, namun keterpilihannya sebagai calon walikota Solo dari PDI-P justru mencerminkan adanya kecenderungan pragmatisme politik, mengingat DPC PDI-P Kota Solo telah memutuskan untuk mendukung paslon Achmad Purnomo-Teguh Prakosa sebagai calon walikota dan wakil walikota Solo periode 2021-2024. Akan tetapi, sekalipun realitas di kedua pilkada tersebut menunjukkan adanya kecenderungan pragmatisme politik, respon pengurus partai di daerah (DPC Solo dan DPC Surabaya) terhadap keputusan yang telah diambil oleh DPP justru mengalami perbedaan. Hal ini merujuk pada adanya penolakan dari sejumlah kader di lingkup DPC PDI-P Kota Surabayaterhadap keputusan DPP yang merekomendasikan dukungan kepada paslon Eri Cahyadi- Armudji. Sedangkan di sisi lain, sekalipun keputusan yang diambil oleh DPP berbeda dengan yang direkomendasikan oleh DPC PDI-P Kota Solo, para pengurus DPC tersebut nyatanya tetap memilih untuk mendukung paslon yang telah direkomendasikan oleh DPP. Alhasil, hal ini mencerminkan bahwa terdapat perbedaan preferensi politik di kalangan pengurus partai di daerah terhadap keputusan DPP dimana hal itu dapat dikatakan dipengaruhi oleh adanya rasionalisasi politik. Rasionalisasi politik yang dimaksud dalam konteks ini kemudian berkaitan dengan sejauh mana manfaat yang diperoleh dari tindakan politik yang diambil oleh masing-masing elit politik di daerah dalam merespon apa yang telah diputuskan oleh DPP khususnya mengenai dukungan terhadap kandidat eksternal sebagai calon kepala daerah di pemilukada tahun 2020 yang merupakan rekrutment dari kader eksternal. Pasalnya, dalam konteks pilkada Surabaya tahun 2020, beberapa kader partai di daerah merasa bahwa mereka tidak memperoleh manfaat dengan mendukung paslon Eri Cahyadi-Armudji karena sosok Eri Cahyadi yang dianggap sebagai kandidat eksternal (meskipun belakangan Eri Cahyadi telah mendaftarkan diri sebagai kader PDI-P). Sedangkan dalam konteks pilkada Solo tahun 2020, para pengurus partai di daerah tetap mendukung paslon yang direkomendasikan oleh DPP karena melihat masih adanya manfaat yang diperoleh dari tindakan politik tersebut. Apalagi, sosok Gibran Rakabuming Raka sendiri tercatat telah terlebih dahulu mendaftarkan diri sebagai kader PDI-P. Meskipun di sisi lain, hal tersebut juga tidak dapat dipisahkan dari status yang melekat dalam diri Gibran yang merupakan putra dari Presiden Joko Widodo.

Relasi Insan Pers dan Politik: Studi tentang Kandidasi Margiono pada Pemilihan Bupati Tulungagung Tahun 2018

The press and politics have different patterns of relations, and involve certain actors in them. This study aims to find out and analyze the relationship between the press and politics from Margiono, former Chairman of the Indonesian Journalists Association (PWI) and the influence of this relationship on Margiono's candidacy process as a candidate for Regent of Tulungagung Regency in 2018. This research uses qualitative methods with interviews as primary data collection method with the theoretical framework of candidate selection Reuven Hazan and Gideon Rahat is used to analyze the candidacy process. This research found that Margiono's candidacy process was carried out exclusively and centralized so that personal affinity, leadership and persona of Margiono could become his capital in the candidacy process.

