Brexit Research Articles

ВЛИЯНИЕ РЫНКА ЧЕЛОВЕЧЕСКИХ РЕСУРСОВ НА ПОЛИТИЧЕСКУЮ СТАБИЛЬНОСТЬ В СТРАНЕ

Despite the dependence of the human resource market on the market for goods and services, it acts as one of the key segments of the economic system that influences the economic and political decisions of the government. Human capital predetermines the economic development of the country both in the short term and in the long term, creating the prerequisites for effective management of natural resources, self-reproduction and ensuring return on capital. The disequilibrium state of the factor labor market causes a decrease in gross domestic product and changes in other indicators of the system of national accounts. In addition to economic problems, imbalances in the labor market also provoke political instability in the country and increase the level of uncertainty among residents. This situation arose in Great Britain at the beginning of this century, when, after the creation of a single European space for markets for goods and factors of production, uncontrolled migration from Europe became a serious challenge for residents of the country, which caused discontent among the British, the risk of a change of power and, as a result, led to Brexit. The purpose of the study is to identify the interaction between changes in the labor market and political decisions using the example of Great Britain. The objectives of the study are to establish the causes of transformations in the human resources market of the United Kingdom at the turn of the 20th–21st centuries; considering the stages of the creation of the European Union and the country’s break with it; determining the consequences of the UK's exit from the European Union. The methodology of the work includes historical-logical, comparative and systemic approaches. A dynamic study of macroeconomic indicators allows us to draw a conclusion about the direct relationship of the human resource market with the country’s political course.

The arguments for Francovich damages in respect of the UK's exit from the European Union

The arguments for Francovich damages in respect of the UK's exit from the European Union

The process of Britain exit (Brexit) from the European Union and its influence to the English language

The process of Britain exit (Brexit) from the European Union and its influence to the English language

Dynamics of Brexit Negotiations from the European Union 2016-2020 Period

This article discusses the dynamics of negotiating Britain's exit from the EU or Brexit. Negotiations between the UK and the EU took a long time, from the leadership of PM Theresa May to PM Boris Johnson. During Theresa May's time, Brexit efforts failed to materialize and succeeded under Boris Johnson who dared to maneuver by ignoring the parliament. This study uses a qualitative method using negotiation theory and the concept of national interest. Sources of data obtained through e-books, news, journals from Scopus and Google Scholar. The findings of this study are traceable causes, actors and parties involved during the negotiation process occurs. In addition, one of the reasons the UK wants to leave the EU is the reluctance of the EU to control its domination over the UK in domestic activities, in terms of the economy and the policy of free movement of workers.

Impact of Epidemics on Chinese Students in the Context of Brexit

The UK held a referendum and officially announced its departure from the European Un-ion in 2016. The political and economic landscape within the UK began to change signifi-cantly, including a sustained economic downturn, rising prices and a shortage of some re-sources. In the fourth year of the UK's exit from the EU (2019), Corona Virus Disease 2019 (COVID-19), caused by a novel coronavirus, was discovered in China and it rapidly expanded and broke out worldwide. Amidst the global tensions, Chinese students in the UK were being affected in unpredictable ways. This article will analyze the impact of Brexit and the epidemic on Chinese students in the UK in terms of the international stu-dents' financial situation, daily study and life, with the aim of helping the public to recog-nize the hardship that this group of people is now facing and to call on the public to initi-ate protection for Chinese students.

Eurooptimism and Euroscepticism on the Example of the British Labour Party, Liberal Democrats and Scottish National Party

In this article, the three British parties in terms of their attitudes towards the EU are analysed. British parties are not homogenous with no single position on Europe being dominant. Nevertheless, there has been a rise of Euroscepticism across all political parties regardless of their affiliation in the recent years. Brexit referendum has become a ‘point of no return’ since no political force in Britain has questioned British exit from the EU and its results. The debate has switched to the conditions on which the post-Brexit UK collaborates with the EU but there is no discussion whether Britain needs to return to the EU. It is a question of whether British interests have been taken into account and how close the relationship with the Europeans should be. The research reflects gradual evolution of the three British parties (Labour Party, the Liberal Democrats, and the Scottish National Party) and their attitudes towards European integration. It is shown that the Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats had a U-turn on key policies such as free movement of people or joining the Eurozone whereas the Scottish National Party reinvented itself and became a proponent of the European integration (with some reservations). The author tries to answer the question of whether the above parties could have prevented Brexit.

