Canada-US Relations Research Articles

Canada and the United Nations at a political turning point

In response to Kerry Buck and Michael W. Manulak's recommendations for the future of the UN, this essay highlights two problems that Canada faces in its current UN engagement. First, diplomacy and Global Affairs Canada are underfunded. Second, Canadian leadership has failed to adequately meet the political challenges of twenty-first century multilateralism. Focusing on the second, I argue that Canada must address key political difficulties to make a meaningful difference in the future of the UN. Without a politically sound vision and policy, increased Canadian investment in the UN is insufficient. I propose three areas where Canada can shift its engagement and recommend further actions. These include: (1) Canada-US relations; (2) the UN Charter and international law; and (3) Canada's relationship with the Global South.

The Arctic as a New Priority for Canada-US Relations and Canadian Foreign Policy

In 2023, a number of analytical articles analyzing Canada's role in the world were published. The Canadian researchers agree that the country's foreign policy interests are concentrated within the North American continent. Experts call the Arctic and the North a priority area of bilateral Canada-US relations and Canadian foreign policy in general. The discussion of this issue has also been developed at the official level. Protection of sovereignty in the Arctic is among the priorities of Canadian policy, as well as cooperation with the U.S. on the modernization of NORAD. In turn, an analysis of U.S. official documents allows us to conclude that Canada and the United States share the same assessment of risks and threats in the Arctic and that the United States is interested in deepening cooperation with Canada on issues related to ensuring the security of the Arctic region and the North American continent.

The View from Langley: The cia and Pierre Elliott Trudeau in the Era of “Canada First” Economic Nationalism

Postwar Canada-us relations have been punctuated by conflicts of political and economic interest. Declassified us Central Intelligence Agency (cia) documents reveal that Pierre Elliott Trudeau’s nearly sixteen years in power (1968–84) were an especially turbulent chapter in this history. Against the backdrop of the demise of the Bretton Woods system, oil shocks, and stagflation, the cia paid close attention to Canadian policy and regulatory changes that threatened us economic and energy interests. The American intelligence community attributed the Foreign Investment Review Agency, Petro-Canada, oil export controls, and the National Energy Program to the rise of a menacing “Canada First” brand of economic nationalism. From the American vantage point, these bilateral irritants became urgent foreign policy issues in the midst of the neoliberal revolution. Thecia concluded that Trudeau was an obstacle to positive Canada-us relations and briefed policy-makers right up to the president accordingly.

Backstage Mockery: Impoliteness and Asymmetry on the World Stage

AbstractIn recent years, episodes of diplomatic “impoliteness” have attracted growing attention among international relations (IR) scholars. Whether in the form of sharp-edged humor, insults, or other face-undermining behavior, scholars are increasingly examining episodes where the expected civility of diplomacy breaks down and impoliteness becomes weaponized as a tool of statecraft. While sympathetic to these approaches, I argue that the deployment of impoliteness cannot be understood in isolation from the powerful asymmetries that shape global politics. To show why, I advance a theory of mockery in international politics with an emphasis of a specific kind: backstage mockery. Building on the work of Goffman, I conceptualize mocking displays as acts of ridicule that undermine an actor's positive public image or “face” based on two contextual factors: (1) perceptions of transgression and (2) relative status. In hierarchical settings, lower-status members are often unable to openly criticize the transgressions of their social superiors because of the threat of retaliation. Covert or “backstage” mockery offers an outlet for weaker members to express their concerns and build solidarity with other members, while at the same time indirectly signaling those with higher status about problems. To illustrate the significance of backstage mockery, I discuss Canada–US relations and the 2019 viral video of NATO leaders appearing to privately mock US President Donald Trump.

“This was not the time for this type of 1890 imperialism”: Cryolite, Control, and Canada-US Relations over Greenland, 1940

This article is drawn from the unpublished second volume of Gordon Smith’s magnum opus, A Historical and Legal Study of Sovereignty in the Canadian North and Related Law of the Sea Problems. Edited and introduced by P. Whitney Lackenbauer, this article explores Canada-United States relations over Greenland in 1940, particularly whether Canada or the United States would secure de facto control over Greenland and its unique supply of cryolite, essential for the production of aluminum at that time. In doing so, Smith contributes to our understanding of how competing interests and priorities made Greenland a site of rivalry and ultimately compromise between Second World War allies.
 Cet article est tiré du deuxième volume inédit du grand ouvrage de Gordon Smith, intitulé A Historical and Legal Study of Sovereignty in the Canadian North and Related Law of the Sea Problems. Édité et présenté par P. Whitney Lackenbauer, cet extrait traite des relations canado-américaines relatives au Groenland en 1940, en particulier du contrôle de fait éventuel par le Canada ou les États-Unis du Groenland et de son unique approvisionnement en cryolite, essentielle à la production d’aluminium à l’époque. Ainsi, Smith nous aide à mieux comprendre la façon dont les priorités et les intérêts divergents ont fait du Groenland un site de rivalité et, en fin de compte, de compromis entre les alliés de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

