Calls For Violence Research Articles

Social media and the vitiating public sphere: Role of digital assemblages in the production of hate speech in India

In the digital era, communities with common interests interacting on social media often lead to varying mobilizations. Augmented with an imagined sense of community (nation), these interactions fuel ultra-nationalist sentiments. This leads to the production of communal violence that targets minorities. The increase in anti-Muslim reportage done by mainstream media in recent years has also legitimized the systemic othering of Muslims. Calls for violence and genocide against Muslims have now become the new normal in India. In this light, social media’s rise signifies a tectonic shift resulting in the creation of a majoritarian digital Hindu identity that facilitates the state’s goal of institutionalized hate. In this article, we try to evaluate how the democratization of social media platforms functions as a tool for political mobilization and how, when exploited by digital hate-driven communities, this results in violence against minorities. Through a comprehensive analysis of such digital assemblies in the Indian context, we seek to acknowledge this culture of hate that is taking digital India by storm.

Collective resilience in diaspora groups: a study of Kurdish youth in Canada and Sweden

ABSTRACT For decades, oppressive state policies have forced some Kurds to leave Turkey and seek refuge in Western countries, including Sweden and Canada. We conducted semi-structured interviews with Kurdish youth living in Canada and Sweden (N = 15) to explore the role of identity-related grievances in their involvement in the Kurdish movement, a political movement comprised of an array of actors including an armed group, political parties, and civil society organizations. By implementing the Building Resilience Against Violent Extremism (BRAVE) tool, we investigated their collective resilience against calls for violence, extremist views, and challenges caused by repression. Findings indicated that the major factors in their involvement were the restrictions on their language, culture, and identity; the discrimination and injustices against them and their community; the traumatic events that they experienced or witnessed; and the involvement of their family and community members in the movement. The overall resilience scores of the participants were high (M = 58.67 out of a potential 14–70), but they scored lower when their relationship with Turkish authorities is considered (M = 53.13; SD = 5.65) than with their host countries after resettlement (M = 58. 67; SD = 6.25).

Preventing Catastrophic Cyber–Physical Attacks on the Global Maritime Transportation System: A Case Study of Hybrid Maritime Security in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore

This paper examines hybrid threats to maritime transportation systems and their governance responses; focusing on the congested Straits of Malacca and Singapore (SOMS) as an illustrative case study. The methodology combines secondary sources with primary data from 42 expert interviews, a 28 respondent survey, and two maritime security roundtables. Key findings were that ships’ critical systems are increasingly interconnected, yet aging IT infrastructure and minimal cybersecurity awareness among crews heighten risks. Meanwhile, regional terrorist groups have previously targeted shipping and shown considerable skill in exploiting online tools, aligning with broader calls for jihadist violence. Furthermore, opportunistic piracy persists in the SOMS with the potential to disrupt shipping. Experts confirmed that maritime cybersecurity lags behind other critical infrastructure sectors and needs updated governance. Initial International Maritime Organization (IMO) guidelines lack specificity but revisions and updated IMO guidance are in process, while Port state implementation of maritime cybersecurity standards varies. Crucially, information sharing remains inadequate, even as recorded attacks increase. Findings underscore that although major hybrid incidents have not occurred, simulations and threat actors’ capabilities demonstrate potential for catastrophic collisions or cascading disruption in congested waterways. Mitigating factors like redundancy and crew training are deficient currently. Some alignment between SOMS states on maritime security cooperation exists, but not on cyber threats specifically. Key recommendations include an anonymous cyber attack reporting system, reinforced training and shipboard systems, and consolidated regional frameworks. Until these priorities are addressed, the analysis concludes that hybrid vulnerabilities in this vital global chokepoint remain a serious concern.

