This article examines the role of the popular press, particularly the Daily Mail, in shaping public opinion to facilitate the Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1902. It focuses on the role and writing of Herbert Wrigley Wilson, long-time contributor and assistant editor of the Mail. It is argued that, especially through Wilson’s writings, the Daily Mail sought to recast Japan’s image in British public opinion from negative to positive, and to create an atmosphere more conducive to alliance. The ‘selective racism’ of the Mail is shown—defending Japan in racial terms while publishing intensely racist statements regarding South African Boers and Eastern European Jewish immigrants. This was not driven by racial hierarchy but by support for the realist imperatives of the British Empire—subordinating racial prejudice to strategic needs. This study presents a significant correction to scholarship on the alliance focused solely upon elite diplomacy and discourse.

Abstract This article expands the historiography of nineteenth-century architecture by centering the logistics of information and money, people, and materials. Beginning with the 1857–58 uprising in India, it examines both buildings and infrastructure through previously unexplored archival material at the British Library and the British National Archives, alongside unpublished clerks’ memoirs and a range of gray literature. These sources and the methodological approach taken foreground previously unexplored aspects of the building’s interiors and equipment related to bureaucracy and political economy, addressing the India Office not as a singular object but as part of a system that enabled military, financial, and colonial operations. Through transregional analysis, the article situates the monumental India Office headquarters in London within a broader network of British imperialism that includes an off-site warehouse (the India Store Depot), a hostel for migrant workers (the Strangers’ Home), telegraph offices across India, and global financial markets.

Aurobindo Ghosh is the creator of a new trend of Indian nationalism. He started a new trend in modern thought and philosophy in the whole world. Rishi Aurobindo was a patriot, a nationalist revolutionary against British imperialism, a philosopher who believed in the unity of humanity. This uniqueness of his thought also established the concept of nationalism in the arena of a new spiritualism. He did not accept the concept of nationalism in the conventional sense. According to him, a nation becomes real only when the spirit of the nation is awakened in it. The ideal of nationalism developed by rishi Aurobindo is equally applicable not only to India but to all countries of the world.

In India, the educational scenario began with the Gurukul system, which later transformed into the modern school system. The concept of schooling came to our country during British colonial rule. After many inventions and research developments, education entered a glorious phase. Nowadays, when we look at our surroundings, a new concept has emerged—AI, the abbreviation of Artificial Intelligence. It has been developing since the nineteenth century, and now in the twenty-first century, its progress has gone far beyond expectations and is still continuously advancing. Our education system is changing day by day, and we are accepting its positive aspects. In our country, development has taken place in almost all sectors. When this technology is properly used in the education system, it provides better opportunities to become more knowledgeable and empowered in every aspect. At the secondary level, education acts as a starting point for students to gain better experiences and opportunities. Through this, students can develop in all aspects and bring out their full potential. Artificial Intelligence has both positive and negative impacts on education. Although it helps students gain knowledge easily and efficiently, it also creates challenges such as data privacy issues, lack of trained teachers, high cost, and misuse by students. Therefore, its implementation must be carefully managed to ensure balanced development.

ABSTRACT In the interwar period, and even into the Second World War, white Southern and Northern Rhodesians tried and failed to ‘amalgamate’ their colonies. An examination of this failure allows useful lessons to be drawn about the divergences and differences between colonial and metropolitan opinion regarding the purpose of the British Empire and the relationship between coloniser and colonised. The British Empire, ultimately, was defined by sets of interlocking contradictions. These contradictions were between the interests and demands of white settlers, metropolitan colonial officials, and the black African subjects.

Since 2019, the University of Denver has facilitated short-term travel courses in Ireland and Northern Ireland on an annual basis. The six courses epitomized emergent learning experiences where students and faculty co-created learning that connected leadership theory with Irish history. The Irish struggle for independence from British colonial rule and the peace process in Northern Ireland provided fertile ground for sense making related to complexity leadership theory, ambiguity, adaptive leadership, and intentional emergence.