Populism and its impact as a response to illegal immigration: Causes and implications

This study aims to shed light on the phenomenon of populism and its importance in terms of its transformation into an ideology, and to study its manifestations and spread in democratic and non-democratic societies. The study examines the roots and reasons for the return of populism to modern political life.
 Populism is a process of building political opinions and critical intellectual orientations among the general public. This phenomenon is often transformed into ideologically packed mass beliefs with the aim of gaining power.
 Populism appeared in the nineteenth century, and the actual interest in studying it emerged more in the twentieth century, following the rise of political currents and parties in Europe, especially the nationalist and extreme right-wing parties. It came as a means of expressing a political ideology that combines the policies of extremist Right and its rhetoric, through major events such as the US elections, which were the cause of the rise of Donald Trump and the rhetoric of the far-right populist, as well as the exit of Britain from the European Union in protest against the increasing flow of immigration coming from the Middle East and North Africa and increasing suspicions. European countries, and dissatisfaction with the economic policies of the European Union created a large gap within societies, and greatly affected the political, economic and social future of these countries.

Small EU member states and Brexit: introduction

ABSTRACT This Special Issue seeks to provide a better understanding of the strategic responses to Brexit from small EU member states. To this end, it links different streams of research and presents innovative inquiries into how ten states positioned themselves in the face of the British exit and with what foreign policy ramifications. More specifically, the collection examines the different countries’ coping strategies vis-à-vis Brexit, the underlying drivers of these responses, as well as their implications for patterns of national foreign policy Europeanization. After presenting the rationale and aims of the collection, this introductory article outlines the comparative framework used by the different contributors in their country studies. It then offers an overview of the main research findings derived from the individual articles. Subsequently, it summarises the comparative findings, with all contributions pointing to significant ‘sheltering’ within the EU, while ‘hedging’ strategies receive greater visibility for the countries most directly affected by Brexit. The overall results also evince a limited Brexit impact upon the foreign policy Europeanization of the countries examined. Finally, this introduction offers a reflection on the main conceptual and empirical ‘pay-offs’ of this Special Issue, closing with some avenues for future research.

КОНКУРЕНЦИЯ ЕВРОПЕЙСКОЙ И БРИТАНСКОЙ ЮРИСДИКЦИЙ В УСЛОВИЯХ BREXIT

One of the features of the modern model of interaction between legal systems is the competition between national jurisdictions. The states use different methods to improve the efficiency of their courts in order to make their jurisdictions more attractive. The competition between jurisdictions is actively influenced by political processes. A striking example of the impact of politics on jurisdictional issues is Brexit. This article aims to consider the topical issues caused by the UK's exit from the single legal space of the EU in terms of the functioning of the civil justice system, the consequences of these processes for the mechanisms of choice of jurisdiction. Using the comparative legal method, this article explores the consequences of Brexit for Russian companies and Russia’s jurisdiction, including in connection with: a) the continuing practice of dispute resolution between Russian companies or Russian businessmen in London; b) the new conditions of competition between British and European, especially French, courts for attraction to their jurisdictions; c) the need for dispute resolution on a number of pressing issues, including those caused by the complicated geopolitical situation. The materials used include UK and European legal literature, the reports of the Council of the European Commission for the Efficiency of Justice and expert opinions of Russian and European lawyers. The conclusions include practical recommendations on how to improve the competitiveness of Russia’s jurisdiction and protect Russia's interests in the legal sphere. This article highlights the need to develop cooperation between the Russian court system and courts of the EAEU and EAEU countries, to create a system of economic dispute resolution courts, which would foster the transfer of important civil cases to the Russian jurisdiction or the jurisdiction of the EAEU.