Relasi PKB dan PDIP Pasca Konflik antara Bupati dan Wakil Bupati Bojonegoro

This research focuses on the split in the PKB-PDIP coalition caused by the conflict between the Regent and Deputy Regent of Bojonegoro and examines the various factors causing the conflict. By reviewing how the PKB-PDIP coalition was formed, the coalition split, and the impact of the coalition split as a result of the conflict between the Regent and Deputy Regent of Bojonegoro. The results showed that the split between the PKB and PDIP coalitions was caused by a conflict between the Regent and Deputy Regent of Bojonegoro which started from a political agreement and the amount of power possessed by the Regent as a manifestation of power sharing after the candidacy process. There is a political agreement that was violated by the Deputy Regent and the amount of power that the Regent has to remove the Deputy Regent from government and the political sphere in Bojonegoro and strengthen the Regent's position as the number 1 person in Bojonegoro.

EUROPEAN UNION GLOBAL STRATEGY AND TURKEY: AN ANALYSIS OF THE TERM 2016-2021

The European Union (EU) has set a goal to be a global power in 2003 with the announcement of European Security Strategy. Nevertheless, this goal was stressed more decisively and obviously within the 2016 EU Global Strategy. The comparison between these strategies illustrates the change in rhetoric and foreign policy of the EU. With the 2016 Strategy, the EU has initiated to shape its own geopolitics, this time free from the US leadership, considering the migration crisis and especially the recently security threats over Europe. This paper aims to concentrate on the status of Turkey in EU foreign policy and elaborate the reasons for the rise of EU’s focus on Turkey in its foreign policy in the term between 2016 and 2021. The paper argues that the emphasis made on the role of Turkey has been limited by the EU to several areas such as migration, counterterrorism and energy. Therefore, it is argued that the EU’s approach damages the cooperative understanding between the parties especially within the scope of the candidacy process.

WOMEN IN THE LOCAL POLITICAL VORTEX: A STUDY OF WOMEN CANDIDATES INVOLVEMENT IN 2020 REGIONAL ELECTIONS IN TANAH DATAR

This study aims to describe the candidacy process and challenges of female candidates in the 2020 regional elections in Tanah Datar Regency as well as campaign issues promoted by female candidates based on gender perspective. This research is a qualitative research using candidacy theory. The findings of this study that the challenge faced by Betty Shadiq Pasadigue in the contestation of the 2020 Regional Elections of Tanah Datar Regency is the emergence of gender stereotypes and negative views of women's leadership as regional leader, although the LKAAM of Tanah Datar Regency has affirmed that women's leadership in the political field is permitted.

Hidden Power: Dynasty Politics in Konawe Regency?

In particular, this article aims to analyze several phenomena of hidden forms of power in the process of creating dynastic politics ahead of the 2024 concurrent municipal elections, a case study in the Konawe Regency. To do this, the author uses the Powercube-Gaventa theory from the perspective of hidden forms of power. The author uses a qualitative approach through interviews, observations, and document studies in the data collection process. This study provides several conclusions, including 1) There is alienation in PAN's internal candidacy process. Dynastic politics operates to control the other party and influence their decisions and support. Potential and experienced political party cadres are quickly eliminated; 2) Setting the agenda of the dynasty. Already exist at all levels of the legislature starting with the DPRD district, the DPRD and DPR RI provinces, and the regional bureaucracies; 3) Actual control of the party. There was a dynasty in the DPD PAN so an actor had a chance of being supported and promoted by the party. The results of this study are rather pragmatic, political parties do not create competent cadres, so they do not give birth to ideal figures through the influence of hidden power, especially in the local elections taking place at the same time in 2024. In addition, dynastic politics through party political instruments does not affect the existence of political waves and conflicts caused by the greater power of the regent (regional head) for the current dynasty-forming period.

