Campaign Slogans Research Articles

Examining the rhetorical landscape of political campaign slogans in the Philippines: a rhetorical-semantic analysis

Examining the rhetorical landscape of political campaign slogans in the Philippines: a rhetorical-semantic analysis

Learning from YouTube? The role of exposure to partisan YouTube channels and news literacy in political learning during the South Korean general election campaign

ABSTRACT This study examined whether exposure to partisan YouTube channels, a soft-format journalistic content for partisans, can promote learning effects and how news literacy moderates these effects. Using online panel survey data (N = 808), findings revealed that spending more time viewing partisan YouTube channels led to lower knowledge of hard news (i.e. factual information about the electoral system and campaign slogans) but higher knowledge of soft news (i.e. human-interest-based information). However, individuals with higher news literacy showed an increase in hard news knowledge but a decrease in soft news knowledge as their time spent viewing partisan YouTube channels increased.

Our gloomy future and glorious past: societal discontent, national nostalgia and support for populist radical-right parties in the Netherlands

Political campaign slogans, such as “Make America Great Again” or “The Netherlands Ours Again,” indicate that right-wing populists in Western countries use nostalgia to depict the national past as glorious. At the same time, populist radical-right parties (PRRP) portray this glorious past as being in stark contrast with the gloomy present of their country, which is portrayed as being in a state of decline. This suggests that PRRP in Western societies draw on both societal discontent (i.e., the belief that society is in decline and poorly functioning) and national nostalgia (i.e., a longing for the good old days of the country) to mobilize their voters. Although there is a burgeoning literature on reasons for PRRP electoral support, fewer studies have focused on its emotional or affective underpinnings. While scholars have proposed that both societal discontent and national nostalgia are an integral piece of a new master-frame employed by PRRP in Western countries to increase their electoral appeal, these elements have hardly been empirically studied in reference to voters. Relying on an integration of research in political science and social psychology, we hypothesized that both societal discontent and national nostalgia go together with a greater sympathy, and likelihood of voting, for PRRP. In addition, we predicted that national nostalgia is an explanatory mechanism that links societal discontent to more support for PRRP. These hypotheses were tested in the context of the Netherlands, among a representative sample of native Dutch voters, using the Dutch Parliamentary Elections Study of 2021. Results demonstrated that while both societal discontent and national nostalgia were relevant predictors of PRRP support, there was no strong evidence for national nostalgia as an explanatory mechanism of the link between societal discontent and PRRP support.

The Religio-Philosophical Analysis of Political Parties' Campaign Slogans in Osun State, Nigeria (2018 And 2022)

This study delves into the religio-philosophical dimensions of political slogans, specifically “IleriOluwa” (“God’s Promise”) and “Imole De” (“Lightness has Come”), within the context of Osun State’s diverse religious landscape. The research explores how these slogans resonate with different religious communities, revealing varying religious symbolism and connotations. It investigates how the slogans are perceived within the Christian, Muslim, and indigenous religious frameworks, shedding light on their spiritual and philosophical implications. By delving into these complex dynamics, this study contributes to a nuanced understanding of the interplay between religion, politics, and culture in a multicultural Nigerian state.