Violence in pandemic times: The dynamic relationship between COVID‐19 and intimate partner violence

AbstractIntimate partner violence (IPV) increased during the COVID‐19 lockdown, but few studies use national data and explore underlying mechanisms. To address this gap, we study the changes in IPV during the first ten months of the pandemic in Peru. We study the number of calls received by the national helpline for domestic violence victims, Línea 100, using an event study model. Results show that during lockdown, IPV calls experienced nonlinear variations. Calls for psychological violence showed the most significant variation, followed by those for physical violence, while no significant changes for sexual violence were identified. Prior history of violence and alcohol or drug consumption appears to be the most important underlying mechanisms. Results suggest that policy efforts during acute health and economic crises should aim at risk factors that typically predict violence and prioritize rapidly connecting survivors to quality services.

Generating Public Engagement to Control Protests: State-managed Vigilantism in Poland

Based on the expanded theory of soft repression and a qualitative news frame analysis, the article traces the dynamics of the mobilisation of non-violent means to block the All-Poland Women's Strike and decrease the cost of hard repression. It unpacks two aspects of generating negative public engagement in controlling protests: the public media's use of ridicule, stigma, and silencing and calls for countermovement violence and legitimising it. The main argument is that the Polish public media used interpretative frames characteristic of soft repression to challenge the movement and determine what ordinary people could do to contain threats to the government and regime stability resulting from protests. The new empirical approach reveals the non-obvious function of soft repression acting as an incitement tool for mobilising opponents of protesters under repression to steer dissent. By going beyond traditional illegitimating and demobilising functions of soft repression, the study provides an in-depth examination of the public media's endeavours to neutralise threats to the government and stabilise the Polish political system. Integrating the theory of soft repression and negative public engagement, the study advances an explanation of a managed change in the model of protest policing, which is making vigilantes the agents of protest control.

Cross-Platform Reactions to the Post-January 6 Deplatforming

We study changes in social media usage following the ‘Great Deplatforming’ inthe aftermath of the 6 January 2021 attack on the US Capitol. Following theattack, several major platforms banned thousands of accounts, ostensibly tolimit misinformation about voter fraud and suppress calls for violence. At thesame time, alternative platforms like Gab, BitChute, and Parler welcomed thesedeplatformed individuals. We identify three key patterns: First, in studyingthe platforms that emerged among users seeking alternative spaces, we see highfrequencies of users bridging these communities announcing their intent to joinnon-mainstream platforms to their audiences on mainstream platforms. Second, focusing on platforms that were created to be alternative, anti-censorshipspaces, deplatforming preceded a sustained increase in engagement with Gabacross Twitter, Reddit, and Google search, while Parler saw a steep decline inengagement. Third, examining the language in these spaces, toxic discourseincreased briefly on Reddit and Twitter but returned to normal after the deplatforming, while Gab became more toxic. These results suggest that whiledeplatforming may precede a reduction in targeted discussions within a specific platform, it can incentivize users to seek alternative platforms where thesediscussions are less regulated and often more extreme.As these alternative spaces are often more political and extreme than their mainstream counterparts, deplatforming may drive single-platform improvements at the expense of the larger information ecosystem.

СООТНОШЕНИЕ ВИДОВ ЭКСТРЕМИЗМА И УГОЛОВНО-ПРАВОВЫХ МЕХАНИЗМОВ ПРОТИВОДЕЙСТВИЯ

Extremist activity, which includes acts of various kinds, united by radical ideas of humiliation or superiority based on political, religious, social, racial and other discord, requires an adequate criminal legal response. The article analyzes the level of danger of all manifestations of extremism, enshrined in Article 1 of the Federal Law "On Countering extremist activity". Certain shortcomings of the criminal law have been identified, mechanisms for establishing an adequate criminal-legal response depending on the danger of extremist sentiments are proposed. Extremist actions that are not related to violence (or calls for violence) should be assessed as an administrative offense, the repeated commission of such actions should entail criminal liability. Criminal-legal mechanisms of counteraction should be included for extremist actions of a violent nature. The necessity to provide calls for violent actions aimed at violating the territorial integrity of the state as a qualified sign of the corpus delicti provided for in Article 2801 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation is proved. Considering that criminal liability for propaganda of exclusivity or superiority for an "extremist" motive is not provided for by criminal law, it is proposed to establish criminal liability for propaganda of exclusivity, superiority of a person on the basis of his social, racial, national, religious or linguistic affiliation or attitude to religion if there is an administrative prejudice.