The Incumbent’s Curse, Party Institutionalization, and Competitive Factionalism in the Candidacy for South Halmahera Election in 2020

This article investigates the incumbent’s curse in the candidacy process in Indonesia by using Bahrain Kasuba’s failure in the running for re-election in South Halmahera in 2020 as its case study. This study diverges from the traditional scholarship on the incumbent curse, which focuses on the election stage. Instead, we focus on the candidacy stage. Candidacy processes and elections are two different political events. Both have differences in three things: their victory targets, mechanisms, and political processes. These three differences urge the study of the effect of incumbency on candidacy, an important aspect to analyze. This article uses the party institutionalization and competitive factionalism frameworks to analyze how both factors affect the incumbent’s candidacy. We employed a case study method by conducting in-depth interviews with Bahrain Kasuba’s winning team and their competitors and exploring secondary data from media coverage and relevant literature. The study’s findings indicate that Bahrain Kasuba’s failure in the candidacy was caused by institutional factors, namely the weakness of party institutionalization and factionalism. In this case, the weakness of party institutionalization is characterized by the absence of ideological ties between parties and cadres and the lack of the party’s solidity as an organization. Meanwhile, factionalism occurred within parties and the Kasuba family, a dominant political elite in North Maluku. The factionalism in these two arenas placed Bahrain Kasuba in conflict with political party elites, which dictate the outcomes of candidacies.

Democracy without Contestation: The Victory of the Empty Box in the Local Election of Makassar City, South Sulawesi Indonesia in 2018


 
 
 
 This study aims to explore how the political dynamics in the local election of Makassar City in 2018. In particular, this study reconnoitered the causes of the victory of empty box and analyze the role of political parties and incumbents in the candidacy process and election. Qualitative research methods were used in this research. Documentation was carried out to obtain data related to actor networks in the local election, vote acquisition, election regulations and as well as political party support in the local election, which is obtained from books, journals and news in the mass media. In addition, FGD was carried out from stakeholders inviting academics, students and NGO activists to obtain data and interpretations of the collected data. Qualitative descriptive analysis was carried out by interpreting the collected data, verifying and generalizing the data to conclude this research. This research revealed that the empty box in the local election of Makassar City is actually not an empty box, nonetheless it is the representation of the incumbent who was disqualified from the local elections. Most of the political parties supported the sole candidate formally. It was found that there was a difference between party policy at the local level and party policies at the national level. Further, the party decision making was found to be centralized.
 
 
 

PRAGMATISME DALAM KANDIDASI CALON ANGGOTA DPR PARTAI NASDEM PADA PEMILU 2019

This study discusses pragmatism in the process of candidacy for DPR members carried out by a political party, namely the NasDem Party in the 2019 Election. As is known, the NasDem Party is still a new party, but was able to gain a significant increase in votes. Departing from Purbolaksono's research which categorizes the NasDem Party as a catch-all party type, and refers to several expert definitions and previous research on pragmatism, this paper describes how pragmatism occurs in the candidates for legislative members from the NasDem Party. Using the analytical descriptive method, this research begins with a description of how the Nasdem Party's candidacy was carried out, then continued by an analysis accompanied by field facts that support the author's analysis. The findings of this study are that pragmatism in the NasDem Party's candidacy process occurs in 4 (four) forms, namely 1) an open recruitment system that provides opportunities for candidates who change parties before the candidacy process; 2) ideology that is no longer the main thing in the candidacy process; 3) the use of profit and loss logic in the candidacy process; and 4) the existence of a screening process (without going through the Bacaleg program) for legislative candidates who are considered to have the potential to gain votes.