ЗОВНІШНЯ ПОЛІТИКА КАНАДИ НА СУЧАСНОМУ ЕТАПІ: ОСОБЛИВОСТІ ВЗАЄМОДІЇ З КЛЮЧОВИМИ ПАРТНЕРАМИ

Ключові слова: Канада, зовнішня політика, США, Велика Британія, Мексика, СUSMA. The article is devoted to the comprehensive research of foreign policy of Canada at the modern stage. The article is aimed to research and analyze the peculiarities of the realization of foreign policy of Canada. In this article, the authors consider the main features of Canada’s foreign policy at the current stage, taking into account new reality. The authors focus on the main aspects of Canada’s foreign policy, namely the explanation of the concept of the “middle power”, usage of “soft power”, and relations with the United States, Mexico, and Great Britain. Canada-US relations as one of the most prominent are analyzed from the economic and security points of view. It is shown that these two countries maintain close relations in these spheres through the system of bilateral agreements and partnerships. Also, Canada and the USA have a special security program, aimed at the protection of aerospace territory. CanadaUK relations are characterized as constantly developing. Canada-Mexico relations are based on both bilateral and multilateral agreements, such as CUSMA, and bilateral agreements. Cooperation with Mexico plays an important role in Canadian foreign politics. In relations with the United States and Mexico, CUSMA (Canada-United StatesMexico) agreement plays an important role, which forms the basis of economic relations between these countries at the current stage. In relations with Great Britain, the Agreement on Continuity of Trade between Canada and Great Britain plays an important role. Canada’s interaction with mentioned countries in international agreements and joint projects is also highlighted in the article. Particular attention is paid to Canada’s participation in international organizations, namely NATO and the United Nations, and Canada's role in the activities of these organizations. As an active member of both these international organizations, Canada is actively involved in special activities devoted to helping those countries, that are suffering due to different reasons, or promoting ideas of peace and stability in regions, that are in or after the conflict period.

Environmental nationalist: Andrew McNaughton and Canada–US relations in the Cold War

Prior to 1945, General Andrew George Latta McNaughton had already made a name for himself as an army general, engineer, inventor, and cabinet minister. After 1945, McNaughton occupied a number of key international roles for Canada: at the United Nations, on the Permanent Joint Board on Defence, and on the International Joint Commission. Even though he became one of Canada’s most important diplomatic actors during the early Cold War period, this aspect of his career has been mostly ignored by international historians. This article examines McNaughton’s key involvement in the evolution of a number of Canada–US water megaprojects, arguing that his nationalism underpinned his approach to bilateral relations, which combined deep technical expertise with a willingness to publicly assert the Canadian national interest. McNaughton’s approach should be studied not only to better understand North American environmental diplomacy in the Cold War but also to draw from it several lessons for contemporary times.

Role of international politics on agri‐food trade: Evidence from US–Canada bilateral relations

AbstractA well‐functioning trade relationship between Canada and the United States is crucial to the economic vitality of the Canadian agri‐food industry. However, agri‐food trade is more susceptible than other sectors to political interventions. The Trump presidency has strained Canada–US relations and his trade policy actions have significantly increased trade restrictions and trade policy uncertainty and undermined the rules‐based global trading system. We examine the pattern of agri‐food trade between the two countries and find that the upward trajectory of bilateral agri‐food trade ended in 2013. Although this flatlining predates the Trump administration, we show that Trump increased trade policy uncertainty starting in 2017 and likely impacted further expansion of trade. We examine what might change under the Biden presidency and argue that the new administration is likely to restore strong relationships with allies and work to rebuild important international institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO). Although protectionist forces will continue to impact bilateral agri‐food trade, we expect closer political ties between a Biden administration and the Canadian Prime Minister. This should have a positive effect on the Canadian agri‐food industry by reducing trade uncertainties, thereby increasing agri‐food trade between Canada and the United States.

