Cambridge World Research Articles

Garrett G. Fagan / Linda Fibiger / Mark Hudson et al. (Eds.), The Cambridge World History of Violence. Vol. 1: The Prehistoric and Ancient Worlds. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press 2020

Article Garrett G. Fagan / Linda Fibiger / Mark Hudson et al. (Eds.), The Cambridge World History of Violence. Vol. 1: The Prehistoric and Ancient Worlds. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press 2020 was published on February 1, 2022 in the journal Historische Zeitschrift (volume 314, issue 1).

The Archaeology of the Bronze Age Levant: From Urban Origins to the Demise of City-States, 3700–1000 BCE

The Archaeology of the Bronze Age Levant: From Urban Origins to the Demise of City-States, 3700–1000 BCE

Considine, John (ed.), The Cambridge World History of Lexicography, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2019, 961 S.

Article Considine, John (ed.), The Cambridge World History of Lexicography, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2019, 961 S. was published on November 1, 2021 in the journal Lexicographica (volume 37, issue 1).

Robert Antony / Stuart Carroll / Caroline Dodds Pennock (Eds.), The Cambridge World History of Violence. Vol. 3: AD 1500–1800 CE. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press 2020

Article Robert Antony / Stuart Carroll / Caroline Dodds Pennock (Eds.), The Cambridge World History of Violence. Vol. 3: AD 1500–1800 CE. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press 2020 was published on October 1, 2021 in the journal Historische Zeitschrift (volume 313, issue 2).

Louise Edwards / Nigel Penn / Jay Winter (Eds.), The Cambridge World History of Violence. Vol. 4: 1800 to the Present. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press 2020

Article Louise Edwards / Nigel Penn / Jay Winter (Eds.), The Cambridge World History of Violence. Vol. 4: 1800 to the Present. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press 2020 was published on August 1, 2021 in the journal Historische Zeitschrift (volume 313, issue 1).

Sagona A. 2018. The Archaeology of the Caucasus. From earliest settlements to the Iron Age. New York: Cambridge University Press (Cambridge World Archaeology). 541 p.

Sagona A. 2018. The Archaeology of the Caucasus. From earliest settlements to the Iron Age. New York: Cambridge University Press (Cambridge World Archaeology). 541 p.

The Prospects of Global History: Personal Reflections of an Old Believer

Global history seems to be the history for our times. Huge syntheses such as the seven-volume Cambridge World History or the six-volume A History of the World suggest the field has come to fruition. Robert Moore, in his contribution to the book under review, The Prospect of Global History, is quite confident in this respect: if there is a single reason for “the rise of world history”, it is “the collapse of every alternative paradigm” (pp. 84–85). As early as 2012, the journal Itinerario published an interview with David Armitage with the title “Are We All Global Historians Now?” That may have been provocative but Armitage obliged by claiming “the hegemony of national historiography is over”.

The Cambridge World History. Volume VII. Production, Destruction, and Connection, 1750–Present. Part 1: Structures, Spaces, and Boundary Making ed. by J. R. Mcneill and Kenneth Pomeranz, and: The Cambridge World History. Volume VII. Production, Destruction, and Connection, 1750–Present. Part 2: Shared Transformations? ed. by J. R. Mcneill and Kenneth Pomeranz

The Cambridge World History. Volume VII. Production, Destruction, and Connection, 1750–Present. Part 1: Structures, Spaces, and Boundary Making ed. by J. R. Mcneill and Kenneth Pomeranz, and: The Cambridge World History. Volume VII. Production, Destruction, and Connection, 1750–Present. Part 2: Shared Transformations? ed. by J. R. Mcneill and Kenneth Pomeranz

The Cambridge World History. Volume VII. Production, Destruction, and Connection, 1750–Present. Part 1: Structures, Spaces, and Boundary Making ed. by J. R. McNeill and Kenneth Pomeranz, and: The Cambridge World History. Volume VII. Production, Destruction, and Connection, 1750–Present. Part 2: Shared Transformations? ed. by J. R. McNiell and Kenneth Pomeranz