«MIGRATION CRISIS» THROUGH THE LENS OF UK INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL AGENDA

The article addresses the features of the «migration crisis» in Britain, the signs of which began manifesting itself almost as soon the country had left the EU in 2020. It is exactly the reduction of net migration that could, as the Brexiters hoped, score some points, in the eyes of the public and politically, that the withdrawal from the EU brought about positive changes due to the cessation of participation in the European Single market. In fact, one of the keynote campaign slogans – «take back control» – was never implemented, having morphed into the task of «stop the boats». The unprecedented increase in the number of illegal migrants was provoked both by imperfect asylum policies, unprepared for new challenges, and by legal gaps in the cooperation with the EU in terms of readmission and combating human trafficking. The author examines the government’s response to the «migration crisis» in two aspects. Firstly, the article looks into the changes the governments led by Johnson and Sunak, respectively, proposed to the migration legislation. An increasingly harder line on the asylum rules has become a trigger for public debate and internal party struggle, but also for legal proceedings. Secondly, the migration issue has become an important item on the international agenda of London. The government’s attempts to find reliable and legally defensible mechanisms for the removal of irregular migrants, including agreements with Rwanda to resettle asylum seekers, come into conflict with new political and legal arrangements with the EU and international humanitarian law, and adversely affect Britain’s image as a responsible international actor. It is concluded that the fight against illegal migration has become a top priority of socio-political discussions and the most important task for the Conservative Party ahead of the 2024 general elections.

Testing campaign slogans designed to motivate older people to be more physically active.

Online experiment Methods: A total of 1200 Australians aged 50 years and older (50% female, mean age 65 years) were recruited to complete an online survey, with respondents randomised to answer a series of questions on a video featuring one of the five slogan conditions. One-way ANOVAs with Tukey's post-hoc tests were used to identify differences in outcomes between slogans. Overall, the slogans were assessed favourably, suggesting older adults may be receptive to messages about increasing their physical activity. 'Use it or lose it 'performed best across the outcome measures of internal and external motivation, perceived effectiveness, liking, believability, and personal relevance. Efforts to encourage physical activity among older Australians could use the slogan 'Use it or lose it' as an evidence-based tagline.

Testing campaign slogans designed to motivate older people to be more physically active

Testing campaign slogans designed to motivate older people to be more physically active

A Content Analysis of Persuasive Appeals Used in Media Campaigns to Encourage and Discourage Sugary Beverages and Water in the United States.

The frequent consumption of sugary beverages is associated with many health risks. This study examined how persuasive appeals and graphics were used in different media campaigns to encourage and discourage sugary beverages and water in the United States (U.S.) The investigators developed a codebook, protocol and systematic process to conduct a qualitative content analysis for 280 media campaigns organized into a typology with six categories. SPSS version 28.0 was used to analyze rational and emotional appeals (i.e., positive, negative, coactive) for campaign slogans, taglines and graphic images (i.e., symbols, colors, audiences) for 60 unique campaigns across the typology. Results showed that positive emotional appeals were used more to promote sugary beverages in corporate advertising and marketing (64.7%) and social responsibility campaigns (68.8%), and less to encourage water in social marketing campaigns (30%). In contrast, public awareness campaigns used negative emotional appeals (48.1%), and advocacy campaigns combined rational (30%) and emotional positive (50%) and negative appeals (30%). Public policy campaigns used rational (82.6%) and positive emotional appeals (73.9%) to motivate support or opposition for sugary beverage tax legislation. Chi-square analyses assessed the relationships between the U.S. media campaign typology categories and graphic elements that revealed three variables with significant associations between the campaign typology and race/ethnicity (χ2(103) = 32.445, p = 0.039), content (χ2(103) = 70.760, p < 0.001) and product image (χ2(103) = 11.930, p = 0.036). Future research should examine how positive persuasive appeals in text and graphics can promote water to reduce sugary beverage health risks.

COVID-19 Prevention Behaviours and Vaccine Acceptability, and Their Association with a Behaviour Change Campaign in Somalia: Analysis of a Longitudinal Cohort.