Using the concept of the Cultural Interface (CI), this study investigated the continuity of colonial ideas in contemporary early literacy policies. The data sources consisted of semi-structured interview scripts and key documents presenting Zambia’s, the United States Agency for International Development’s (USAID) and World Bank’s early literacy policy ideas. These sources were analysed using the Thought Ritual process. The analysis reveals a continuity of colonial ideas, particularly the notion that Indigenous people lack a knowledge system to foster Western civilisation or economic development. To justify colonial ideas, Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) were framed as primitive, even though the term ‘poverty’ is used in the contemporary era. During the colonial era, civilisation was to be fostered through adapted education and mass literacy. After the colonial era, this foundation was mainly used for self-determination—to control and continue developing Western institutions after the departure of the British Empire. This manifests in simplified early literacy policies geared towards poverty reduction through gender equality, health and a heavy emphasis on the technical ability to read Indigenous languages, while sidelining the broader integration of IKS. This paper provides new insights into coloniality by highlighting the subtle but persistent ways colonial ideas are embedded in contemporary early literacy policies and their effects on IKS in Zambia.

ABSTRACT This article examines how sovereignty and treaties functioned as colonial instruments during the British occupation of Java (1811–1815). The British East India Company imposed the language of sovereignty not to engage with Javanese polities, but to justify conquest and colonisation to audiences in London: the Court of Directors, Parliament, and the Crown. Treaties concluded with the Susuhunan of Surakarta and the Sultan of Yogyakarta were not negotiated settlements between equals but performative acts of legality – legal pantomimes designed to transform wars of aggression into wars of self-defence and to mask unlawful conquest beneath the veneer of international law. By selectively translating and circulating documents such as the 1749 deed of Pakubuwono II, Daendels’s 1808 proclamation, and the 1792 Yogyakarta contract, Lord Minto and Thomas Stamford Raffles constructed a fictive genealogy of European paramountcy in Java. In dispatches, they presented Javanese rulers as dependent vassals whose independence had long since been extinguished, even as those rulers – particularly Sultan Hamengkubuwono II – continued to assert political authority and resist British demands. The disjuncture between British claims and Javanese realities culminated in the assault on Yogyakarta in June 1812, where plunder and violence resolved the contradiction between colonial narrative and indigenous autonomy.

ABSTRACT Rural Community Development is a course of action aimed at developing communities and improving living standards. If steered by community members, then community development can leverage social networks, strengthen community organizations and foster community wellbeing. This study, therefore, traces the legacies of traditional and colonial natural resources management and community development CD) endeavours to reflect on the causes of regional differences. Using a systematic literature review it is shown that CD requires civic mindedness that is more pervasive in former British colonies compared to those ruled by France and other European nations. The study also revealed that the British colonial indirect rule system has uniquely enabled greater community-led development in former British colonies in Sub-Saharan Africa, by retaining some level of local leadership. However, the notable exclusion of women in local leadership must be dealt with if CD is to be successful in the long run. The study argues that CD and community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) approaches are context-specific approaches due to diverse social and cultural structures. The study suggests building local capacity is essential, as empowered communities are more likely to drive change and sustain development efforts. However, research is required on the degree of success of CBNRM in the phase of increasing population exerting pressure on resources.

Abstract Recently, there have been several histories of the British Empire written through the lens of a single family. These works – which this review refers to as imperial family biographies – trace the activities, ideas, and/or connections of a group of individuals from the same family, usually spanning more than one generation, as they roved across the time and space of empire. They facilitate an understanding of a networked, informal British Empire, held together by personal bonds and material goods, and an imperial politics shaped by emotions, affections, and identities. Currently, imperial family biographies tend to prioritize asking what families can reveal about empire, rather than what empire can reveal about families; family networks are used as case studies, dictating the bounds of study and illustrating wider imperial themes. This review argues that this genre of history writing is most successful when families are interpreted as imperial agents that drove historical change, rather than merely conduits for individual action or means by which individuals were connected across empire. This can be achieved through a thorough engagement with the historiography on families and through centralizing concepts such as family identity, family culture, family structure, and family function.

Cricket has an intimate connection with place and nationhood. The diffusion of cricket across the British Empire embedded the game in the national imagination of several colonies, which has continued to be reinforced through a system of international cricket. This relationship between cricket and country has been disrupted by the rise of mediacricket, which has threatened the international model and reduced place-based representation to brand identity. Conversely, the deterritorializing influence of mediacricket has coincided with the global reassertion of populist nationalism. In this paper, I explore how the collision of mediacricket and nationalism has reconfigured the structure of global cricket, with a particular focus on the game’s relationship with place and nationhood. In response, I argue that mediacricket and nationalism are not necessarily opposed but have generated new hierarchies that are propelled by India’s geopolitical and economic hegemony over global cricket.