and Contextualism. Also, it demonstrates that France’s colonial archive about Morocco was influenced by French colonial knowledge on other parts of the Islamic world, from West Africa to South Asia, as well as by ideas created in other European empires. The only shortcoming of the book worth mentioning is that it does not take more account of the role of Moroccans and their texts in the production of colonial knowledge. It is based on European-language sources (and literature) and, consequently, tells the story from above, from the perspective of French administrators and academics. No doubt, it would have been worth looking more closely into the role of Moroccan local informers and cultural brokers – based on Arabic sources – and their impact on France’s colonial archive. Still, The Ethnographic State is an important, beautifully crafted, erudite work of scholarship. It shows the deep knowledge of a scholar who has dedicated his academic life to the history of the subject. Much has been written on the mechanics of colonial knowledge production and the employment of this knowledge to enhance social discipline and political control in the imperial world, but seldom has a scholar assessed these connections with such rigor. In short, the book makes an important contribution not only to Moroccan and French colonial history but also, and perhaps even more importantly, to our more general understanding of the intersections between empire, power, and knowledge in the imperial age. DAVID MOTADEL London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) The Cambridge World History. Volume VII. Production, Destruction, and Connection, 1750–Present. Part 1: Structures, Spaces, and Boundary Making. Edited by J. R. MCNEILL and KENNETH POMERANZ. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. 656 pp. $170.00 (hardcover); $39.99 (paper, 2018). The Cambridge World History. Volume VII. Production, Destruction, and Connection, 1750–Present. Part 2: Shared Transformations? Edited by J. R. MCNEILL and KENNETH POMERANZ. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. 549 pp. $170.00 (hardcover); $39.99 (paper, 2018). In 1986, Alfred W. Crosby, who recently passed away, published his ground-breaking study Ecological Imperialism. The Biological Expansion of 318 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, JUNE 2019 Europe, 900–1900. One of his most remarkable statements was that, at least relative to what had gone before, between the domestication of the horse around 5000 years ago and the voyages of Columbus, ‘little of importance happened’.1 In the words of Crosby: ‘Indeed, very little happened that was truly new – just more of the same thing [ . . . ] There are some new developments [ . . . ] but they are of minor significance compared to what had gone before [ . . . ] The dominant theme in the Old World is emulation, not innovation’.2 In fact, there are quite some historians who state that it would take even longer before new and society transforming events took place, i.e. the advent of the Industrial Revolution. Indeed, as the renowned historian Matthew Smith Anderson claims, ‘during the eighteenth century the continent was still, in its everyday life, closer to the twelfth century than to the twentieth’.3 That would all change in the course of the nineteenth century, which saw, it could be claimed, the most dramatic changes ever recorded in human history. Around 1800 there was no electricity, railways, automobiles, aircraft, telegraph and telephone and numerous other inventions so normal to the present-day society. By 1900, this had all changed completely, at least in Europe and the United States of America. Living standards had improved, be it at a very slow pace, and a number of endemic diseased belonged to the past thanks in part to an elaborate vaccination program (Jenner, Pasteur, Koch), but probably above all because of a better hygiene.4 At the same time, there were still serious threats to public health. For example, as stated by both Robert J. Gordon and Richard J. Evans, cities were still places full of horses: ‘It was estimated that 20,000 tons of horse droppings had to be cleared away from London’s streets every year in the 1850s; thirty years later, 100,000 tons of dung were being removed from the streets of Berlin each year’.5 However, as the nineteenth century progressed, the government took city planning, improved hygiene...

The Cambridge World History, Volume VI: The Construction of a Global World, 1400–1800 C.E., Part 1 Foundations ed. by Jerry Bentley, Sanjay Subrahmanyam, and Merry E. Wiesner-Hanks, and: The Ascent of Globalization by Harry Blutstein, and: What Is Global History? by Sebastian Conrad, and: Dynasties: A Global History of Power, 1300–1800 by Jeroen Duindam, and: Global Conceptual History: A Reader

The Cambridge World History, Volume VI: The Construction of a Global World, 1400–1800 C.E., Part 1 Foundations ed. by Jerry Bentley, Sanjay Subrahmanyam, and Merry E. Wiesner-Hanks, and: The Ascent of Globalization by Harry Blutstein, and: What Is Global History? by Sebastian Conrad, and: Dynasties: A Global History of Power, 1300–1800 by Jeroen Duindam, and: Global Conceptual History: A Reader