TÜRKİYE’DE KALKINMA AJANSLARININ BÖLGELERARASI DAĞILIŞI VE BÖLGESEL KALKINMA KAPSAMINDA DEĞERLENDİRİLMESİ

Bilindiği üzere, Türkiye’de bölgesel anlamda sosyo-ekonomik analizler ve politikaları belirlemek, ayrıca Avrupa Birliği Bölgesel İstatistik Sistemi ile karşılaştırılabilir veri tabanına sahip olmak amacıyla üç farklı düzeyde istatistiki bölge birimi oluşturulmuştur. Böylece düzey 2 bölgeleri üzerinde kurulan kalkınma ajansları, bir taraftan bölgeler arası gelişmişlik farklarının, diğer taraftan Avrupa Birliği’ne adaylık sürecinin yönlendirmesiyle kamuoyunda yer edinmeye başlamıştır. Kalkınma ajanslarıyla, yerel ve bölgesel farklılıkları gidererek kalkınmaya hız kazandırmak amaçlanmıştır. Ülkemizde kalkınma ajansları, 08.02.2006 tarih ve 5449 sayılı Kanunla kurulmaya başlamıştır. Ancak, düzey 1 ve düzey 2 bölgelerinin gerek adlandırmalarında gerekse sınırlandırmalarında, coğrafi kriterlerden faydalanılmamıştır. Düzey 1 bölgeleri adlandırılırken, bazen il sınırlarından hareketle ilin adı verilmiştir. Düzey 2 alt bölgeleri esas alınarak kurulan bölgesel kalkınma ajanslarının da coğrafi dağılışları ve fonksiyonellikleri tartışmaya açıktır. Bölgesel kalkınma ajanslarının isimleri ve dağılışları, bölgelerin coğrafi özellikleri ile uyumlu olmadığından, bu hususta bazı yanlışlıklar ve eksiklikler ortaya çıkmıştır. Ayrıca bazı düzey 2 bölgelerinde, merkez kent seçiminde; ekonomik gelişmişlik, ana istatistiki veriler ve coğrafi bağlantılar dikkate alınmayıp, il nüfusları asıl belirleyici kriter olarak kabul edilmiştir. Bu araştırmada, kalkınma ajanslarının, coğrafi bölgeler ve bölümler içerisindeki dağılışları dikkate alınarak bölgesel kalkınmadaki etkileri incelenmiştir. Ayrıca coğrafi açıdan tespit edilen yetersizlikler ve karşılaşılan problemler tartışılmıştır.

Olimpiyatlara Aday Olan Şehirlerin Adaylık Süreçlerinin Farklı Değişkenler Açısından İncelenmesi (2020 Olimpiyatları Örneği)

Olympic games are considered as one of the most prestigious sports organizations in the world. In order to host the Olympic Games, countries are competing intensely while the economic and political power of these countries is of great importance in the candidacy. The countries that will host the Olympics are selected by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), which is the authorized board after the candidate application, by evaluating the candidacy. The International Olympic Committee evaluates the candidate countries to host the Olympic Games, the vision, concept and legacy of the candidate city, sports and competition venues, olympic village, paralympic games, accommodation, transport, media operations, environment, safety and security, medical services and doping control, legal aspects, games governance and delivery, political and public support, marketing and finance criteria (IOC Factsheet of Host City Election, 2013). The aim of this study was to evaluate the candidacy process of the countries which are candidates for 2020 Olympic Games in line with some criteria in the International Olympic Committee “2020 Candidature Acceptance Procedure” and “Report of the 2020 Evaluation Commission”. The primary and secondary sources have been explored using the documentation method. As a result, when the general situation of the candidate countries is considered by all variables, it is seen that Istanbul is far behind its competitors when it comes to establishment, organization experience, national income per capita and the number of members in international sports organizations. The most important factor is the low number of members who will vote in the selection of candidate cities in order to influence the decision makers.

Management and legacy of the Brazil 2014 Fifa World Cup during its candidacy bid

Abstract Aim: Sporting mega-event organization requires developing strategies to maximize the chance of success. For the Brazil 2014 Fifa World Cup, it was not different. The action started long before the opening match on 06/12/2014. The issue we seek to investigate is: How did the 2014 Fifa World Cup’s management as a sporting mega-event develop during the pre-event phase? The general objective was to identify and analyze management-related peculiarities of the 2014 Fifa World Cup’s management during the pre-event period. The operational objectives were: (i) To identify the organizational structure set up to manage the 2014 Fifa World Cup; (ii) reveal the candidacy process; (iii) find out the initial budgets/investments planned for the 2014 Fifa World Cup; (iv) examine the management difficulties that happened during the pre-event period; and (v) detect the legacy left by said phase. Method: primary data was collected through an elite interview conceded by ex-Minister of Sports Orlando Silva and secondary data was obtained through bibliographical and documental research techniques. The interview was evaluated through content analysis. The analysis and discussion were categorized as follows: organizational structure, candidacy process, management, and legacy. The results show legacy was obtained in the pre-event phase due to the knowledge generated during the candidacy process. They also show a strengthening of Brazil’s image as a mega-event organizer. Some difficulties include no integration between organizers, delay in defining host-cities and construction, no initial budgets and no transparency in the bid’s initial publishing.