ВЕЛИКОБРИТАНИЯ И БРЕКЗИТ: НЕКОТОРЫЕ ПОСЛЕДСТВИЯ «ВОЗВРАТА КОНТРОЛЯ»

The article explores the role of sovereignty issues in the Brexit process and its consequences. The author notes the emotional response and attractiveness of the slogan "take back control" for the supporters of the UK's exit from the European Union, but points out the difficulties of its implementation. The concept of sovereignty and its connection with EU membership are analyzed, as supporters of leaving the EU expressed concerns about limiting the UK's sovereign powers. However, the author notes that the rhetoric about the "return of control" does not take into account the modern interdependence between countries and the conditions for integration. The study shows that the British government opted for an absolutist form of sovereignty, but as a result lost effective control in many areas, especially in the economy, erecting barriers with its EU neighbors, thus not achieving the original goals of Brexit. This was clearly demonstrated by the sphere of small and medium-sized businesses, which felt the negative consequences of the decision to terminate membership in the integration entity.

Социальная ответственность предпринимательства в условиях вызовов Брекзита

The subject of the study is the norms of international, integration and national law regulating various aspects of social responsibility of entrepreneurship in the context of the UK's exit from the European Union. The purpose of the work is to consider the mechanisms laid down in the international treaties concluded between the European Union and the United Kingdom, which formalized Brexit, and regulated the solution of general issues of social protection and private aspects of social responsibility of business in the context of international disintegration. It is concluded that, despite Brexit, the British legal system is still partially influenced by EU law, especially with regard to "equal playing conditions", and the social sphere serves as an example in this. The international legal mechanisms adopted during the legal formalization of Brexit laid the foundation for ensuring a sufficient level of convergence of the legal systems of the European Union and the United Kingdom. It is revealed that the concluded agreement on trade and cooperation in relation to the sphere of social responsibility of entrepreneurship can become a model for future trade agreements of both the EU and the United Kingdom, as well as other states and other subjects of international law. The opinion was expressed that the effectiveness of the agreements reached will depend on the measures taken by the parties aimed at restoring balance and implementing obligations in relation to supply chains. It is assumed that the considered regulations in the context of Brexit promise to be significant for the international legal practice of regulating measures of social responsibility of entrepreneurship.

Managing Portfolio Risk During the BREXIT Crisis: A Cross-Quantilogram Analysis of Stock Markets and Commodities Across European Countries, the US, and BRICS

Managing Portfolio Risk During the BREXIT Crisis: A Cross-Quantilogram Analysis of Stock Markets and Commodities Across European Countries, the US, and BRICS

Brexit як ключове слово британського політичного дискурсу

This case study examines the neologism Brexit, defined in OED as "the (proposed) withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union and political processes associated with it." Coined in May 2012, this word quickly gained media currency in the United Kingdom and abroad. The political coinage has become an internationalism, i.e., it has achieved global recognition and entered other languages in its original meaning and form. After an unprecedented surge in use (by astronomical 3 400%), Brexit was declared the 2016 word of the year by Collins Dictionary and gained entry to the Oxford English Dictionary. This study explores the word's characteristics and use in the media. The data were collected from British internet magazines and newspapers and the NOW corpus (News on the Web) for the time period from May 2012 to January 2023. The study argues that the word Brexit has the following features of a keyword: social significance, high frequency, wide use in various contexts, occurrence in strong media positions, metaphorical creativity, and neological productivity. Brexit appears on magazine covers, newspaper front pages, and in headlines. Reflecting heated debates on the British exit from the EU, the word has acquired new and controversial meanings and become a rich source of word formation, thus giving rise to numerous neologisms collectively referred to as Brexit glossary or Brexicon. This glossary of Brexit terms includes "old" English words and expressions that have acquired new meanings and political terms used in everyday discussions about Brexit. The most significant contribution of the word Brexit to present-day English is the new productive suffix -exit that, transcending the boundaries of political discourse, has come into use in various other domains.