MENUJU HARMONI DALAM KERAGAMAN PERSPEKTIF AL-QUR’AN

Diversity or diversity is a gift and provision of Allah SWT. for his people to know each other, understand, install and bind. However, the fact is often the trigger for division by mutual hostility and hatred between one another. This research examines in depth about diversity and unity in the perspective of the Qur'an through the narrations of classical and contemporary mufassir. This study uses a thematic-contextual interpretation method that is descriptive in nature. The results of this study indicate that the diversity of religions or beliefs, culture, language, skin color is part of the sunnatullah that must be addressed wisely. The Spirit of the Qur'an emphasizes that the basic principle that must be used as a guide in dealing with this diversity is to precipitate noble values, including mutual respect (at-tasâmuh), mutual assistance (at-ta'âwun), and mutual improvement (at-tasâmuh) mutual love (at-tarahum). This fact refutes the accusations against the Qur’an which considers it a book of hatred and is full of calls for violence.

National COVID-19 lockdown and trends in help-seeking for violence against children in Zimbabwe: an interrupted time-series analysis

BackgroundAn estimated 1.8 billion children live in countries where COVID-19 disrupted violence prevention and response. It is important to understand how government policies to contain COVID-19 impacted children’s ability to seek help, especially in contexts where there was limited formal help-seeking prior to the pandemic. We aimed to quantify how the national lockdown in Zimbabwe affected helpline calls for violence against children, estimated the number of calls that would have been received had the lockdown not occurred and described characteristics of types of calls and callers before and after the national lockdown.MethodsWe used an interrupted time series design to analyse the proportion of violence related calls (17,913 calls out of 57,050) to Childline Zimbabwe’s national child helpline between 2017 to 2021. We applied autoregressive integrated moving average regression (ARIMA) models to test possible changes in call trends before and after the March 2020 lockdown and forecasted how many calls would have been received in the absence of lockdown. In addition, we examined call characteristics before and after lockdown descriptively.ResultsThe proportion of violence related calls decreased in the 90 days after the lockdown and subsequently returned to pre-COVID-19 levels. We estimate that 10.3% (95% confidence interval [CI] 6.0–14.6%) more violence related calls would have occurred in this period had there not been a lockdown. Violence was increasingly reported as occurring in children’s households, with fewer reports from children and formal child protection actors.ConclusionsLockdowns dramatically change everyday life and strain populations, which is unlikely to reduce violence prevalence but may reduce help-seeking. The three months after COVID-19 lockdowns may be key time periods when help-seeking for violence decreases drastically. Policy makers should ensure that in-person and remote services support help-seeking. Interventions and campaigns may additionally want to target adult female family members in encouraging reporting of suspected violence cases when they occur within households and are perpetuated by other family members. We suggest a composite approach of scaling-up remote reporting mechanisms that are accessible and geographically well-distributed, establishing non-traditional sites for help seeking within communities and continuing limited in-person home visitation for known cases of violence.

Collective Action, Memories of 1989, and Social Media

How does social media facilitate deliberation and collective remembering of past revolutions amid protests in democratizing contexts? To explore this question, I performed a qualitative and quantitative analysis of a unique archive of tweets posted during Moldova’s Twitter Revolution in 2009. The research revealed that Twitter enabled users living in Moldova and Romania to connect online, share information, and chat about the meanings of revolution, civil society activism, and resistance to state oppression, all while providing updates to Western media and warning the public about human rights abuses. Also, the research uncovered that the #pman audiences from Moldova and Romania framed the protest differently. Whereas the Moldovans regarded it as a demonstration against election fraud, the Romanian twitterers framed the events as an anti-communist uprising analogous to the 1989 Revolution, which they mythologized to extract useful strategies for action communicated to the Moldovan activists. Moreover, twitterers from both countries engaged in a transborder conversation about unionism and national identity. Despite Twitter’s documented positive impact on political engagement and Western media reporting, it simultaneously contributed to misinformation through the circulation of rumors, conspiracy theories, and calls for violence.