Democracy, Donald Trump and the Canada-US Security Community

AbstractThis article examines Canada-US relations through their shared membership in a pluralistic security community (PSC). While the bilateral relationship has been turbulent for decades, the Trump presidency has damaged the Canada-US PSC by (1) exacerbating a decades-long trend of weakened shared identity and mutual trust between Canadians and Americans, and (2) undermining the democratic norms and institutions that uphold American domestic stability and Canadians’ expectations of peaceful change. Assessing the combined implications of the decline in shared identity, mutual trust and democratic stability, I argue that the Canada-US PSC cannot endure if the United States does not also consider Canada's national and security interests or if the United States itself poses a threat to those interests. Given current trends, the future absence of war in North America may reflect American domination over a weaker and dependent Canada rather than their continued membership in a bilateral PSC.

Guest Editors’ Introduction: Canada-US Relations in the Age of Trump

In politics as in life, relationships matter. For Canada, the most important of those political relationships has long been between presidents and prime ministers and the teams of public servants w...

Avoiding the “HUUUGE” Crisis Predicted: Third-Party Issues and Canada-US Relations in the Age of Trump

ABSTRACT Donald Trump’s arrival in the White House has tested the special relationship between Canada and the US. Admittedly, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has had a harder time connecting with the new president than with his predecessor, President Barack Obama, but the difficulties between Washington and Ottawa go far beyond personal affinities. More specifically, Trump’s change of attitude toward both traditional allies of the United States and usual rivals has often put Canada in a difficult position. On the one hand, Canada cannot afford to antagonize its closest ally and commercial partner, but, on the other, it cannot sacrifice the other relationships it is trying to maintain across the globe. In an attempt to understand how Canada has managed to navigate this complicated relationship, this article will look at how Ottawa has dealt with third parties when its approach toward said parties differs from Washington’s. Additionally, using situations from the first three years of the Trump presidency, we will try to determine if third-party issues tend to alleviate or accentuate tensions in the bilateral relationship between Ottawa and Washington.

Collateral Damage: The Canada-US Border and President Trump’s Executive Orders

ABSTRACT In this article, we focus on some key developments in Canada-US border relations. First, we discuss specific issues about personal information sharing and the searching of personal handheld devices at the Canada-US border, which relate to the Beyond the Border Agreement (2011). Furthermore, we consider the US-Canada Safe Third Country Agreement (STCA) (2004), which although earlier, is bound up in the Beyond the Border Action Plan of 2011, and gets caught up in President Donald Trump’s governance through executive order. In each instance, the issues speak to the general functional creep or spill-over that has occurred in the Canada-US border relationship, or what we may refer to as “collateral damage” in the bilateral relationship. We discuss the STCA, examining its evolution and the problematization of this relationship under the Trump administration as it relates to US policies along the southern border and relations with Mexico as well as states in Central and South America. These are manifest in Trump’s executive orders, most notably his so-called Muslim travel ban, and other orders that undermine the US commitment to the United Nations’ 1951 Refugee Convention and as such, question the extent to which Canada can continue to refer asylum seekers at the Canada-US border back to the US as a “safe” country. In the case of the Beyond the Border governed relationship, we focus on the question of information sharing and privacy and reflect on where we currently stand in this complex relationship. In this sense, it serves as a barometer of the relative chauvinism of Trump’s border strategies and to what extent, in the name of alleged security, Canada will continue to cooperate with more restrictive and securitized US strategies.

Canada-US Relations: No Longer Special or Privileged

ABSTRACT Canada has benefited more than most countries from the advantage of its geography, but proximity to the United States has created a cocoon of complacency on trade and security that is no longer assured. This makes the key question about the future of Canada-US relations whether the erratic “America First” impulses of Donald Trump will persist after he leaves the White House. If nationalist populism takes root, self-interest will prevail and the special partnership for Canada with the United States will fade. This essay considers the notion of privilege that served Canada well for decades as one that can no longer be taken for granted. Canada must take realistic actions to defend and advance its own interests. This will reflect the confidence and maturity of a nation fully aware of its capabilities and the limitations of its global potential.