On Reading the Material Culture of Ancient Sexual Labor

On Reading the Material Culture of Ancient Sexual Labor J. A. Baird (bio) Can a single object change how we think about ancient sexual labor? Using the evidence of an artefact excavated near Pompeii, in this article I argue that our material evidence for sexual labor has not been properly appreciated, and that by more fully considering the range of human relationships associated with and enabled by objects, the possibilities for a more nuanced understanding of the entanglements of people, objects, sex, and labor become apparent. Approaches to the archeology of slavery in the Roman world have advanced greatly in recent years. Far from invisibility, comparative approaches have been harnessed to find the presence of slaves beyond the visual evidence and material culture of restraint (such as chains, shackles, or bullae) to interpret more ephemeral archeological traces including graffiti and leather footwear.1 Despite such advances, a glance at recent works on material culture and slavery in the Roman world reveals that there is still a heavy reliance on textual and visual depictions rather than on material culture.2 However, considering the material production of labor in the Roman world is one way we can access slavery archeologically: from the storage of surplus indicative of a slave-owning household, to places where slaves worked and were held, to landscapes transformed by the labor of the unfree.3 But what can material culture contribute to our knowledge of sexual labor and to the debates surrounding slaves and sex? One way is the study of brothels, as Thomas McGinn has expertly demonstrated.4 Sexual labor within a domestic setting has not commonly been included in the economy of Roman prostitution.5 Nor have historians of ancient labor or archeologists usually considered sexual work (free or unfree) amongst household labors.6 Within the household, a slave had no choice but to participate in any sexual act the free members of the household desired of them. Any slave could be a sex slave.7 Within this asymmetrical power arrangement of masters and slaves engaging in sex, there must have been a range of relationships—from those slaves who lived under constant threat to those who consciously leveraged their own desirability [End Page 163] to try and improve their lot; indeed, these situations might coincide within a single person and complicate issues surrounding what we could consider to be consent. In this short contribution, I hope to show that material culture can be a powerful tool with which to reflect on how we think about sexual labor in the Roman world (and how we, as scholars, often do not). One way in which this is possible is by acknowledging the ambiguities in our evidence, and the multiple narratives that may be drawn from them. Acknowledging ambiguities encourages more reflexive and reflective interpretations, enabling the challenging of, rather than replication of, power structures both within our discipline and in the Roman world.8 Archeological evidence is by its nature material, fragmentary, and complex; this needs to be acknowledged in our treatments of it. Further, we need to consider the possibilities of different agents and their interactions with material culture, rather than privileging a particular viewpoint—usually, the one that most closely mirrors our own. To focus the discussion, I will concentrate on one particular object that has been prominent within scholarly narratives on slavery: an inscribed gold bracelet from Pompeii.9 This object has been variously interpreted as a love-gift to a slave and as evidence for prostitution. The interpretation of the bracelet as a “love-gift” was initially that of Felice Costabile.10 It appears in the 2013 catalogue for the Pompeii and Herculaneum exhibit in the British Museum, with the following comment: “We can only guess at the relationship between the [giver and receiver], but the nature of the armlet suggests she was highly esteemed.”11 Jonathan Edmondson, in his chapter on slavery and the Roman family in the Cambridge World History of Slavery, uses this item of textually inscribed material culture from Pompeii to illustrate what he sees as one aspect of household slavery: On occasion, ongoing emotional bonds developed between a master and his slave. A fine gold bracelet discovered just...

The Cambridge world prehistory: v.1: Africa, South and Southeast Asia and the Pacific; v.2: East Asia and the Americas; v.3: West and Central Asia and Europe

The Cambridge world prehistory: v.1: Africa, South and Southeast Asia and the Pacific; v.2: East Asia and the Americas; v.3: West and Central Asia and Europe