Reported User-Generated Online Hate Speech: The ‘Ecosystem’, Frames, and Ideologies

The spread of hate speech challenges the health of democracy and media systems in contemporary societies. This study aims to contribute to a better understanding of user-generated online hate speech reported by Internet users to national monitoring organizations, in particular its ‘ecosystem‘, discursive elements, and links to political discourses. First, we analyzed the main characteristics of the reported statements (source, removal rate, and targets) to reveal the media and political context of reported user-generated online hate speech. Next, we focused on hate speech statements against migrants and analyzed their discursive elements with the method of critical frame analysis (frames, actors, metaphors, and references) to understand the corresponding discourse. The main discursive feature of these statements is the prognosis, which calls for death and violence, so we could label this communication as ‘executive speech.’ Other key features are references to weapons and Nazi crimes from WWII, indicating the authors’ extreme-right ideological convictions, and the metaphors, employed to provoke disgust from migrants, present them as culturally inferior and raise fears about their supposed violent behavior. The corresponding diagnoses frame migrants as a threat in a similar way to populist political discourses of othering and complement these in providing ‘final’ solutions in prognoses.

Meir Kahane and Race as Incarnational Theology

The widespread receptivity of Jewish communities around the world to Meir Kahane demands that we reconsider our narrative of modern Jewish history and religious thought. His racism, calls for violence, and protofascism are startling, given the standard presentation that liberalism and assimilation mark the modern Jewish era. Even more startling is that Kahane's name almost never appears in the major surveys of American Judaism, the history of Zionism, and modern Jewish thought. Yet, Kahane's influence is growing rapidly and already outweighs the influence of most other modern Jewish thinkers and shows no sign of abating, especially with the rise of authoritarian regimes around the world.

Hate speech towards LGBT in Ukrainian online media

The article presents the results of a content-analytical study of 243 publications in online media of Ukraine during 2021 in comparison with the results of earlier monitorings of Ukrainian offline and online media. Analysis of both scientific literature shows that hate speech against minorities (in particular, LGBT) is an urgent issue that has a distinct practical dimension, because the spread of hate in the online environment can have the nature of an epidemic and be accompanied by an increase in violent acts. Although the results have a number of limitations (different ways of forming selective sets of media materials in the analyzed studies, lack of research consensus on the definition of hate speech, attribution of the collected data to the period before the beginning of the massive invasion of the Russian Federation troops on the territory of Ukraine and impossibility of reflecting the state of society in the war time), it showed that the number of news related to LGBT was decreasing, despite of media samples design. Publications containing hate speech were from 2 to 25%. Hate speech in these publications was usually quotes and does not express the position of the journalist. Hate speech arose in the context of both public and internal actions of the LGBT community and was accompanied by calls for violence or violence itself. Stronger hate speech was more typical for anonymous internet commentators, street hooligans (including those from organized right-wing gangs), and small local public figures. The collected materials are analyzed in the paradigm of R. Connell’s hierarchy of masculinities. Hate speech is characteristic primarily for the statements of athletes, military and politicians, that is, those who are associated in the public consciousness with the stereotypical image of a “real man”. In further studies, approaches to the formation of media samples should be standardized, as well as, the tools for automatic or semi-automatic content analysis should be developed. All this will facilitate the study of changes in hate speech in the public space.