Ephemeral or durable? Donald Trump’s impact on Canada–US issues in the Great Lakes heartland and northeast borderlands

ABSTRACT This article assesses whether Donald Trump’s impact on Canada–US issues such as trade, energy and the environment, and border security could be ephemeral or durable. We answer this question by examining the extent to which Trump’s agenda on Canada–US relations has gained ground in the “Great Lakes heartland” bordering Ontario and the “northeastern borderlands” bordering Québec. To do this, we study the 2018 US midterm electoral debates on Canada–US relations in nine states: Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, Illinois, Ohio, New York, Vermont, New Hampshire and Maine. We conclude that: (a) Trump has succeeded in placing Canada and key Canada–US issues at the forefront of political and electoral discussions in these states; and (b) Trump’s agenda and attitude towards Canada have been adopted by a myriad of local actors who had a more positive view of Canada before the 2016 presidential election.

Reconcilable Differences: A History of Canada-US Relations by Stephen Azzi

<i>Reconcilable Differences: A History of Canada-US Relations</i> by Stephen Azzi

Hydro Democracy: Water Power and Political Power in Ontario

Drawing on Timothy Mitchell’s Carbon Democracy, and using envirotechnical analysis, we probe how the materiality of energy—public hydropower—influenced democracy and governance in Ontario during the early twentieth century. Within Canada, hydro-electricity disproportionately shaped the politics of Ontario and Canada-US relations during the first half of the century. Within the province, it provided the energy-based affluence that underpinned claims for a liberal and democratic society. But residents experienced the consequences of hydropower unevenly. Urban and industrial residents enjoyed most of the benefits, while rural residents and Indigenous peoples living close to hydro developments endured the burdens of development.

Introduction—Fantasies of Nation: Canada-US Relations in the Era of Trump

Introduction—Fantasies of Nation: Canada-US Relations in the Era of Trump

The Rush–Bagot Agreement: Canada–US Relations in Transition

ABSTRACT In 1817, Great Britain and the United States concluded the Rush–Bagot Agreement to prevent a naval arms race on the Great Lakes. Despite frequent transgressions to the agreement, by the 1920s, the agreement was heralded internationally as a model to emulate. The predominant scholarly focus on the agreement in the nineteenth century fails to explain why a broken agreement in one century was praiseworthy in the next. This article argues that the twentieth-century narrative of the agreement is of critical important to explaining the agreement’s impact on Canada–US relations. Through the lens of three stages of Canadian political leadership, this article demonstrates that the Rush-Bagot Agreement shifted from a rigid compact to a symbolic agreement that not only reflected but aided the transition toward one of the most unique security relationships. The article concludes that this extant agreement reinforces the prevalent notion of the “undefended border” in Canada–US relations.

Bringing the transgovernmental in: the public service in the Canada-United States relationship

This article examines an often-overlooked dimension of Canada-United States relations : relations between Canadian and American public servants. Meetings between political leaders of Canada and the US may make front-page headlines, but it is the myriad of networks and interconnections between Canadian and American public servants that constitute the lion’s share of bilateral activity. Notwithstanding the multitude of daily cross-border, inter-departmental, and inter-agency interactions, there has been relatively little systematic theoretical or empirical attention to the public sector dimension of Canada-US relations. Public administration scholars tend to train their sights on the domestic level and pay little or no attention to the public management dimension of international affairs. A recently edited volume studying contemporary Canadian public administration does not examine these relations. International relations scholars, for their part, tend to oversimplify domestic politics and policy institutions. This text contributes to bridging this gap in the literature. It builds on the concept of transgovernmentalism, relations between legislative, executive, regulatory, and judicial players with their international counterparts. It examines the mechanisms and processes by which public sector players interact across borders (e.g., informal relations, formal agreements, joint organizations, etc.). The article explores the relationship between the degree of bilateral policy coordination in a policy field or issue area and the mechanisms of transgovernmental activity characterizing cross-border relations in that policy domain.

Teaching Canada–US relations: Three great debates

The study of Canada–United States relations has a long, rich history as an interdisciplinary project, closely engaged with contemporary policy debates, and well integrated in the teaching curricula at Canadian universities. As the two societies become ever more tightly enmeshed—economically, demographically, culturally, and even politically—and the two states’ diplomatic relationship becomes ever more complex, the study of that relationship can and should become more reflective, purposive, and coherent. Having reviewed recent historiographical developments, in which the field’s three core debates have been taken in important new directions, we are hopeful about the prospects for renewal and reinvention. The challenge for students of Canada–US relations today, we maintain, is therefore to continue to unearth insights from the original great debates but also to challenge and revise the broader debates themselves to develop a more robust understanding of the relationship past, present, and future.