Seaweeds and their speciality compounds in health and nutrition

s / Journal of Nutrition & Intermediary Metabolism 1 (2014) 1e55 7 pseudocereals. The available evidence is largely inferential and based on laboratory studies. Favourable physiological responses have been demonstrated in animals, but randomised controlled trials in humans are few, small in scale and the findings inconsistent. In contrast, elite cereal varieties with enhanced nutritional attributes, such as high-fibre barleys that deliver scientifically substantiated health benefits, are now either on the market or in the development pipeline. Importantly, these nutritional traits are expressed in high yielding modern cultivars. The resultant products show great promise in meeting growing consumer demand for healthier, affordable grain-based foods. As wholegrains, pseudocereals are nutrient-dense foods that provide more options for consumers seeking to improve the nutritional quality and variety of their diets, especially individuals on a gluten-free diet. However, further research is required to elucidate and substantiate the health benefits of pseudocereals. Funding source(s): N/A. SEAWEEDS AND THEIR SPECIALITY COMPOUNDS IN HEALTH AND NUTRITION J.H. Fitton . Marinova Pty Ltd, Hobart, Tasmania, Australia E-mail: helen.fitton@marinova.com.au Seaweeds, or marine macroalgae have long been a part of the human diet (1). Coastal harvesting and transport of macroalgae inland for food use still occurs today in South America. In this way, inland populations avoid iodine deficiency and enjoy sea vegetables in their diet. Marine macroalgae have also been used as medicines by ancient civilizations such as those at Monte Verde in Chile, a site that dates back an astonishing 12,000 years (2). Marine macroalgae are a rich source of colloids that are used in foods and pharmaceuticals. The main commercial ‘phycocolloids’ are agar, alginate and carrageenan, familiar as thickening agents in foods. Aside from these colloids, there is a remarkable array of bioactives in current use or devel- opment. These include carbohydrate compounds such as b-glucan and fucoidan, in addition to pigments like fucoxanthin and polyphenols (3). Marinova is an Australian manufacturer of fucoidan. Fucoidan is a non- gelling sulfated fucose rich polysaccharide found only in brown macro- algae. It is non-toxic, yet displays marked bioactivity as an anti-viral, anti- bacterial, anti-inflammatory and immunomodulatory compound. Several new studies point to potential as an adjunct to cancer therapies (4). Historically, fucoidanwas used as a selectin blocking agent. Selectins are cell surface receptors on white blood cells that perform a ‘braking function’ for the cells, allowing them to roll on an organs endothelial surface and ulti- mately enter that tissue space. Fucoidan inhibits ‘P’ and ‘L’ selectins and thus leukocyte adhesion and rolling thereby reducing inflammation in tissues. A new animal health product demonstrates this direct anti-inflammatory activity. Thoroughbred horses are at risk of gastric ulceration during periods away from a natural grazing environment and oral fucoidan has a calmative effect and reduces the need for pharmaceutical intervention. The anti-viral activity of fucoidan is caused by receptor blocking activity, rather than a virucidal action. Fucoid an prevents the entry of viruses to cells, thereby preventing viral replication. Fucoidan from Undaria pinna- tifida (commonly known as wakame), is a highly effective inhibitor of clinical strains of herpes viruses, including those resistant to acyclovir (4). A similar level of inhibitory activity is seen in strains of influenza viruses demonstrating fucoidan has excellent potential as an anti-viral agent. Fucoidan also inhibits the adhesion of the stomach ulcer causative agent Helicobacter pylori. In recent studies, fucoidan compounds were demon- strated to significantly reduce adhesion to gastric cells in vitro. There is a need for novel approaches to treating Helicobacter pylori infection as resistance to current antibiotics increases. Fucoidan compounds offer a new strategy as adjunct therapies. Fucoidan stimulates both innate and specific immunity and can be ther- apeutically useful. Immunomodulation by fucoidan has been reported by a number of research groups. For example, in a double blind placebo controlled trial, fucoidan increased the immune response to seasonal vaccination in an elderly population (5). Lastly, a co-extracted fucoidan containing a large concentration of poly- phenol has been developed by Marinova. This has a remarkable level of antioxidant activity directed against the superoxide anion the main precursor of free radicals. This free radical neutralising activity together with the anti-inflammatory nature of fucoidan makes the extract thera- peutically appealing. In a clinical trial with topical application of this extract, there were significant inhibitory effects of UV damage, in addition to significant reductions in age related pigmentation. To conclude, whole seaweeds, and specialty compounds derived from seaweeds have great value in foods, supplements, pharmaceuticals and animal health applications. Future research into these compounds holds great promise for novel products. Funding source(s): Marinova Pty Ltd.

Cambridge, The Cambridge World History of Slavery. Vol. 1: The Ancient Mediterranean World. Ed. by Keith Bradley and Paul Cartledge. Cambridge/New York/Melbourne, Cambridge University Press 2011

Article Cambridge, The Cambridge World History of Slavery. Vol. 1: The Ancient Mediterranean World. Ed. by Keith Bradley and Paul Cartledge. Cambridge/New York/Melbourne, Cambridge University Press 2011 was published on February 27, 2014 in the journal Historische Zeitschrift (volume 298, issue 1).