Проблеми інформаційної гігієни в ІТ-сфері

In social production there is a constant expansion of the range of professions related to information processing. In addition to the emergence of new professions, computer information processing is also being introduced into a number of traditional professions. Therefore, requests to ensure healthy working conditions in such workplaces have led to the emergence of such an area of life safety and health and safety as information hygiene. An urgent task is to study the rules and regulations when working with information in the field of information technology. Problems that arise when working with information include increased intensity of information flows, simultaneous inclusion of multiple information flows, heterogeneity of incoming tasks, or excessive monotony of information flow, ambiguous information, ignorance of the operator regarding information, short deadlines. In addition, the state of the user of information is significantly affected by the emotional color of information, increased density of destructive facts, calls for hostility and violence, negative predictions, covert manipulation and more. The mental burden on the employee who processes information and makes decisions based on it depends on the spread of responsibility and the degree of responsibility, the magnitude of possible losses in making mistakes or making decisions, especially when it comes to significant financial obligations, and even more risk to the state. for human health and life. Due to the expansion of the range of professions related to the interaction of workers with information flows, the introduction of information hygiene as a unit of labor protection is an urgent task. Due to the specifics of working with information as a means and product of labor, it is necessary to study the working conditions of workers in typical IT jobs and the impact of information flows on the well-being and health of people performing different types of work. It is necessary to develop a set of rules and recommendations of information hygiene in the interaction of employees with information. An important task is to determine the types of work associated with intensive information flows and to conduct experimental research to determine the maximum allowable workload of workers in the performance of these works.

Comparing 911 and emergency hotline calls for domestic violence in seven cities: What happened when people started staying home due to COVID-19?

Research Summary: We examine changes in help‐seeking for domestic violence (DV) in seven U.S. cities during the COVID‐19 pandemic. Using Bayesian structural time‐series modeling with daily data to construct a synthetic counterfactual, we test whether calls to police and/or emergency hotlines varied in 2020 as people stayed home due to COVID‐19. Across this sample, we estimate there were approximately 1030 more calls to police and 1671 more calls to emergency hotlines than would have occurred absent the pandemic. Policy Implications: Interagency data sharing and analysis holds great promise for better understanding localized trends in DV in real time. Research‐practitioner partnerships can help DV coordinated community response teams (CCRTs) develop accessible and sustainable dashboards to visualize data and advance community transparency. As calls for drastic changes in policing are realized, prioritization of finite resources will become critical. Data‐driven decision‐making by CCRTs provides an opportunity to work within resource constraints without compromising the safety of DV victims.

Interactions between law enforcement and women of color at high-risk of lethal intimate partner violence: An application of interpersonal justice theory

ABSTRACT Research suggests that women of color (WOC) survivors are often dissatisfied with police response to their calls for intimate partner violence (IPV) assistance due to disrespectful, apathetic, and rude treatment. A strong empirical relationship exists between severity of abuse and police help-seeking among WOC survivors more generally; however, scarce literature exists examining the nature of interactions between officers and WOC survivors during life-threatening abuse situations. This study contributes to the literature by examining WOC's satisfaction with law enforcement response within an interpersonal justice framework, and how survivors' “severe abuse contexts” contribute to police help-seeking decision-making. In-depth interviews were conducted with high-risk WOC IPV survivors. Results revealed two themes that describe participants’ perceptions of police treatment as dismissive/lethargic (T1) and hostile/callous (T2). Findings suggest that unfair treatment from officers has dangerous implications for ongoing survivor safety among WOC. Non-carceral IPV prevention and survivor safety enhancement perspectives are also discussed.

South Africa: Restitution, equality and justice

The article is a review of the book Another Country. Everyday Social Restitution by Charlene Schwartz (Cape Town; 2016). The author believes that the history of South Africa is complex and contradictory, and the problem of equality, justice and regulation of race relations is actual under overcoming the apartheid - when passions ran high, and black South Africans want to put an end to the shameful past, when their human dignity was violated, their children did not have a decent future, because they could not get education and profession, and the cherished dream of the black child was to become white. Schwartz shows that the life of the black majority has improved in both financial and educational terms, and all changes were enshrined in law; however, in the psychological perspective, there is still a feeling of inferiority, which determines not only pain and shame, but also anger and aggression, especially among young people, and leads to calls for violence against the white minority. On the other hand, the white minority is stressed due to the transition from the privileged position to the outcasts, is often removed from prestigious jobs and elite residential areas, and the very survival of the white population often demands self-isolation. Several generations of Afrikaners consider South Africa their homeland and do not want to leave it despite all threats. Thus, the question is how to reconcile two opposing groups and ensure racial peace. This difficult situation is studied by Schwartz with trainings at the University of Cape Town - together with her students she searches for a decision urgently needed for survival and a civilized society.