Teacher Candidates' Socialization Process: A Grounded Theory Study

The purpose of this research is to reveal teacher candidates' experiences from the beginning of their service until being a teacher. In this study, the grounded theory research design was preferred. The study group was determined with criterion sampling. Based on the criterion that the participants have just completed the one-year candidacy process, 12 teachers from different branches participated in this research. Interview technique was used as a data collection tool. The data were collected through a semi-structured interview form. According to the result of the model, teacher candidates have emotional responses regarding their prospective professional life before starting such as excitement or nervousness. The first stage is called the adaptation process. The second stage indicates that the implementation stage is associated with the experiences in the adaptation. As for the third phase, experience-gaining, the teachers who could identify and improve the shortcomings in the implementation process, gained experiences.

Cochlear Implantation for Children and Adults with Severe-to-Profound Hearing Loss.

Cochlear implants (CIs) have proven to be a useful treatment option for individuals with severe-to-profound hearing loss by providing improved access to one's surrounding auditory environment. CIs differ from traditional acoustic amplification by providing information to the auditory system via electrical stimulation. Both postlingually deafened adults and prelingually deafened children can benefit from a CI; however, outcomes with a CI can vary. Numerous factors can impact performance outcomes with a CI. It is important for the audiologist to understand what factors might play a role and impact performance outcomes with a CI so that they can effectively counsel the recipient and their family, as well as establish appropriate and realistic expectations with a CI. This review article will discuss the CI candidacy process, CI programming and postoperative follow-up care, as well as considerations across the lifespan that may affect performance outcomes with a CI.

Cochlear Implantation in Children with Otitis Media.

One of the concerns during the cochlear implant candidacy process is the presence of chronic otitis media which could delay the implantation process. The aim of this study was to evaluate the surgical difficulties and the long-term complications in children with otitis media and to examine whether it is necessary to delay the implantation until the infection is resolved. The study used a comparative retrospective design based on chart review of all patients who received their implant(s) from January to December of 2012. A total of 200 patients were identified and were followed for 4years post surgery. Patients were divided into three groups based on their history of otitis media (non-otitis media, chronic otitis media with effusion, and acute otitis media). Data included long-term complications, operative time and duration from first clinical visit to the time until implantation was received. None of study participants had long-term complications during the study period. The operative time was longer in the acute otitis media group with a difference of 45min. The average delay in cochlear implantation due to the presence of otitis media in chronic group was more than 5months. Pediatric patients with otitis media could be implanted in one stage safely and effectively.

Youth Work in Turkey: A Sector Newly Emerging and Marked by Political Competition

Youth work is a very recent field in Turkey and the evolution of the field has been very much influenced by the European institutions, especially with the European Union candidacy process of Turkey. Youth work in Turkey can be analyzed in three different layers since the central government, local government (municipalities) and civil society organization all have youth work activities. During our Horizon 2020 PARTISPACE research project, we conducted ethnographic research to shed light on the local characteristics of youth work in a central Anatolian city in Turkey. The cases we discuss in the scope of this paper based on our ethnographic research includes two youth centers, one run by a central government agency, the Ministry of Youth and Sports, the other by a local municipality run by the party of opposition. The study reveals the influence of local dynamics and political competition in the development of youth policy and youth work. Our research demonstrates that, even if youth work is not a priority in the public policy agenda, it has become an object of political competition in Turkey.