Fifty years of medical ethics: from the London Medical Group to the Institute of Medical Ethics

The history of the Institute of Medical Ethics (IME) has been well recorded. Accounts of its origins in the London Medical Group (LMG) were published in an academic paper of...

A Moveable Feast: Ten Millennia of Food Globalization

This book is the offspring of the pair of elephants published in 2000 as the widely acclaimed Cambridge World History of Food. In the cause of full disclosure I should add that I was a contributor of a slim entry to that work while fresh out of graduate school in the early 1990s, when it was still being conceived of as the Cambridge World History of Human Nutrition, a name which in the end might have made more sense, if not profits. In certain respects this volume still bears the features of its original progenitor, and Kiple often seems like a nutritional determinist. That is, the rise and fall of civilisations has largely been the result of a society's ability to eke out a nutritionally adequate diet without stimulating overpopulation and outstripping its resources. This approach smacks of Malthus, but focuses more specifically on levels of protein and vitamins as key factors.

A Movable Feast: Ten Millennia of Food Globalization (review)

Reviewed by: A Movable Feast: Ten Millennia of Food Globalization Coll Thrush A Movable Feast: Ten Millennia of Food Globalization. By Kenneth F. Kiple. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. 384 pp. $27.00 (cloth). Is it possible to write a world history of food without simply reinforcing master narratives of “civilization”? Many recent works (e.g., Tom Standage’s popular The History of the World in Six Glasses [2005]) suggest that teleological just-so stories of progress and Western hegemony are difficult to avoid. Kenneth F. Kiple’s A Movable Feast: Ten Millennia of Food Globalization makes a valiant, if imperfect, attempt to escape such traps. The book arises in part from Kiple’s mammoth undertaking as editor of The Cambridge World History of Food, and unlike Standage, Kiple brings erudition and (literally) encyclopedic knowledge to his study. His central argument, while simple, is provocative. “Until now,” he argues, “we have looked at the Neolithic Revolution as if it were something that happened a long time ago. From another angle, however, it is still ongoing—a process of agricultural evolution” (p. 296). For Kiple, globalization begins with the invention of agriculture, predating by several millennia more familiar transformations such as the Columbian Exchange. This longue durée approach runs throughout A Movable Feast; Kiple even challenges the idea that “fast food” is new, gesturing toward venerable traditions of street food in places such as Edo and Damascus. Kiple’s study is replete with interesting anecdotes (although this is also one of A Movable Feast’s weaknesses: at times, it reads as little more than a list, albeit a fascinating one). He also makes a concerted effort to escape the Eurocentrism that mars so many global food histories. Asia and Africa play central roles in his story, and not just as [End Page 235] outliers: the Silk Road, for example, was a two-way street between the Yellow Sea and the Mediterranean, with winemaking traveling in one direction and noodles migrating in the other. However, in all too many cases his interpretive allegiances often seem to lie with the centers of “civilization.” The kumiss (fermented mare’s milk) of the Asian steppes was, in Kiple’s view, a “notorious Mongol libation,” and the fat-tailed sheep bred by Genghis Khan’s ancestors were “grotesque-looking” (p. 93). The Toltec empire collapsed because of “hoards [sic] of desperate Chicmec refugees” and “waves of wild desert folk” (p. 112), and the Aztec polity that followed is described as “an era of marching armies, war gods, and screaming captives sacrificed” to a “predatory empire” (p. 125). Even China falls prey to unnecessary bias; eggs buried with saltpeter and tea—a great delicacy—are characterized as “abominations in the eyes (and nostrils) of Westerners” (p. 23). Whether it is China or the Aztecs in the eyes of Europe, or the Mongols in the eyes of the Chinese and the Chicmecs in the eyes of the Toltecs, Kiple’s tendency is to write from the perspective of the more “civilized” society, reinforcing both hoary stereotypes and longstanding normative paradigms. These biases and interpretive slips are especially apparent in A Movable Feast’s treatment of aboriginal peoples and societies based on hunting and gathering. Kiple notes that hunter-gatherers fared better in terms of physical well-being and equitable resource distribution than many sedentary agriculturalists; indeed, it was the latter whose lives were nasty, brutish, and short. Arguing such a claim is “blatantly heretical in light of the Western teleological spin given to the history of human progress” (p. 3), Kiple then succumbs to that same spin—indeed, his central argument about “agricultural evolution” is built upon it. Comparing indigenous North Americans to societies elsewhere, Kiple notes that aboriginal people “maintained their health . . . by not completing the transition from hunting and gathering—and such incompletion characterized most North American Native societies” (p. 122). This notion of indigenous societies as “incomplete” is both incorrect (many aboriginal North American peoples practiced agriculture) and reminiscent of outdated hierarchies. At times, Kiple even seems to blame indigenous peoples for their own “incompleteness” or for the dietary misfortunes of others: aboriginal South Americans “passed up a good source of protein” by not...