Somalia experienced its first wave of COVID-19 infections in March 2020 and has experienced fluctuating infection levels since. Longitudinal data on suspected cases of COVID-19, attitudes, and behaviours were collected by telephone interviews of cash-transfer programme beneficiaries from June 2020-April 2021. A multi-media Social and Behaviour Change Communication (SBCC) campaign was designed and implemented from February 2021 to May 2021. Between the end of the first wave and the onset of the second the perceived threat from COVID-19 increased, with the proportion of respondents viewing it as a major threat increasing from 46% to 70% (p = 0.021). Use of face coverings increased by 24% (p < 0.001) and hand shaking and hugging for social greeting decreased, with 17% and 23% more people abstaining from these practices (p = 0.001). A combined preventative behaviour score (PB-Score) increased by 1.3 points (p < 0.0001) with a higher score in female respondents (p < 0.0001). During wave 2, vaccine acceptance was reported by 69.9% (95% CI 64.9, 74.5), overall. Acceptance decreased with increasing age (p = 0.009) and was higher in males (75.5%) than females (67.0%) (p = 0.015). Awareness of the SBCC campaign was widespread with each of the 3 key campaign slogans having been heard by at least 67% of respondents. Awareness of 2 specific campaign slogans was independently associated with an increased use of face coverings (aOR 2.31; p < 0.0001) and vaccine acceptance (aOR 2.36; p < 0.0001). Respondents reported receiving information on the pandemic from a wide range of sources with mobile phones and radio the most common. Trust in different sources ranged widely.

What is Global Saemaul Undong Doing in Africa?: Critical Examining Its Myth and the Reality in Rwanda

Purpose: This research aims to examine South Korea's enthusiasm in applying Saemaul Undong within their aid modalities, how the delivery has taken place, and its key goals.&#x0D; Originality: There are few studies about Global Saemaul Undong as a development cooperation modality. Thus, the paper investigates the perception of Saemaul Undong by not only the high-figures in Korea, but also the implementing field-workers in Rwanda.&#x0D; Methodology: A case study based on observations and interviews was conducted to investigate the government’s motivation to implement Saemaul Undong as a main model for international development. Given that the Saemaul Undong project was launched in 2016, both methods were essential for analyzing its implementation. The article contains some interviews with those who do not wish to reveal their identities, and thus are cited as anonymous informants.&#x0D; Result: The results indicated that those involved in the field implementing the Saemaul Undong project did not adhere to its principles as outlined by Korean officials, beyond the core campaign slogans. In operational terms, its approach of awareness-raising was a component used by programs in local communities to generate profits, in effect, via a pro-capitalism stance. Such interventions naturally stirred up quarrels among local participants and in the end, no parties wholly took responsibility, shifting blame onto each other instead.&#x0D; Conclusions and Implication: This result implies for policy-makers that development cooperation is essentially an intervention, therefore implementation of South Korea’s success story needs to be more considered.

The appeals in women contestants’ campaign slogans during the 2017 general elections in Kenya

Women have made notable political gains globally, evidenced by the number of elected women. In Kenya, though the current number of elected women in parliament, senate and governor position is the highest it has ever been, women contestants still face a number of challenges during their political campaigns. To strategically position themselves during campaigns, women have to use slogans that appeal to the Kenyan electorate in the different parts of the country. This qualitative study, anchored on the theory of gender issue ownership, focusses on the campaign slogans that women running for parliament, senate and governor positions used during the 2017 general elections in the country. Data was collected from online sources-contestants’ Facebook pages and groups, websites etc. and thematically analysed. Findings showed that the slogans appealed to motherhood qualities, a sense of community, credible leadership, and to musicality. The study helps to further understand women's political campaigns in Kenya and other related contexts.

Impact evaluation of the “ABCs of Mental Health” in Denmark and the role of mental health-promoting beliefs and actions