Brunei Darussalam is an absolute monarchy with the Malay Islamic Monarchy (MIB) philosophy that combines Malay culture, Islamic teachings, and the sultanate system in its legal and governmental structure. Brunei's legal system is dual in character: common law inherited from the British Empire and Islamic law, which was further strengthened after independence in 1984. This dynamic reached a critical point with the enactment of the Sharia Penal Code Order (SPCO) 2013, which expanded the scope of Islamic law from the family sphere to the criminal sphere. This article aims to analyze the development of Brunei's legal and judicial system within the MIB framework and examine legal reforms through the SPCO 2013. The research method used is a qualitative literature study approach, through a review of primary literature in the form of regulations and official documents, as well as secondary literature such as journal articles, books, and academic publications. The results of the study indicate that Brunei's legal system was formed from the interaction between British colonial influences, Islamic traditions, and the political legitimacy of the Sultan, united by the MIB ideology as a normative basis. The 2013 SPCO emphasized a more comprehensive transformation of Islamic law, despite international criticism regarding hudud punishments. In conclusion, Brunei's legal system serves not only as a normative tool but also as a political, social, and cultural instrument in strengthening the nation's identity.

In the Freedom Movement of India, the Assamese Women played an important role by participating actively or passively against the British colonial rule from the year 1920 to 1947. Like other women of various part of the country, the Assamese women were also taking part in various phase of the freedom movement of India against the British. They actively participated in the non-co-operation movement which started from 1920, in the Civil disobedient movement 1930 and Quit India movement 1942. They actively involved with organized form against the imperialistic British rule. In this paper, an attempt has been made about the role played by Assamese women and how they helped to the men in freedom movement of India.

Ondo-Ekiti is located to modern-day South-western Nigeria. It was a subsistent economy with its food culture as a great determinant of its general heritage prior to colonial influence. The long existed tradition shifted base sooner than western education was imbibed and adopted as a major economic factor through which the old culture changed for new ideas. The indigenous fast food contents became threatened by foreign fast food as a result of urban deals and quest for capital economy under the British imperialists. Research methodology comprised of primary and secondary sources of data collection. Primary source included Archival materials and oral interviews. Chief Secretary’s Office documents (CSO), data about the colonial influence on the fast food were collected. Oral interviews were conducted with fifty (50) adults from age fifty (50) and above in the Ondo-Ekiti area. Secondary source included printed materials such as books, journals, bulletins and the internet. Data collected were interpreted from the historical perspective. Findings showed that the indigenous fast food of Ondo-Ekiti have been threatened to disappearance, and the modern youths can no longer see and identify them. The study concluded that Ondo-Ekiti cannot avoid the influence of modernity but should adjust profitably to its benefits.

ABSTRACT As a result of exposure to a classical education or to the histories permeating the popular culture of the British Empire, many Australian soldiers who went overseas during World War I were receptive to encounters with the past. There are examples of soldiers practising amateur archaeology and souveniring artefacts. The officially sanctioned excavation and appropriation of the Shellal Mosaic is the most well known, but there were many small-scale instances of similar activity. This article assesses the evidence for Australian encounters with Roman antiquities at Brightlingsea, Essex. Notwithstanding the limitations of this evidence and the scope for further research, we argue that the likelihood is that Australians did unearth and souvenir Roman artefacts at Brightlingsea. Like similar incidents from other theatres of the war, many of which were also poorly documented, it helps to illustrate the way in which engagement with the material culture of the past was a significant aspect of Australians’ wartime experience.

This paper examines how generative artificial intelligence (AI) reproduces colonial visual tropes when tasked with representing Aotearoa New Zealand's historical past. Using OpenAI's Sora as a case study, the analysis investigates AI‐generated images prompted to depict (1) precolonial landscapes, (2) first contact between Māori and Europeans, (3) British colonial rule, and (4) Māori figures from the 1860s. Drawing on iconographic methods, the study finds that Sora‐generated outputs closely mirror dominant settler‐colonial visual conventions. These include portrayals of the land as terra nullius, colonisation as peaceful and consensual, and Māori as timeless, passive figures. Rather than offering disruptive alternatives, Sora reinforces hegemonic memory frameworks learned from biased training data. As generative AI tools become increasingly influential in shaping public understandings of the past, such depictions matter; they naturalise myths of benevolent colonisation and undermine Māori claims to political sovereignty, redress, and cultural revitalisation. The paper concludes by evaluating possible interventions at three stages of the AI development pipeline—preprocessing, model training, and postprocessing—while also highlighting the importance of AI literacy in enabling users to critically prompt and repurpose these technologies for decolonial ends.