Климатическая политика Великобритании до референдума о Брекзите

The article is devoted to the problem of the UK policy on containment of global climate change mitigation since the 1990s to the date (June 23, 2016) of referendum about the UK exit from the European Union (Brexit). The UK engagement in solving the climate problem is considered through time: starting from the first approaches to reducing greenhouse gas emissions made by the conservative cabinet of John Major (1990–1997), via the attempts to outline the ways to effectively cut greenhouse gas emissions by domestic efforts while meeting the EU commitments and adhering to the United Nations climate agreement (Kyoto protocol) by the labour cabinets of Tony Blair (1997–2007) and Gordon Brown (2007–2010), and up to making concrete steps done by David Cameron – Nike Klegg coalition cabinet (2010–2015) and the conservative cabinet of D. Cameron (2015–2016) in order to implement international and domestic ‘green agenda’ during the UK recovery from a deep recession and afterwards. The problem is scrutinized with the use of a vast number of official documents and White papers on the climate change policy of British governments, the UK Department of Energy and Climate Change, the UK Department of the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs and the Foreign Office. The article shows that the implementation of energy efficiency programs and the diversification of the British energy sector towards rapid application of the low-carbon technologies (the nuclear power and the renewable energy sources) were the main driving force behind the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions as an important part of the domestic and international efforts for global climate change mitigation. The government support to the UK fast-growing green economy is seen in the article as the way to create the British and global low-carbon economy of the future.

Проблема энергетической безопасности Великобритании во время и после Брекзита (март 2017 – 2022 гг.)

The article is devoted to the problem of the ensuring the UK energy security during the UK exit from the European Union (Brexit) (March 28, 2017 – December 31, 2020) and after it (till 2022). The problem is considered in its evolution: from the cabinets of Theresa May (July 2016 – July 2019), via the activity of the Boris Johnson’s cabinets (July 2019 – September 2022), and up to the steps made by Liz Truss’s cabinet (September – October 2022) and by the current cabinet of Rishi Sunak (from October 25, 2022 till now) to strengthen the UK energy security. The article shows that the diversification of the British energy sector into the direction of growing use of low-cost, low-carbon electricity generation (on the nuclear power and the renewable energy sources) was a key for solving simultaneously several problems during and after Brexit. The quick development of the electricity generation by the renewable energy sources (especially by the construction of offshore wind and solar farms) helped to reduce the dependence of British economy on the fossil fuel supply from unstable countries of the world and from the EU and in this regard was considered by T. May’s cabinet as a mean to strengthen the UK’s position in Brexit negotiation with the EU. The successful development of electricity generation from renewable energy sources also facilitated the reduction of greenhouse gases emission (as a part of international efforts to mitigate global climate change) along with the UK economic growth and let the UK, as the first country in the world, set course for decarbonization of British economy by 2050. The author comes to the conclusion that the problems of reducing greenhouse gases emission and of reaching self-sufficiency by the British energy system have remained the main ones in ensuring the UK energy security after Brexit.

Charles Macklin and the Theatres of London

Charles Macklin and the Theatres of London

Groundshot: a pan-European, patient-centred, and data-driven approach to tackling cancer

In 2017, inspired by the US Cancer Moonshot initiative, The Lancet Oncology published a Commission on cancer research priorities in the USA. Writing in a Comment reflecting on this Commission from a European perspective, Fortunato Ciardiello and Josep Tabernero remarked, “as scientists and doctors working in Europe, we…believe that The Lancet Oncology Commission presents research priorities that must also be discussed within the European Union (EU)...[because]…large disparities in national cancer research programmes and actions in cancer care still exist between EU countries.” This astute observation has become even more complicated in the intervening years because of the UK's exit from the EU (Brexit), the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the cost-of-living crisis, and the impending risk of a global recession.