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the overall campaign reach and impact of the ABCs of Mental Health in Denmark; a secondary objective is to investigate how mental health-promoting beliefs and actions are associated with good mental health.Design/methodology/approachA questionnaire was administered to two representative cross-sectional samples of the Danish population (1,508 respondents in 2019; 1,507 respondents in 2021) via an online survey. The data were subsequently pooled together into one sample consisting of 3,015 respondents. In addition to questions pertaining to campaign reach and impact, the questionnaire also included a validated scale for mental well-being and questions about beliefs and actions in regard to enhancing mental health.FindingsAbout 7.6% had been reached by the campaign (familiar with ABC name or messages), or 11.9% when also counting familiarity with campaign slogans. Among these, respondents reported (proportions in parentheses) that the campaign had 1) made them reflect on their mental health (74.2%), talk to friends and family about mental health (35.5%), given them new knowledge about what they can do to enhance mental health (78.4%), or take action to enhance their own mental health (16.2%). An internal well-being locus of control and proactive behaviours towards enhancing mental health are shown to be associated with higher mean scores on mental well-being, lower odds of low mental well-being and higher odds of higher mental well-being.Originality/valueAn internal well-being locus of control and proactive behaviours towards enhancing mental health are suggested to both prevent low levels of mental well-being and promoting high levels of mental well-being. The results indicate that the ABCs of Mental Health campaign may be implemented to promote such beliefs and actions universally throughout the population.

North Korean Posters as a Mean of Propaganda

Propaganda is an attempt to spread social and political values to influence peoples thinking, as well as to control and shape their behavior. It is an inseparable tool of the North Korean state. In a totalitarian state where digital information is restricted, the standards of living are low, and access to education is limited, propaganda is a part of almost all everyday routines. Its key function is to support the existing regime and teach citizens to obey it. Drawing on semiotic methodologies, this article examines North Korean propaganda through the prism of visual art and identifies distinctive features of posters as one of the major elements of the complex system of North Korean propaganda. The relevance of this work lies in the permanent interest in the phenomenon of North Korean propaganda in the international arena. The purpose of this work is to study the distinctive features and characteristics of propaganda posters as an integral part of North Korean propaganda. The objectives of this work are a detailed consideration of the propaganda system, its distinctive features, structuring of campaign posters, slogans, and messages with their accompanying translation, embedded within this type of propaganda.

Word Food Day on Twitter 2009-2020: Driven by UNFAO and Aligned Campaigns

The United Nations (UN) Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) exists to lead international strategies ensure food security and improve nutrition globally. As part of its mission, it provides food-related information and resources and promotes agreed strategies internationally. World Food Day commemorates FAO’s creation and is used by FAO to promote one or two key messages internationally, including through Twitter. This study investigates its online campaigns from all tweets sent with the hashtag #WorldFoodDay between 2006 and 2020. The number of distinct tweets annually increased irregularly, with 2015 having disproportionately many. For more detail, the word most distinctive of each year was detected statistically and investigated. These words were mostly not associated with FAO World Food Day campaign slogans but were instead from campaigns run by commercial, government or religious organisations to broadly align with FAO goals on World Food Day.

Taking the National(ism) out of the National Health Service: re-locating agency to amongst ourselves

ABSTRACT Campaigns against the privatisation of healthcare in the UK have often focused on saving, or preserving, the post-war National Health Service (NHS) of the 1950s. They talk of it as a ‘national treasure’, which has long given the UK some moral high ground over countries such as the United States. I argue that seductively simplified campaign slogans can also be blunt – they can carry with them more opaque messages such as those that encourage the maintenance of a patriarchal healthcare system. As a result, campaigns to save the NHS of the 1950s also preserve the nationalism, as well as the class and gendered staffing hierarchies, which (as I illustrate) come to reproduce inequalities in the care that is delivered. Through a multi-cited ethnography focused on the delivery of hip replacements in the NHS, I argue that a more complex form of political activism is needed to bring about the equality in healthcare that the NHS promises. In this paper, I flatten assumed hierarchies of power, to highlight some ethnographic examples of how everyday actions can come to reshape antiquated power structures. I conclude by suggesting we look to how power is pieced together across networks – and how we can re-locate collective agency to within and amongst ourselves to bring about a more equal, and less nationalistic, healthcare service.