Haiti and the Black Intellectual Tradition, 1829–1934

In September 1829, David Walker published the first edition of his Appeal to the Coloured Citizens of the World, a pamphlet that became a stirring call to arms for both slaves and free blacks alike. Walker's audience was blacks in the United States and his aim was to foster black unity and education, combat racial stereotypes, and make the case for the abolition of slavery. Like most abolitionists, black and white, Walker hoped that the end of slavery could come about through peaceful means. Unlike most other abolitionists, however, Walker openly called for slaves to violently resist their bondage, stating, “it is no more harm for you to kill a man, who is trying to kill you, than it is for you to take a drink of water when thirsty.” While advocates of pacifism and nonviolence often based their positions on their Christian faith, it was Walker's Christianity which lent support to his calls for revolutionary violence. “Does the Lord condescend to hear their cries and see their tears in consequence of oppression?” he asked. “Will he let the oppressors rest comfortably and happy always? Will he not cause the very children of the oppressors to rise up against them, and oftimes to put them to death?” Walker firmly believed that God would have his vengeance on blacks’ oppressors and that the vehicles for that vengeance might very well be the slaves themselves.

Effects of the Global Coronavirus Disease-2019 Pandemic on Early Childhood Development: Short- and Long-Term Risks and Mitigating Program and Policy Actions

Effects of the Global Coronavirus Disease-2019 Pandemic on Early Childhood Development: Short- and Long-Term Risks and Mitigating Program and Policy Actions

Мирність як обов’язкова ознака права на свободу зібрань

Метою даною статті є дослідження змісту поняття «мирність», його складових, як обов’язкової ознаки права на свободу мирних зібрань.
 Наукова новизна. У статті окреслено лінгвістичне, юридичне, літературне розуміння поняття «мир», «мирність», що забезпечує всебічне, об’єктивне розуміння даного поняття та якісне використання даних понять у правовій науці. У вітчизняній юридичній науці відсутні наукові дослідження ознак права на свободу мирних зібрань, а саме ключової ознаки – мирності, що породжує прогалину теоретичної науки, яка позначається на практиці застосування норм позитивного права. Як наслідок, проведено теоретико-методологічне дослідження поняття «мирності», що усуває наявну прогалину у праві. Адже для громадянського суспільства та демократичної держави надзвичайно актуальним є підтримання миру та безпеки під час проведення мирних зібрань.
 Висновки. Мирність, як ознака права на свободу мирних зібрань має включати в себе мирну мету, повагу до людини, її честі та гідності, прав, свобод та інтересів, повагу до суспільного устрою, конституційного ладу, дотримання принципів верховенства права і законності, відсутність зброї, військового однострою, відсутність засобів приховування індивідуальності (маски), відсутність закликів до насильства, повалення влади у неконституційний спосіб. Озвучені нами ознаки є ключовими, що впливають на стан законності і правопорядку у суспільстві, а також на забезпечення прав, свобод та інтересів людини і громадянина, як організатора та учасника таких зібрань, так і сторонніх осіб, які не мають жодного відношення до такого зібрання, у тому числі й тих, котрі не розділяють поглядів організаторів та учасників мирних зібрань, які реалізують своє право на мирні зібрання. Мирність, як ознака, гарантує можливість досягнення компромісу шляхом взаємних поступок суб’єктів здійснення права на мирні зібрання та прибічників інших поглядів.