ABSTRACT This article explores the impact of the Atlantic Charter, a key World War II era document authored by US President Franklin Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, on Africans and people of African descent worldwide. No sooner had the Charter been released than Churchill, especially, tried to walk it back, claiming that its eight principles applied only to the European countries then under Nazi occupation and not to the colonies of Africa and Asia, including the British Empire. Rejecting Churchill’s ‘White Atlantic’ spin, anticolonial activists in the colonies, backed by allies and supporters in the metropoles, embraced the Charter as their own and insisted on its universal validity and applicability. Anticolonial activists in the British West African colonies and elsewhere in global Africa deployed the Charter to mobilise for a better postwar dispensation, including self-government and national independence. The Charter also provided political fodder for many in the United States, including African Americans linking colonialism and racism. Thus the Atlantic Charter, which some feared would become ‘just another piece of propaganda’, was made to live up to its promise as a ‘great historical document’ that informed both wartime struggles and the postwar dispensation.

Abstract This article traces the origins and evolution of the Shanghai Bund within a comparative framework of transimperial urban forms. Existing scholarship has offered divergent interpretations – imperial metropolitan precedents, cross-colonial transfers and local antecedents – which this article argues are complementary rather than contradictory. It further moves beyond broad regional claims through specifying concrete cases supported by new archival evidence. Drawing on records mainly from the Shanghai Municipal Archives, The National Archives in the UK and contemporary newspapers, the article shows how Singapore’s Boat Quay, Calcutta’s Strand Road and London’s Thames Embankment were selectively appropriated to meet shifting sanitary, political and economic needs. Localized over successive decades, these borrowings crystallized into a Bund form – landscaped, monumental, with a financial core and technologically modern – that became a model for other treaty ports and was reproduced across the imperial world and beyond. The Bund’s history is thus a microcosm of the circulation and remaking of ideas within the wider networks of the British Empire.

ABSTRACT Following Dutch and British colonial rule, Indigenous communities along the West Kalimantan border experienced a profound transformation, shifting from statelessness to incorporation into national frameworks through the assignment of formal citizenship. This transition, however, generated enduring challenges, as the emergence of the nation-state divided Dayak communities across arbitrarily drawn borders and reshaped citizenship through cross-border kinship and national affiliations. This study investigates the informal dimensions of citizenship, focusing on kinship networks, social interactions, and cultural exchanges among the Dayak Bidayuh communities in Sontas and Entubuh. Based on our findings, we argue that the forms of citizenship practiced by the communities in Sontas and Entubuh reflect a complex understanding of transnational citizenship – one that goes beyond the implementation of conventional citizenship. This is evident in their social lifeworlds, cross-border mobility, and shared cultural rituals, all of which are not confined by territorial boundaries. This paper advocates for a postcolonial reconstruction of citizenship identity, emphasizing a more inclusive framework that acknowledges the rights and lived experiences of Indigenous communities affected by colonial legacies. This study also broadens transnational citizenship literature by exploring indigenous cross-border mobility, rooted in kinship, ancestral landscapes, and colonial memory, often overlooked in migrant and diaspora-focused research.

This paper examines the evolution of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) in Tanzania, tracing its origins from traditional methods used by African societies that emphasized community cohesion before colonialism. The British colonial rule introduced a formal legal system in 1920 through the Tanganyika Order in Council, which integrated customary law with English common law. After independence, Tanzania enacted several laws, including the Civil Procedure Code, mandating the referral of civil actions to ADR methods such as negotiation, conciliation, mediation, and arbitration. The study utilized both qualitative and quantitative methods, including document analysis, structured interviews, and surveys of legal practitioners and ADR experts to gather data on their experiences and perceptions of ADR practices. The analysis involved thematic coding of qualitative data and statistical evaluation of survey responses to identify trends and challenges within the ADR framework. Despite the growing significance of ADR, there was a lack of regulatory frameworks governing practitioners before 2021, raising concerns about professional misconduct. Recent amendments to the Civil Procedure Code introduced additional ADR modes, but challenges regarding practitioner accreditation and ethical standards persist. This paper highlights the need for comprehensive regulatory measures to enhance the integrity and effectiveness of ADR practices in Tanzania.