Country image effects after the Brexit crisis. A cross-cultural comparison

PurposeIn the context of Brexit, this study aims to analyse whether the worsening of the UK’s image might have triggered: worse feelings towards the tourism workers and a decrease in the final intention to travel to the UK. This paper compares responses from high and low-context tourists to identify at which target the reactions are more intense.Design/methodology/approachHypotheses were formulated in a general model based on the theory of reasoned action applied to Country Image in the tourism sector, comparing the model in high (150 responses) versus low-context (406 responses) scenarios. Structural equation modelling methodology was used.FindingsThe intention to travel to the UK worsens when two out of the three dimensions of country image worsen (aesthetical and functional) and also when feelings towards workers in this country worsen. Related to cross-cultural differences, the main effect on feelings towards workers comes from the normative dimension of the UK’s image, together with the aesthetic perception. Moreover, travellers’ intentions are influenced by functional and aesthetic perceptions of the country as well as feelings towards workers. High-context cultures showed a significantly stronger effect of the aesthetic dimension of the country on feelings towards workers.Originality/valueThis paper tries to advance the understanding of how feelings towards employees in the UK can determine future visits to this destination. In addition, some cultural differences may explain why low-context cultures are more affected by the worsening of the UK’s image after Brexit.

Differentiated Regional (Dis)Integration Post Brexit

Exit of Britain from the European Union resuscitated academic discussions on the topic of the certainty value for the unfolding of disintegrative trends in the united Europe. Nevertheless, no general perception has emerged yet of how Brexit is likely to influence the organizational prospects and viability of the European integration grouping. In most cases the conceptualizations do not escape the presentation of dichotomy between integration and disintegration as two ultimo states in international relations. In fact, these are two processes, more complexly co-related. Each of them can include a wide array of structural arrangements, some differentiation dynamism, different levels of centralization in separate domains, as well as certain (variable) numbers of participants in distinct arrangements. In this article the meaning of Brexit as a condition of further European (dis)integration is treated, as based on Alexander Bogdanov’s theory of organization. This theory serves to reconsider the established renderings of such key notions, as integration, disintegration and differentiation.The new sight is gained of immune after-effects of prior Europeanization for the political system of the UK. Cases of the Economic and Monetary Union and the Northern Ireland Protocol receive separate treatment. The latter one presents a path-breaking design for differentiated integration with subnational region participation. Yet to realize the potential of the Protocol in full, political will is needed from both London and Brussels.On the most basic level, once this large country left the EU, one could hardly imagine any of its remaining 27 members to head off further progressive development of European integration. At the same time, it has to be acknowledged that, in order to make headway in terms of integration, the EU system, rather than unification and centralization, is in need of intensified differentiation. Meanwhile, the supranational institutions, and the European Commission most notably, remain oriented towards uniform integration as their priority. This can result in lower efficacy of the EU integration policy.

Managing inclusion or preparing for exclusion? A critical examination of gender-responsive management of female Central and Eastern European prisoners in England and Wales

This article examines practitioner understandings and implementation of gender-responsive support within female prisons in England and Wales in the context of a growing emphasis on effective deportation of foreign national prisoners. Drawing on a case study of female prisoners from Central and Eastern states of the European Union (EU), we argue that the aims of gender-responsivity, designed to address women's gendered vulnerabilities to support their re-entry in the UK, are pragmatically re-shaped to accommodate the uncertainty surrounding their immigration status. We show how in practice, gender-responsive support functions at best to ‘manage’ gendered needs of women who are ‘not of interest’ to immigration authorities, and at worst to legitimate exclusion by side-lining vulnerabilities of women deemed as having ‘no right to remain’ in the UK. This occurs in the context of limited access to legal redress to challenge deportation decisions, unevenly spread resources in the female prison estate, and practitioners’ occupational cultures which emphasise paternalistic valuations of female foreign national prisoners’ femininity. We locate the findings in criminological debates about ‘gendering of borders’ and conclude with a reflection on the implications for advocacy at the time of increasingly restrictive immigration controls following the UK's exit from the EU.