The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa

The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa. By Timothy Insoll. Cambridge World Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. xv, 470; 125 illustrations. $95.00 cloth, $37.00 paper. Timothy Insoll's detailed overview of archaeology of Islam in sub-Saharan Africa can be read as both an encyclopedic summary of Iron Age archaeology as well as a challenge to begin thinking about archaeology of religion and religious practice. In many ways, this volume is a much-needed and more nuanced revision of works such as J. S. Trimingham's regional summaries and overviews of influence of Islam on sub-Saharan Africa.1 Additionally, it serves as a materialist companion to Nehemiah Levtzion and Randall Pouwels's recent History of Islam in Africa (2000). This ambitious volume focuses on material correlates of Islam and Islamic practice, delineates what an archaeology of Islam might look like, and how it might be attempted. Insoll rightly indicates that although archaeologists might recognize that Islamic practice was one of most significant processes in development of many societies after seventh century A.D. (through trade, politics, and social processes of conversion), they have not yet found a cohesive language to investigate and express those themes. The bulk of volume is a detailed assessment of archaeology of Islam in seven regions (Ethiopia and Horn of Africa, Nilotic Sudan, East coast, Western Sahel, Central Sudan, West Sudan and forest, and the interior). Insoll's regional summaries show dexterity in working with minutiae of regional archaeological sequences. This work perhaps necessarily duplicates a considerable amount of summarizing done by other fine texts, such as Graham Connah's Civilizations (2002) and David W. Phillipson's Archaeology (1993), although it includes numerous more recent findings. Whereas Connah uses archaeological data to demonstrate processes of Iron Age urbanization and state formation, Insoll's particular contribution is to investigate processes of religious transformation during similar periods. To accomplish this goal, Insoll first argues that an archaeology of Islam in sub-Saharan Africa requires an integration of multiple sources, including those of archaeology, ethnography, history, architecture, and linguistics. second, Insoll attempts to establish a material baseline for what he defines as two discrete religious traditions: Islam, and pre-Islamic African traditional religions. These archaeologically detectable manifestations include ritual architecture, diet, domestic spaces, burials, and art. Third, Insoll emphasizes that archaeology of Islam must be investigated as a process, whereby Islam is contested, resisted, accepted, or integrated, thus bridging his concepts of traditional religions and Islam. He is careful to note, however, that this is no simple process from one tradition to another, but one where peoples throughout continent developed syncretic forms of religious practice that resulted in a plurality of Islams. Insoll favors trade between populations and Muslim traders as most common reason for conversion to Islam (as seen in chapters on Western Sahel, Nilotic Sudan, East coast, and West Sudan). …

The Archaeology of Ancient Greece. By James Whitley. Cambridge World Archaeology. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. [xxvi] + 484. $90.00 (cloth); $32.00 (paper).

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewThe Archaeology of Ancient Greece. By James Whitley. Cambridge World Archaeology. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. [xxvi] + 484. $90.00 (cloth); $32.00 (paper).Jonathan M. HallJonathan M. HallUniversity of Chicago Search for more articles by this author University of ChicagoPDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Classical Philology Volume 98, Number 3July 2003 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/420723 Views: 93Total views on this site Permission to reprint a review in this section may be obtained only from the author.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

The Archaeology of Elam: Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State. By D. T. Potts. Cambridge World Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Pp. xxix + 490 + 30 figs. $85.

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewThe Archaeology of Elam: Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State. By D. T. Potts. Cambridge World Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Pp. xxix + 490 + 30 figs. $85.Kamyar AbdiKamyar AbdiDartmouth College Search for more articles by this author Dartmouth CollegePDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Journal of Near Eastern Studies Volume 62, Number 1January 2003 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/375920 Views: 10Total views on this site Permission to reprint a book review in this section may be obtained only from the author.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.