Reflections on Teaching Abroad

Following the 2016 U.S. presidential election, fliers appeared on our university’s campus that uncannily resembled Nazi propaganda posters of the early 1940s. Custodians cleaning the campus facilities found the majority of the fliers and removed them before the general student population saw them. Still, a handful were photographed by students and quickly made their rounds via social media inciting a heated debate about free speech versus hate speech, racism, and white supremacy. Shortly thereafter, several student groups organized a Not My President rally near a campus work of art by the Mexican-American sculptor Luis Jiménez entitled “Border Crossing.” Protesters chanted affirmations for minoritized students on campus, such as “you are welcome here,” and “not my president,” in an attempt to disassociate from mainstream political rhetoric and the newly elected President Trump’s campaign slogans that centered on deportation and building a border wall.

Powerful posters

Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties’ political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties’ choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes.

'This country is OURS': The exclusionary potential of collective psychological ownership.

Political campaign slogans, such as ‘Take back control of our country’ (United Kingdom Independence Party) and ‘The Netherlands ours again’ (Dutch Party for Freedom), indicate that right‐wing populism appeals to the belief that the country is ‘ours’, and therefore, ‘we’ have the exclusive right to determine what happens. We examined this sense of ownership of the country (i.e. collective psychological ownership [CPO]) with the related determination right in relation to exclusionary attitudes and voting behaviour. Among Dutch (Study 1, N = 572) and British (Study 2, N = 495) participants, we found that CPO explained anti‐immigrant and anti‐EU attitudes, and these attitudes in turn accounted for voting ‘leave’ in the 2016 Brexit referendum in the British sample (Study 2). Additionally, CPO was more strongly related to negative immigrant attitudes among right‐wing Dutch participants, whereas it was more strongly related to negative EU attitudes and voting ‘leave’ among left‐wing British participants. CPO contributes to the understanding of critical contemporary social attitudes and political behaviour.

Thinking out of the box

Abstract Metaphor production is a creative process of thinking out of the box, which can be of great communicative value to language users. In this study, we explored how metaphor production can be stimulated by different types of cues in an internet environment. Participants (N = 318) were invited to co-create a metaphorical campaign slogan in a social media setting with randomly selected sets of real campaign slogans. We measured how linguistic (metaphor markers) and social media cues (likes) prompt direct metaphor. Results show that the metaphor marker ‘so’ stimulated metaphor production. Likes for previously posted metaphorical slogans did not affect the creation of a metaphor. We found a correlation between the actual and self-perceived creativity of the co-created slogans. Besides, the co-created metaphors both echoed and deviated from previously posted campaign slogans, leading to different degrees of creativity. Co-creation in a social media setting seems a fruitful environment for metaphor production.

The State, Farmers/Herders’ Clashes and Voter Mobilization in the 2019 General Elections in Nigeria: Interrogating Electioneering Campaign Rhetoric in Benue State

The internecine farmers/herders’ clashes that became pervasive in Nigeria in recent times took the centre stage in electioneering campaign in the 2019 general elections in the country. The opposition parties used the bloody clashes that aggravated inter-ethnic disharmony, undermined the country’s security and unleashed socio-economic losses as a main campaign issue. Hence, campaign slogans, jingles and songs that harped on the farmers/herders’ clashes were used during electioneering campaigns to mobilize votes. This study, therefore, examines the campaign slogans, songs and messages by the main opposition party, the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) candidates and its supporters at political rallies in the 2019 elections in Benue State that dwell on the armed herdsmen attacks to dissuade voters from voting the ruling party, the All Progressive Congress (APC) headed by Muhammadu Buhari a Fulani. The study adopts Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony as its theoretical frame of analysis. The study which made use of content analysis and is analytically revealed that political language has become an instrument of hegemonic control meant to divert peoples’ attention from socio-economic realities. In as much as party songs, slogans and jingles tend to convey symbolic aspects of genuine concern for the people’s plight, they fail to offer alternative solutions to prevailing socio-economic realities in Benue State. Amongst other recommendations, it suggests that political debates should be institutionalized in the country’s electoral process.